Thèses sur le sujet « Socialismo liberale »

Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Ciências Humanas, Programa de Pós-Graduação em História, 2014.
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O Partido Socialista Brasileiro (PSB) é objeto de pesquisa desta dissertação de mestrado. Os enfoques deste trabalho estão situados na análise da formação do PSB, partido político surgido no processo de redemocratização brasileira de 1945, por meio da ação de variados atores com experiências e ideias políticas que, embora estivessem todas no campo ideológico da esquerda, eram substantivamente distintas do pensamento de esquerda, mais ortodoxo, em especial o marxismo stalinista do PCB. Este trabalho também consiste em analisar os elementos peculiares que caracterizaram o projeto socialista democrático do PSB, que combinava igualdade social com liberdades civis e políticas. Enfatiza-se na análise as modificações sofridas pelo projeto e pelo discurso do PSB, que são visíveis a partir da década de 1950. Por fim, analisa-se a história do partido no período entre 1945-1965. Debruçamo-nos sobre a experiência e sobre o percurso do socialismo democrático no Brasil por meio das ações do partido em todo esse período democrático. _______________________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT
The Brazilian Socialist Party (PSB) is the research object of this dissertation. The approaches that work are situated in analyzing formation of the PSB, political party, emerged in the 1945 Brazilian democratization process, through the action of actors with varying experiences and political views, even though they were all on the ideological left field, were substantively distinct from left thinking, more orthodox , especially the Stalinist Marxism of the PCB. This work also consists of analyzing the peculiar elements that characterized the democratic socialist project of the PSB, which combined social equality with civil and political liberties. We emphasize the analysis the changes undergone by the project and by the discourse of the PSB that are visible from the 1950s. Finally, we analyze the history of the party in the period 1945 to 1965. We focused on the experience and on the path of democratic socialism in Brazil through the actions of the party in all this democratic period.

O objetivo é analisar as condições da democracia através da relação que as ideias de liberdade e de igualdade assumem na tradição moderna. Propõe-se fazê-lo tendo como referencial a tradução filosófica daquelas ideias políticas nos princípios da autonomia e da universalidade, que a democracia liberal tensiona e cuja associação caracteriza a tradição coletivista. Ao final deve ser demonstrado que não apenas o comunismo é compatível com a ideia de liberdade, como também que a ideia de comunismo é a única que permite conceber a plena compatibilidade entre a igualdade e a liberdade, um ideal de articulação entre a mudança histórica e a estabilização normativa que tem como pressuposto a universalização da autonomia.
The objective is to analyze the conditions of democracy through the relation that the ideas of freedom and equality assume on modern tradition. As a philosophical reference is the translation of those political ideas to the principles of autonomy and universality, stressed by liberal democracy and reconciled by the collectivist tradition. At the end it will be demonstrated not only that communism is compatible with the idea of freedom, but also that the idea of communism is the only one to achieve the full compatibility between freedom and equality, an ideal of articulation between the dynamics of history and the normative stabilization which presupposes the universalization of autonomy.

Orientador: Marcos Nobre
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: O senso comum marxista vê o direito como mera superestrutura a serviço da dominação de classe. Franz Neumann (1900-1954), teórico do direito ligado ao Instituto de Pesquisas Sociais de Frankfurt, discorda desse ponto de vista. Esta tese examina seus escritos da década de 30, especialmente O Império do direito (1936), para mostrar que o autor vê potenciais emancipatórios no direito liberal, num debate com o conceito de materialização do direito de Max Weber. Estes potenciais nascem da práxis parlamentar da classe trabalhadora e do advento do nazismo e se referem à possibilidade de o direito expressar a vontade da sociedade, inclusive o objetivo de controlar os meios de produção. Além disso, a tese mostra que o potencial emancipatório do direito não deve ser avaliado em abstrato, mas conforme um determinado diagnóstico do tempo. Por isso, esboça um diagnóstico da relação entre direito e sociedade no mundo contemporâneo, utilizando o conceito de projeto de juridificação, proposto por esta tese, inspirado nos escritos de Franz Neumann
Abstract: Vulgar Marxism considers Law as a superstructure to uphold class domination. Franz Neumann (1900-1954), a law theorist of the Institute of Social Research in Frankfurt, disagrees with this point of view. This Thesis examines his writings from the 30¿s, especially The rule of law (1936) to show how he sees liberal law as potentially emancipatory, engaging to a debate with Max Weber¿s concept of Law materialization. This potential emerges with working class parliamentary praxis and with the Nazism, and refers to Law¿s capacity to express social will, even the aim to control the means of production. Furthermore, this Thesis argues that Law¿s emancipatory potentials should not be evaluated in abstract, but in the context of a diagnosis of the time. It sketches a diagnosis of our time, especially regarding the relation between Law and Society, proposing and using the concept of project of juridification, inspired by Franz Neumann¿s writings
Doutorado
Filosofia
Doutor em Filosofia

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Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq
The objective of this dissertation is to make an analysis of the training process and institutionalization of the Partido Socialismo e Liberdade (PSOL), to verify his organizational structure as well as understand how this political party emerged under parliamentarian can be propose as reference of left wing political in Brazil. We realize this premise once the Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT), since assuming the Presidency of the Republic, has distanced his originating model and making other spaces for political parties become a reference of the reorganization of the national left. This dissertation justified for the importance that the PT has acquired over the years as a mass political party which proposed as representative of the working class and the others marginalized in the country, and its revolutionary proposal to transform the structure of Brazilian society, equating the insistent social inequality over the years. Analyzing the process of rupture with the PT and the formation of the PSOL, we can observe that over the ten years of his formation, the political party has positioned himself as a party representative of the working class, even if in small sectors of the Brazilian population. Such features are often contradictory, since the Partido Socialismo e Liberdade (PSOL) comes within parliament, and so even has some difficulty to insert social and popular movements of Brazilian society. His originally model, unlike his originated political party, it’s not in social movements, the PSOL begins in the institutional representative landmarks, while the Partido dos Trabalhadores has his origin extra-government. As a source for this dissertation we use documents, interviews, newspaper supporters, news, proceedings of meetings, and proceedings of the National Conference, which made it possible to glimpse their policy guidelines as well as its organizational structure. To complete this dissertation we use wide bibliography that allowed give theoretical basis to our questions
O objetivo desta dissertação é fazer uma análise do processo de formação e institucionalização do Partido Socialismo e Liberdade (PSOL), a fim de verificar sua estrutura organizacional, bem como compreender como um partido surgido no âmbito parlamentar pode se propor como referência da esquerda brasileira. Percebemos essa premissa uma vez que o Partido dos Trabalhadores, desde que assumiu a Presidência da República, se distanciou de seu modelo originário abrindo espaço para outros partidos tornarem-se referência da reorganização da esquerda nacional. Este trabalho se justifica dada a importância que o PT adquiriu ao longo dos anos como um partido de massa que se propunha como representante da classe trabalhadora e dos marginalizados do país, e pela sua proposta revolucionária de transformar a estrutura da sociedade brasileira, equacionando assim, a insistente desigualdade social provocada ao longo dos anos. Analisando o processo de ruptura com o PT e a formação do PSOL, podemos observar que ao longo dos dez anos de sua formação, o partido tem se posicionado como uma agremiação representante da classe trabalhadora mesmo que ainda em pequenos setores da população brasileira. Tais características se revelam muitas vezes contraditórias, uma vez que o Partido Socialismo e Liberdade surge no âmbito parlamentar, e por isso mesmo tem certa dificuldade para se inserir nos movimentos sociais e populares da sociedade brasileira. Dado que seu modelo originário, ao contrário de seu partido originário, não está nos movimentos sociais, o PSOL nasce dentro dos marcos institucionais representativos, enquanto que o Partido dos Trabalhadores tem sua origem extraestatal. Como fonte para esse trabalho utilizamos documentos, entrevistas, jornais partidários, noticiários, atas de reuniões e atas do Congresso Nacional, que possibilitaram vislumbrar suas diretrizes políticas bem como sua estrutura organizacional. Para completar o trabalho utilizamos ampla bibliografia que permitiu dar fundamento teórico aos nossos questionamentos

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In this work we`ll present a linguistic-discourse analysis of the Programmatic Document of the Left Front P-SoL PSTU PCB, which gave support as a government program to the political campaign for the Republic Presidency of the candidate Heloisa Helena, in the 2006 elections. The reason that motivated us to make this study, was the crisis and the transformation being experienced by one of the largest and most popular political party that Brazil ever had in this national scenery, the PT, and the consequent establishment of the new party, the P-SoL, Partido Socialismo e Liberdade, among the dissidents of the PT itself. Therefore we understand that a linguistic-discourse analysis that could point out in actual texts for the movements of constitution of the new party be able to be useful for a better understanding of the current country s political party overview. This necessity has come from the core of a generalized anxiety from part of the Brazilian left parties to find or to rediscover a new route. For that we have based on theoretic point of view of the Global Semantics which dictates this Programmatic Document, in other words, the analysis of the different levels of the speech carrying the notion of manner of speech, ethos, scenography interspeech as well as the categories of analysis, among them the identification of the person`s embreantes, the types and the denial. The theory fundaments which will support this analysis will be turned for the French Discourse Analysis, with emphasis to Maingueneau studies. As an analysis procedures, we take the Programmatic Document of P-SoL, which has an introduction composed by 15 items and 4 team blocks which the distribution is the following: The macroeconomics alternative (pages 10-28); The dynamic of the new cycle (pages 29-34); The distribution of income and wealth (pages 35-41); and Population and Territory (pages 42-45). We have two objectives in this research: the first one is to analyze the interdiscourse of the Programmatic Document of the P-SoL, in order to attach into the controversial relation which is being established between the new speech and the discursive formation of the PT. The second is to analyze the P-SoL`s ethos in the document, ethos initially established to be established as a reborn identity of the Brazilian left; and by interdiscourse, the PT`s ethos, party of which P-SoL is a dissident
Neste trabalho apresentamos uma análise lingüístico-discursiva do Documento Programático da Frente de Esquerda P-SoL - PSTU - PCB, que deu sustentação como programa de governo à campanha política para a Presidência da República da candidata Heloísa Helena, nas eleições em 2006. A razão que nos motivou a fazer este estudo foi a crise e a transformação por que está passando um dos maiores e mais populares partidos políticos que o Brasil já teve em seu cenário nacional, o PT, e a conseqüente criação de um novo partido, o P-SoL, Partido Socialismo e Liberdade, pelos dissidentes do próprio PT. Compreendemos que uma análise lingüístico-discursiva que aponte, em textos concretos, para os movimentos de constituição do novo partido possa ser útil para um maior entendimento do panorama político-partidário hoje no país. Do ponto de vista teórico, privilegiamos os estudos de Maingueneau, em particular, o modelo da Semântica Global. Como objeto de análise, tomamos o Documento Programático do P-SoL, que possui uma introdução composta por quinze itens e quatro blocos temáticos cuja distribuição é a seguinte: A alternativa macroeconômica (pp.10- 28); A dinâmica do novo ciclo (pp.29-34); A distribuição da renda e riqueza (pp.35-41); e População e território (pp.42-45). São dois os nossos objetivos: analisar a interdiscursividade do documento programático do P-SoL, de modo a depreender a relação polêmica que se estabelece entre o novo discurso e a formação discursiva petista; depreender o ethos do P-SoL, e via interdiscursividade, o ethos do PT, partido do qual o P-SoL é uma dissidência. Os resultados das análises nos permitiram concluir que o P-SoL apresenta um ethos de sinceridade, seriedade e de compromisso no sentido de resolver a crise e trazer mudanças, já o PT se apresenta como um antifiador descomprometido com o povo, sujeitado aos interesses das elites, incapaz de levar adiante as suas propostas, corrupto, descontrolado, e não mais como representante político dos trabalhadores e das classes menos favorecidas da sociedade

Orientador: Ricardo Luiz Coltro Antunes
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: A presente dissertação de mestrado, pretende apresentar as principais questões e polêmicas políticas do Partido Socialista Brasileiro, fundado em 24 de agosto de 1947. Pretende também, através dos depoimentos de Antonio Candido e Fúlvio Abramo, apresentar o P. S.B. como um terceiro partido ou alternativa da esquerda daquele período histórico: o Brasil posterior à 2ª Guerra Mundial.
Abstract: Not informed
Mestrado
Mestre em Sociologia

L'évolution du débat européiste de la naissance du mouvement antifasciste Giustizia e Libertà (GL) en 1929 jusqu'à la dissolution du Partita d'Azione (PdA) en 1947 est le cœur de cette recherche. Le propos est sa contextualisation dans une dimension européenne. Si GL agit surtout en exil dans les années Trente, le PdA, né en 1942, est l'un des protagonistes de la Résistance armée italienne. Leur révolution démocratique aspire à souder les valeurs de la liberté politique et de la justice sociale. Ils souhaitent la constitution d'une Italie républicaine dans le cadre d'une Europe politiquement unifiée et démocratique. Cette thèse met en exergue les idées d'unité européenne élaborées dans ce milieu antifasciste pluriel. Dans une période de crise du processus de la construction européenne, l'exploration de cette filiation politico-intellectuelle ambitionne de contribuer à la connaissance des courants européistes et des réflexions diverses autour de l'unité de l'Europe
The evolution of the Europeanist debate from the birth of the anti-fascist movement Giustizia e Libertà (GL) in 1929 until the dissolution of the Partita d'Azione (PD) in 1947 is the heart of this research. The purpose is its contextualization within a European dimension. If GL acts mainly in exile in the Thirties, the PdA, born in 1942, is one of the protagonists of the ltalian Armed Resistance. Their democratie revolution aspires to weld the values of political freedom and social justice. They want the constitution of a republican ltaly within the framework of a politically unified and democratie Europe. This thesis highlights the ideas of European unity developed in this plural anti-fascist milieu. ln a period of crisis in the process of European construction, the exploration of this political and intellectual filiation aims to contribute to the knowledge of Europeanist currents and the various thoughts regarding the unity of Europe

This thesis examines in detail the three major Vietnamese constitutional reforms of 1992, 2001, and 2013. In doing so, it examines the core purposes of constitutional changes related to the political legitimacy of the Party-State and investigates the factors that support or hinder the transition of the Vietnamese socialist constitution to liberal democratic constitutionalism. It does so by looking at Vietnamese history, culture, the circumstances of the emergence of each constitutional reform in the larger context of the crisis of the political legitimacy of the Party-State, the changes in the Vietnamese Communist Party’s policies, the procedure of drafting each constitution, and the aims and the substance of these changes. This study contributes to the ongoing discussion on constitutional transition in socialist regimes in two important ways. First, is represents the first comprehensive examination of all the major Vietnamese constitutional reforms. Second, it draws on not only international academic scholarship but importantly original Vietnamese sources, ranging from secondary literature of Vietnamese scholars, to original Party and State documents, particularly National Assembly deputies’ speeches, and Vietnamese media and blogs. The finding of the thesis is that there were three major factors that had a significant influence in the Vietnamese constitutional reforms of 1992, 2001 and 2013, namely, the Vietnamese Communist Party; state agencies and officials; and political and legal culture, such as village culture, Confucianism, colonialism, and socialism. The Party, state agencies and officials were the main factors that hindered these constitutional reforms, mainly because the Party-State introduced these reforms as a part of the ongoing negotiation with the people to retain the Party hegemony.
Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Govt & Int Relations
Griffith Business School
Full Text

The purpose of the study was to analyse and compare the current Swedish socialist government, which have declared themselves as the first feminist government, with the previous non- socialist government. This is to see if, and if so how, the current government’s policies regarding gender differ from the former government’s policies. This paper has analysed both governments using different feminist theoretical approaches to see which of the perspectives characterize the government’s policies regarding gender, and if there has been a shift towards any of the perspectives. The three feminist theoretical perspectives used were liberal feminism, socialist feminism and postmodern feminism. The method used was an idea analysis, and ideal types of the three theoretical feminist perspectives as the analytical instrument. The material contains public texts released by the governments. The result of the study showed that the government’s policies regarding gender are highly similar and that their policies can be related mainly to the liberal- and socialist feminist perspectives. The result also showed that there has not been a shift towards any of the perspectives since the current government was elected, although only the current government could be related, to a small extent, to postmodern feminism.

El cambio social acaecido las últimas décadas desafía la filosofía política. André Gorz puede ser definido como un crítico moderno del productivismo como uno de los mitos fundantes de la modernidad. Revisa críticamente la tradición socialista mostrando la necesidad de reconsiderar la utopía y actualizar las ideologías emancipatorias. En cuanto a epistemología y ontología, asume una combinación de teoría social de la acción básicamente marxista, con una visión fenomenólogica-existencialista del sujeto. Su contribución clave es la descentralización y la reconsideración de la idea de trabajo, como mediación central en la interacción social y el metabolismo naturaleza-sociedad. No ha sido permeable al giro lingüístico y la crisis del sujeto en la filosofía contemporánea, pero ha abierto una perspectiva postproductivista en el análisis contemporáneo vinculando el postmarxismo con el ecologismo político en un mismo marco teórico coherente.
The social shift suffered last decades poses new challenges to Political Philosophy. André Gorz can be faced as a modern critic who points out productivism as one of the funding myths of modernity. He critically reviews the socialist tradition showing the need to reconsider the utopia and actualise emancipator ideologies. Related to epistemology and ontology, Gorz assumes a combination of social theory based on the idea of praxis (mainly Marxian) with a phenomenological-existentialist view of the subject. The key contribution in his work is the de-centralisation and re-consideration of the idea of labour, as core mediation in social interaction and nature-society metabolism. He is far to be receptive to the debate open by linguistic turn and the crisis of subject in contemporary philosophy, but he has opened a postproductivist outlook of industrial society that link postmarxism and political ecology into a coherent theoretical framework.

La recerca duta a teme en aquest treball és una anàlisi dels escrits de William Morris coneguts com les primeres conferències ("The early lectures") o, també, conferències Pre-socialistes. Són una sèrie d'assaigs escrits per Morris en el curt període de temps des que dictà la primera conferència, el desembre del 1877, i el seu ingrés en und organització socialista, el gener del 1883.

Aquest és un període particularment important en el desenvolupament personal de Morris. Es l'època en què emprèn una sèrie d'activitats d'interés públic entre les que es compta la militància política en el Partit Liberal. Hai no s'ha donat excessiva importància a aquesta fase liberal de la seva vida. Ell mateix la va minimitzar qualificant-la de "such a brief period of political radicalism". Ara bé, la peculiaritat del període apareix en confrontar l'inici amb la fi del mateix: el dissenyador-poeta vinculat al Pre-Rafaelisme es convertirà en un actiu militant socialista. Atès que Morris no descobrí l'obra de Marx fins després d'ingressar al partit, havia d'arribar al socialisme a través d'un procés personal en el qual seria determinant el desenvolupament de les seves pròpies idees. Lògicament, aquestes s'havien anat formant al llarg de tota la seva vida però no cristal.litzaren en un pensament coherent fins que va exposar-les en les conferències. Resseguir el procés intel.lectual de Morris en aquests textos és l'objecte d'aquest treball.

El caràcter formatiu d'aquests escrits apareix en considerar el tò polèmic que tenen. En ells, Morris no només reflexiona sobre la seva pròpia obra, sobre les seves experiències com a dissenyador i director d'una empresa d'èxit, o sobre els criteris artístics i tècnics que per la mateixa època adoptava a "Morris & Co." fins convertir el taller d'artesania artística originari en una fàbrica de productes per al parament domèstic; en ells, doncs, Morris també considera, aprova o rebat les idees que sobre els mateixos fenòmens havien defensat altres autors de l'època. No és difícil trobàr referències a autors tan diversos com els poetes romàntics, Dickens, Carlyle, Ruskin, Mill, Arnold, Rossetti, Webb o els principals representants del moviment esteticista. A través de la confrontació amb tots ells, Morris corrobora i exposa les seves conviccions més arrelades. Inevitablement, la reflexió de Morris en aquesta època adquireix un caràcter de síntesi de múltiples i variades influències provinents del moment històric que va viure. És precisament aquesta síntesi la que determina l'originalitat filosòfica de Morris tant en el context victorià com en la tradició del pensament socialista. Per tant, l'objectiu de la tesi és el de comprendre l'amplitud i el procés d'aquesta síntesi.

El treball s'estructura en base als següents criteris d'investigació: 1) Comparar constantment el pensament de Morris amb el dels seus contemporanis; 2) Utilitzar la referència cronològica per situar les vies d'influència rebudes i el període d'actuació d'aquestes; 3) No separar mai ni en l'anàlisi ni en l'exposició la teoria estètica de la teoria política; 4) Contrastar sempre que sigui possibIe el procès teòric de Morris amb la seva labor pràctica partint del supòsit que la seva llarga experiència professional va influir per força en la formació del seu pensament.

Quant a la relació de Morris amb els seus contemporanis destaca, en primer lloc, el deute inconfessat que té respecte de Mill. Aquest li ofereix el contrapunt ideològic necessari per revisar Ruskin i poder distanciar-se d'ell. Detot, és probablement el contingut epicureísta de Mill el que Morris recolli en la seva concepció de l'estètica, cosa que li permeté rebutjar el moralisme purità i el sensualisme sense sortida en què havia caigut el segon Ruskin. Punts de contacte similars apareixien en la reflexió ètica i en la visió de la societat. La manca de referències explícites a Mill fan pensar que aquesta influència sigui deguda a les seves activitats polítiques en el Partit Liberal. Pel que fa al seu pensament general, una característica sorprenent és la immediatesa pràctica i l'actualitat de la majoria de qüestions abordades. Sovint són propostes de solució a necessitats molt concretes del moment. Des del fenomen de la moda en la creació d'objectes d'ús o la difusió dels criteris de noetat en la societat industrial, el problema de l'originalitat creativa de l'artista i el seu grau de compromís moral amb l'obra, l'opció del revival artístic o l'actitud eclèctica front a l'herència històrica, el valor de la tradició o la importància del coneixment del passat, tot eren qüestions de la màxima importància en el panorama artístic de finals de segle. Resulta especialment significativa la reflexió entorn l'incipient fenomen de l'avantguarda implícita en la seva defensa de l'art popular. Aquí, la teoria morrissiana de l'art esdevé una de les primeres i rares crítiques fetes a l'experiència avantguardista des d'una perspectiva progrrssista. Així, les principals reserves de Morris suposen un intent per evitar la compartimentació de la producció cultural en nivells oposats entre sí. Per a ell, l'existència d'una cultura de segona fila -o cultura de masses- està implícita en el mateix concepte d'avantguarda: és l'altra cara de la moneda. D'altra banda, si es té en compte la seva concepció de la bellesa, Morris resulta ser un dels pocs pensadors socialistes que no dubta en condemnar amb igual èmfasi l'avantguarda i el realisme, especialment si aquest és didàctic.

De tota manera, el veritabIe objecte de reflexió no és per a Morris el món de l'art sinó totes aquelles activitats dedicades a subministrar els estris necessaris per a l'ofici de viure. Per això, el seu pensament és fonamentalment una teoria del disseny. En el seu cas, però, l'objecte d'estudi determina a més les línies d'investigació compreses en el seu programa. D'aqui la necessitat morrissiana d'incloure en la teoria estètica l'anàlisi dels fenòmens socials i econòmics que intervenen en el procés de disseny. Això també explica perquè en aquest estadi de Ia reflexió Morris mai no va requerir de la teoria econòmica. Des de bon començament havia entès el disseny com un nexe entre producció i consum i, coherentment, conduí la recerca en ambdues direccions. És doncs el concepte de disseny el que informa la seva comprensió de la realitat social victoriana i del sistema capitalista de producció. En l'estudi de la producció, Morris és conegut sobretot per la crítica a les formes del treball en la ind~stria i per la denúncia de l'alienació però és també important l'anàlísi dels diversos raonaments tècnics que regeixen l'avenç tecnlògic en aquest sistema. Això no suposa oposar-se a la màquina en general sinó a l'ús capitalista de la mateixa. En l'àmbit del consum, la reflexió de Morris pren en consideració les formes de vida victorianes, els costums burgesos i els hàbits consumistes comparant-Ios amb el model de veritable comfort. Per tot això, el pensament de Morris és ja en aquesta època una teoria de la vida quotidiana, possiblement una de les més reexides en la tradició socialista de pensament.
The Doctoral Dissertation "About the Formation of William Morris's Thought" is a study of Morris's theoretical process through his early lectures (also known as Pre-Socialist lectures). This is an ensemble of essays written by Morris before he joined the D. F. in January 1883. The aim of the analysis is to found the philosophical basis of his already acknowledged originality as a thinker both in the Victorian context and in the Socialist tradition. The research is conducted from the following starting points: 1st.) Morris's choice to become a socialist at the end of "such a brief period of political radicalism" is the result of the development of his ideas, since he didn't known of Marx and other socialist thinkers till he joined a Socialist party. 2nd.) Morris's ideas are during all this period a synthesis of a lot of different influences coming from the cultural atmosphere he lived in; that's why the dissertation starts with a general overhaul of the principals and most influent thinkers of the Victorian era in several feels. 3rd.) Morris's own experiences as an artist, designer and the manager of a firm of a great commercial success are another important source of influence in the development of his thought. 4th) His aesthetic theory and his political understanding of Victorian society are not linked up one to other but this connection is established by his own subject matter, this is the common things of everyday life; this is the reason why Morris's aesthetic theory is always considered a theory of design or, historically, of decorative arts. 5th.) There is a unity in all Morris's work that explains the apparent inconsistencies existing when his practice as designer, his technical options as manager and his ideas on design matters are compared. 6th.) Morris was a real industrial designer in the now-a-days sense of the word.

L’objectif de cette thèse est d’analyser les contributions de Clément Colson à la science économique dans le but de mieux connaître sa pensée, de mieux connaître l’École libérale française au début du XXème siècle, d’étudier l’influence qu’a pu avoir cet auteur sur ses principaux élèves, Divisia, Roy et Rueff, et d’évaluer l’actualité de certaines de ses recommandations.Le premier chapitre montre quels sont les apports théoriques de Colson à la science économique.Pour ses élèves, son principal apport serait la théorie de la détermination conjointe du salaire et du taux d’intérêt. Nous montrerons que cette théorie est proche de la règle de gestion optimale en microéconomie attribuée à Clark ; nous verrons alors que l’on peut parler de découverte multiple.Colson est également intéressant au point de vue de la méthode utilisée. Nous verrons alors qu’il utilise les statistiques et les mathématiques dans ses développements : il est à l’origine d’une évaluation pionnière du revenu de la France, son enseignement impulse le calcul économique, il peut être considéré comme un précurseur de l’économétrie en France. Le deuxième chapitre montre que Colson développe la méthode de tarification des voies de communication exploitées en monopole de Jules Dupuit en proposant des moyens pratiques de révélation des préférences. Nous verrons également que cette théorie est reprise de nos jours avec le Yield Management et par les compagnies aériennes à bas coûts. Le troisième chapitre a pour but de voir comment Colson prend en compte la question sociale. Nous verrons qu’il défend une intervention de l’État plus importante que d’autres économistes libéraux afin d’éviter que les ouvriers ne se tournent vers le socialisme. Le quatrième chapitre étudie l’intervention de l’État préconisée par Colson dans le domaine des chemins de fer. Nous verrons que dans ce domaine où l’État est très présent, l’auteur souhaite le limiter. Il préfère ainsi la concession à la régie et souhaite la construction de nouvelles lignes uniquement si elles sont rentables. Nous verrons qu’à nouveau, la crainte du socialisme n’est pas étrangère à ses positions. Sur chacun des thèmes, nous verrons que Colson accorde à la pratique une place importante. Au niveau théorique tout part de l’observation et se termine par l’observation, au niveau pratique il est marqué par les préoccupations de son époque
The object of this dissertation is to analyse the contributions of Clément Colson to the economics in order to be better acquainted with his thought, with the French Liberal School at the beginning of the 20th century, to see the influence he had on his main students, Divisia, Roy and Rueff, and to evaluate the actuality of his recomandations. The first chapter develops the Colson’s theoretical contributions.For his students, his main contribution would be the theory of the joint setting of wage and of the interest rate. We will explain this theory is close to the optimal management rule in microeconomics attributed to Clark; we will see we can speak then about multiple discovery.Colson is interesting too from the point of view of the method used. We will see he uses statistics and mathematics in his developments: he makes one of the first assesments of the French income, his lectures develop economics calculus, he can be seen as a precursor of econometrics in France. The second chapter shows that Colson develops the Jules Dupuit pricing method for means of communications exploited by a monopoly by proposing practical way of preferences revelation. We will show too that this theory is used nowadays with the Yield Management and by airline lowcost companies.The third chapter has for purpose to see how Colson takes into account the social question. We will see he argues for a more important State intervention than other liberal economists in order to avoid workers to turn to socialism. The fourth chapter is devoted to the State intervention recommended by Colson in the field of railways. We will see that in this field in which the State is very present, the author wishes to limit it. So he prefers the concession to the public exploitation and wishes construction of new railway lines just if they are profitable. We will see again that the fear of socialism is not stranger to his positions. On each theme, we will see that Colson gives an important place to the practice. At the theoretical level all starts and finishes with the observation, at the practice level he is influenced by the preoccupations of his time

Il existe une continuité dans l’« idée » russe de l’Etat qu’une analogie dans la continuité des systèmes ne reflète pas. De la Russie impériale à la Russie soviétique, l’Etat (Gosudarstvo) n’est pas conçu comme une entité abstraite et autonome. A la dimension césariste du pouvoir correspond la non-émergence, et du concept et de la réalité d’un Etat. Jusqu’en 1917, la conception russe du pouvoir est conditionnée par le discours idéologique – religieux. Après 1917, sa principale caractéristique est d’être subordonnée à l’idéologie, en tant qu’expression de la volonté du Parti communiste. L’Etat soviétique s’impose donc comme un Etat « de fait » et non comme un Etat « de droit ». La prédominance du discours idéologique entrave, à la fois, la constitution d’une culture de l’Etat, qui reste une culture du pouvoir, et la formation d’une culture de l’antériorité et de la supériorité du droit sur l’Etat. Après la désintégration de l’Union soviétique, la référence à la démocratie libérale et à l’Etat de droit devient un outil de la création d’une nouvelle légitimité pour l’Etat postcommuniste. L’entrée de la Russie dans la modernité politique nécessite une rupture avec les postulats idéologiques du passé. Or, la déconstruction du socialisme est un processus beaucoup plus complexe que la construction de la démocratie. Bien qu’ayant subi, sur plusieurs siècles, plusieurs types de transitions – de l’absolutisme de droit divin au socialisme, puis au postcommunisme -, l’Etat russe a donc conservé certains caractères constants et typiques qui en font, encore aujourd’hui, un modèle hybride, en tension entre autoritarisme et démocratie
There is a continuity as concerns the « idea » of the state that an analogy with the different systems does not reflect. From imperial to Soviet Russia, the state (Gosudarstvo) is not thought of as an abstract and autonomous entity. Until 1917, the Russian conception of power is conditioned by the religious ideological discourse. After 1917, her main feature is one of submission to ideology, in other words the expression of the will of the Communist Party. The Soviet state stands out by its « de facto » nature, rather than a « de jure » state. The supremacy of the ideological discourse hampers both the constitution of a new state culture, which remains focused on power, and the formation of the precedence and the superiority of law over the state. After the disintegration of the Soviet Union, reference to liberal democracy and the rule of law becomes a tool in creating renewed legitimacy for the postcommunist state. Russia’s entry into political modernity demands a rupture with the ideological postulates of the past. The dismantlement of socialism is a much more complex process than the construction of democracy. Despite having been subjected, over centuries, to many types of transition – absolutism founded on divine right to socialism, then postcommunism -, the Russian state has always preserved certain features (be they constant or specific) that make it, and still today, a hybrid model pulling towards both authoritarianism and democracy

ABSTRACT This dissertation examines jazz in the life of the German Democratic Republic (GDR), from its founding after the end of World War II to its dissolution with the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1989. Challenging the established scholarly view that jazz was an art form whose primary dynamic consisted of opposition to the state, this dissertation argues that jazz was in fact a musical genre that enjoyed considerable state attention and in some cases support. Over the 40 years of the GDR’s history, party leaders variously legislated, controlled, repressed, encouraged, and ultimately sponsored jazz activities, recognizing throughout these years that jazz bore a critical relation to Marxist ideology with respect to its origins in racial identity and class-based oppression: this history, then, reflects the evolving struggle by socialist authorities to define this relationship and manage it accordingly. In order to make this argument, this dissertation examines previously unexamined material from a variety of sources in the GDR, including interviews from former residents and jazz actors, private documents such as diaries and letters, official government policies, and records of state surveillance. It provides the first full-length assessment of jazz over the entire lifespan of the GDR, dividing this history into four key phases and documenting the evolution of jazz from its initial use as a tool of re-education immediately following World War II to its emergence as a state-sanctioned art form in the 1980s. In sum, this dissertation argues that jazz can no longer be seen in such a simplistic way as scholars generally contend: rather, this research concludes that jazz must be understood as an art form in continuous and evolving dialogue with, not pure opposition to, the state.
acase@tulane.edu

No
Ewald Ammende was a Baltic German businessman who championed the rights of national minorities in the 1920s. He helped set up the Verband der deutschen inderheiten in Europa, played a part in the achievement of cultural autonomy in Estonia and established the Congress of European Nationalities. Although in the 1930s his career went awry as a result of compromising with National Socialism, this paper looks at the intellectual and practical world he inhabited in the early part of the previous decade. The views he held at this time about how best to preserve peace and stability in Europe from the Atlantic to the Urals defined him as a 'liberal nationalist'.

This diploma thesis reflects theories of C. B. Macpherson. It is concerned about his visions of democracy as a one-class society, which is formed by constituing liberalism into class divided society. Text pays attention to writters, whose inspired Macpherson, and also aims to analyse other theories of liberal democratic writters who are concerned about problematic of democracy and private property. The most important part of this thesis deals with main critics of Macphersons and his important concepts such as net transfer of power, differencing between the consumer ethics or developmental ethics and so on. After analysing these texts thesis tries the defensibility of Macphersons theory and also evaluates usefulness of this theory for these days. key words: liberal democracy, capitalism, development of human powers, socialism, net transfer of powers, Macpherson

To wield direct influence on the everyday lives of citizens, new political elites have often professed a profound interest in shaping the politics of dwelling. In the 1920s, Vienna’s Social Democrats built 400 communal housing blocks equipped with public gardens, theaters, libraries, kindergartens, and sports facilities, hoping that these facilities would serve as loci for “growing into socialism”. In the 1950s, housing construction in Berlin became a site of the Cold War. East Berlin’s social realist “workers palaces” on Stalinallee were meant to serve as an ideal flourishing ground for the “new socialist men and women”. In contrast, West Berlin's modernist Hansa-Viertel was designed to showcase an ideal dwelling culture and an urban environment that would cultivate individuality. This dissertation examines three historically situated and ideologically distinct responses to the housing question: social democracy in Red Vienna, state socialism in East Berlin, and liberal capitalism in West Berlin. It illuminates how political promises of a radical new beginning were translated into spatial arrangements—the private scale of the apartment and the urban scale of the city—as well as how citizens appropriated the social, political, and economic norms inherent to the new spaces they inhabited. More specifically, the following analyses demonstrate the fact that inherited social, technological, and economic practices have often subverted political visions of a radically different future. This was the case with pedagogy in Red Vienna’s municipal housing, instrumental reason in the form of Taylorism and Fordism in East and West Berlin’s mass housing, and gender relations in Red Vienna’s and East Berlin’s politics of dwelling. At the same time, this dissertation examines counter-spaces that emerged from the dialectics between political promises and actual socio-spatial realities, counter-spaces that both reflect critically on past hegemonic “politics of dwelling” and that foreshadow alternative political imaginations that are still relevant today. Of particular interest are counter-hegemonic practices of dwelling that embody possibilities of emancipation—of experiencing oneself as subject instead of object of social transformation, justice—of emphasizing considerations of equality and recognition, and radical democracy—of questioning power relations and of forming alliances among disadvantaged groups to transform everyday life.

Przełom XIX i XX wieku przyniósł Austrii demokratyzację życia publicznego. Reformy prawa wyborczego z 1896 oraz 1907 roku oznaczały istotną zmianę dotychczasowego ustroju monarchii Habsburgów. Dla przedstawicieli głównych polskich ugrupowań politycznych Galicji tego okresu było oczywiste, że zjawisko demokratyzacji przekroczy horyzont spraw ustrojowych i sięgnie sfery ekonomii, obyczajów, moralności, a nawet – religii. Rządy ludu miały pogrzebać ancient régime'u i wszystko to, co od wieków stanowiło jego fundament. U jednych wywoływało to nadzieję, u innych lęk i konsternację. Idea demokracji, triumfalnie zstępująca wówczas na arenę dziejów, kojarzyła się rozmaicie. Radykałowie interpretowali ją jako nastanie Państwa Bożego i ostateczne zwycięstwo sprawiedliwości, jej przeciwnicy – chociaż rozumieli, iż nic nie zdoła zawrócić nurtu przemian – przedstawiali ją w złowróżbnej postaci jako zwiastun trudnego do wyobrażenia kataklizmu.
Democratisation of public life was brought to Austria at the turn of the twentieth century. The reforms of the vote in 1896 and 1907 indicated a significant change in the current monarchy system. The representatives of the major Polish political groupings of Galicia were evident that the phenomenon of the democratisation was going to exceed the horizons of structural issues and strive for the realm of economics, mores, morality and even religion. The reign of the people was supposed to bury ancient régime and everything which underpinned it for centuries. For some, it evoked hope, for others, fear and dismay. The construct of democracy, descending triumphantly to history, was associated variously. The radicals interpreted it as the advent of the Divine State and the final victory of justice, its opponents, even though they understood that nothing would manage to swing the transition, presented it inauspiciously, as the indication of an unimaginable cataclysm.

L’objectif de cette thèse est d’analyser les contributions de Clément Colson à la science économique dans le but de mieux connaître sa pensée, de mieux connaître l’École libérale française au début du XXème siècle, d’étudier l’influence qu’a pu avoir cet auteur sur ses principaux élèves, Divisia, Roy et Rueff, et d’évaluer l’actualité de certaines de ses recommandations.Le premier chapitre montre quels sont les apports théoriques de Colson à la science économique.Pour ses élèves, son principal apport serait la théorie de la détermination conjointe du salaire et du taux d’intérêt. Nous montrerons que cette théorie est proche de la règle de gestion optimale en microéconomie attribuée à Clark ; nous verrons alors que l’on peut parler de découverte multiple.Colson est également intéressant au point de vue de la méthode utilisée. Nous verrons alors qu’il utilise les statistiques et les mathématiques dans ses développements : il est à l’origine d’une évaluation pionnière du revenu de la France, son enseignement impulse le calcul économique, il peut être considéré comme un précurseur de l’économétrie en France. Le deuxième chapitre montre que Colson développe la méthode de tarification des voies de communication exploitées en monopole de Jules Dupuit en proposant des moyens pratiques de révélation des préférences. Nous verrons également que cette théorie est reprise de nos jours avec le Yield Management et par les compagnies aériennes à bas coûts. Le troisième chapitre a pour but de voir comment Colson prend en compte la question sociale. Nous verrons qu’il défend une intervention de l’État plus importante que d’autres économistes libéraux afin d’éviter que les ouvriers ne se tournent vers le socialisme. Le quatrième chapitre étudie l’intervention de l’État préconisée par Colson dans le domaine des chemins de fer. Nous verrons que dans ce domaine où l’État est très présent, l’auteur souhaite le limiter. Il préfère ainsi la concession à la régie et souhaite la construction de nouvelles lignes uniquement si elles sont rentables. Nous verrons qu’à nouveau, la crainte du socialisme n’est pas étrangère à ses positions. Sur chacun des thèmes, nous verrons que Colson accorde à la pratique une place importante. Au niveau théorique tout part de l’observation et se termine par l’observation, au niveau pratique il est marqué par les préoccupations de son époque
The object of this dissertation is to analyse the contributions of Clément Colson to the economics in order to be better acquainted with his thought, with the French Liberal School at the beginning of the 20th century, to see the influence he had on his main students, Divisia, Roy and Rueff, and to evaluate the actuality of his recomandations. The first chapter develops the Colson’s theoretical contributions.For his students, his main contribution would be the theory of the joint setting of wage and of the interest rate. We will explain this theory is close to the optimal management rule in microeconomics attributed to Clark; we will see we can speak then about multiple discovery.Colson is interesting too from the point of view of the method used. We will see he uses statistics and mathematics in his developments: he makes one of the first assesments of the French income, his lectures develop economics calculus, he can be seen as a precursor of econometrics in France. The second chapter shows that Colson develops the Jules Dupuit pricing method for means of communications exploited by a monopoly by proposing practical way of preferences revelation. We will show too that this theory is used nowadays with the Yield Management and by airline lowcost companies.The third chapter has for purpose to see how Colson takes into account the social question. We will see he argues for a more important State intervention than other liberal economists in order to avoid workers to turn to socialism. The fourth chapter is devoted to the State intervention recommended by Colson in the field of railways. We will see that in this field in which the State is very present, the author wishes to limit it. So he prefers the concession to the public exploitation and wishes construction of new railway lines just if they are profitable. We will see again that the fear of socialism is not stranger to his positions. On each theme, we will see that Colson gives an important place to the practice. At the theoretical level all starts and finishes with the observation, at the practice level he is influenced by the preoccupations of his time

Many religious leaders in the early 1900s were afraid of the immoral associations and repercussions of birth control. The Catholic Church and some Protestants never accepted contraception, or accepted it much later, but many mainline Protestants leaders did change their tune dramatically between the years of 1920 and 1931. This investigation seeks to understand how Margaret Sanger was able to use her rhetoric to move her reform from the leftist outskirts and decadent, sexual connotations into the mainstream of family-friendly, morally virtuous, and even conservative religious approval. Securing the approval of religious leaders subsequently provided the impetus for legal and medical acceptance by the late-1930s. Margaret Sanger used conferences, speeches, articles, her magazine (Birth Control Review), and several books to reinforce her message as she pragmatically shifted from the radical left closer to the center and conservatives. She knew the power of the churches to influence their members, and since the United States population had undeniably a Judeo-Christian base, this power could be harnessed in order to achieve success for the birth control movement, among the conservative medical and political communities and the public at large. Despite the clear consensus against birth control by all mainline Christian churches in 1920, including Roman Catholics and Protestants alike, the decade that followed would bring about a great divide that would continue to widen in successive decades. Sanger put forward many arguments in her works, but the ones which ultimately brought along the relatively conservative religious leaders were those that presented birth control not as a gender equity issue, but rather as a morally constructive reform that had the power to save and strengthen marriages; lessen prostitution and promiscuity; protect the health of women; reduce abortions, infanticide, and infant mortality; and improve the quality of life for children and families. Initially, many conservatives and religious leaders associated the birth control movement with radicals, feminists, prostitutes, and promiscuous youth, and feared contraception would lead to immorality and the deterioration of the family. Without the threat of pregnancy, conservatives feared that youth and even married adults would seize the opportunity to have sex outside of marriage. Others worried the decreasing size of families was a sign of growing selfishness and materialism. In response, Sanger promoted the movement as a way for conservatives to stop the rising divorce rates by strengthening and increasing marriages, and to improve the lives of families by humanely increasing the health and standard of living, for women and children especially. In short, she argued that birth control would not lead to deleterious consequences, but would actually improve family moral values and become an effective humanitarian reform. She recognized that both liberals and conservatives were united in hoping to strengthen the family, and so she emphasized those virtues and actively courted those same conservative religious leaders that had previously shunned birth control and the movement. Throughout the 1920s, she emphasized the ways in which birth control could strengthen marriages and improve the quality of life of women and children, and she effectively won over the relatively conservative religious leaders that she needed to bring about the movement’s public, medical, and political progress.

Questa tesi di dottorato analizza la vita politica a Firenze nella convulsa fase storica vissuta dal Paese a cavallo della prima guerra mondiale. Culla della destra nazionalista e allo stesso tempo laboratorio dell'intransigenza rivoluzionaria socialista, Firenze fu amministrata fino al termine della prima guerra mondiale dalle forze liberali sebbene sempre più incalzata dai socialisti e dalle altre componenti popolari. I cardini della ricerca sono le elezioni amministrative del 1914 e del 1920 in una città caratterizzata dal vivace scontro politico e incline ad abbracciare soluzioni estremiste. Il lavoro mira a colmare le parziali lacune esistenti nella letteratura storica di riferimento utilizzando la stampa dell'epoca, nonché documenti ufficiali e fondi d'archivio. Lo scopo di questo elaborato, in sintesi, è quello di fornire un quadro quanto più articolato possibile della vicenda politica della città nel periodo considerato. Allo stato attuale, infatti, la pur cospicua letteratura storica disponibile ha privilegiato i principali soggetti politici attivi a Firenze ma ha trascurato le forze politiche minori e il loro ruolo talora decisivo nella partecipazione o meno ad alleanze elettorali. L'angolatura elettorale amministrativa costituisce il parametro su cui si misurano tappe politiche essenziali della vicenda nazionale come l'eclissi del giolittismo e fratture come la crisi del dopoguerra con i laceranti effetti del diciannovismo, la radicalizzazione dello scontro politico e le avvisaglie del ruolo di difensore dei valori nazionali conferito al nascente fascismo. Il tutto in parallelo alla dilatazione del corpo elettorale e al compimento, nel 1919, del processo di nazionalizzazione della politica. Durante l'arco di tempo considerato Firenze si trasformò in un laboratorio sperimentale di ogni forma di estremismo politico. Non a caso la città venne messa a ferro e fuoco nel giugno del 1914 durante lo sciopero generale indetto dalla Camera del Lavoro e assistette sgomenta all'esplosione di una vera e propria guerriglia urbana nel 1920, quando dovette intervenire l'esercito per ripristinare l'ordine minacciato dai proiettili e dalle bombe degli squadristi. Le elezioni amministrative del 1914 e del 1920 si collocano in questo contesto particolarissimo i cui estremi cronologici sono la settimana rossa e il biennio rosso, manifestazioni, l'una e l'altra, di rilevanti tensioni sociali sia per la natura 'ribellista' di certi segmenti del proletariato, sia per la struttura economica della città. Caratterizzata da un tessuto sociale incentrato nell'artigianato, Firenze subì pesantemente gli effetti della crisi economica sia del periodo successivo alla guerra di Libia, sia e sopratutto nel primo dopoguerra. Il tradizionale corso politico liberale non riusciva più a dare risposte adeguate ad un popolo molto impegnato politicamente: nascevano nuovi interessi di classe e nuovi modi di interpretare la res publica. Alla continua radicalizzazione in senso rivoluzionario del PSI corrispose la nascita di organismi antibolscevichi che, grazie alle connivenze della forza pubblica, della classe dirigente, del ceto medio e al disinteresse del potere centrale, finanziarono e permisero la diffusione dello squadrismo. La tesi, articolata in cinque capitoli, è divisa in due parti dedicate alle due tornate amministrative. Ognuna di esse è introdotta dalla descrizione del contesto normativo elettorale di riferimento, cui seguono un'analisi del corpo elettorale, le rivendicazioni delle diverse categorie sociali e la descrizione della campagna politica per le elezioni nazionali che precedettero quelle amministrative (1909-1913-1919). Lo scopo è quello di rilevare l'efficacia, la penetrazione e la continuità delle politiche attivate dai partiti locali. In quest'ottica la struttura della tesi permette di studiare l'azione dei partiti attraverso l'indagine dei meccanismi di formazione della rappresentanza in relazione al contesto normativo. Inoltre, analizzando il corpo elettorale e le relative rivendicazioni, si rende possibile anche lo studio delle pratiche identitarie, delle forme di mobilitazione e di contrapposizione ed infine la capacità di permeabilità dei partiti nella comunità locale. Per comprendere quali e quanti fossero gli elettori e le relative scelte in sede elettorale, la tesi fotografa il tessuto sociale-lavorativo della città attraverso un'analisi demoscopica elaborata sulla base dei dati del Censimento della popolazione e del Censimento degli opifici al 1911 del Ministero di Agricoltura Industria e Commercio (MAIC). Il primo dei due assi portanti della tesi è costituito dalle elezioni amministrative del 1914. Al fine di presentare una ricostruzione puntuale della vicenda, alla pubblicistica di spessore più rilevante, concentrata su liberali socialisti e cattolici, si è affiancata la ricognizione attenta della stampa coeva. Sono stati consultati i quotidiani principali della città di differente orientamento politico: “La Nazione”, quotidiano dei conservatori nazionali, vicino al clerico-moderatismo; “Il Nuovo Giornale”, liberale-progressista; “La Difesa”, quotidiano socialista a carattere locale e “L'Unità, problemi di vita italiana”, anch'esso socialista ma più attivo su questioni d'interesse nazionale; “L'Unità Cattolica”, quotidiano dei cattolici intransigenti. Attraverso la stampa è stato possibile ricostruire lo scacchiere partitico della città, le strategie politiche portate avanti dai singoli partiti, i relativi statuti, i diversi programmi e i processi di formazione degli schieramenti e di selezione dei candidati. Per l'analisi dei risultati elettorali del 1914 un contributo significativo è offerto dallo studio statistico di Ugo Giusti dedicato all'elezione del consiglio comunale nel capoluogo toscano, studio in cui l'autore rilevò la difficoltà nel reperire dati ufficiali riguardo all'esito della consultazione. Giusti si occupò, tuttavia, solo dell'esito elettorale per il consiglio comunale e riportò il numero di voti riscossi complessivamente da ogni lista, cosa che non permette di comprendere fino in fondo il grado di appetibilità dei singoli candidati presentati dai vari schieramenti. Riguardo alla partecipazione elettorale, inoltre, lo statistico si concentrò solo su quella complessiva del comune, senza analizzare il differente tasso di partecipazione/astensionismo nelle varie aree della città. Per comprendere a pieno la capacità di attrazione esercitata dai diversi soggetti politici, nonché il grado di fedeltà dell'elettorato verso il proprio partito di riferimento, si è ritenuto utile verificare la percentuale di partecipazione nei quattro mandamenti urbani, unità territoriali per l'elezione dei consiglieri provinciali. Questi, infatti, erano abitati da cittadini di estrazione sociale diversificata e costituivano, pertanto, spazi socio-politici che raccoglievano interessi e aspettative differenti. In quest'ottica, l'analisi della partecipazione in un mandamento, in cui possono essere identificati interessi di classe prevalenti, può rivelarsi un indicatore attendibile per verificare il livello di gradimento di un determinato partito in relazione ad un preciso contesto economico-sociale. Per la partecipazione nei quattro mandamenti, oltre allo studio di Giusti, è stato consultato “Il Nuovo Giornale”, unica fonte che fornisce i dati necessari e l' Annuario statistico del comune di Firenze (1914). Per quanto riguarda l'elezione dei consiglieri comunali, sia nel 1914 che nel 1915 quando si tennero di nuovo le elezioni per il consiglio comunale, Maccabruni offre un quadro esaustivo su eletti, non eletti e numero di voti conseguiti. Per l'elezione dei consiglieri provinciali, invece, è stata consultata la stampa coeva. Sebbene la prima guerra mondiale non sia oggetto di questa tesi, si è ritenuto opportuno considerare le ripercussioni economico-sociali che il conflitto recò alla vita della città per comprendere le scelte fatte dal corpo elettorale in occasione delle elezioni politiche del 1919 e di quelle amministrative del 1920. Aprono pertanto la seconda parte della tesi le problematiche della riconversione industriale, del numero degli operai occupati nei relativi stabilimenti, delle condizioni lavorative e dell'incombente crisi economica. Sul clima politico fiorentino alla fine del conflitto e per descrivere lo scenario partitico nel 1919, la letteratura storica è stata affiancata da un'analisi comparata della stampa dell'epoca. Oltre ai quotidiani già citati sono stati consultati “La Libertà”, quotidiano del PPI; “L'Assalto”, inizialmente quotidiano dei futuristi, ben presto organo di stampa dei primi squadristi; “Il Giornale d'Italia”, liberale conservatore. Per introdurre la campagna delle consultazioni amministrative del 1920 si è proceduto col descrivere la stratificazione sociale degli elettori e le rivendicazioni portate avanti nel territorio fiorentino nel periodo precedente le elezioni. Per le occupazioni delle fabbriche, dei campi e sulla reazione del padronato si è fatto riferimento alla pubblicistica più significativa. Di scarso aiuto è invece risultata la consultazione della corrispondenza del cardinal Mistrangelo, reperita presso l'Archivio Diocesano di Firenze. Sia per la cronaca dei tragici accadimenti fiorentini che nell'agosto del 1920 accesero un clima elettorale già teso, cioè l'esplosione della polveriera di San Gervasio e la manifestazione socialista in cui la polizia uccise tre operai, sia sulla formazione degli schieramenti per le elezioni amministrative del 1920 che sulla guerriglia urbana successiva alla consultazione, la pubblicistica disponibile in materia è stata arricchita dalla consultazione della stampa dell'epoca e da fondi archivistici. Per l'Unione Politica Nazionale (UPN), oltre alla letteratura di riferimento e ai quotidiani precedentemente citati, sono stati consultati autori fascisti quali Banchelli, Frullini, Piazzesi e i periodici “L'Arolotto”, settimanale de “La Pagina Fiorentina”; “La Pagina Fiorentina”, quotidiano vicino all'UPN; “La Voce”, rivista di cultura e politica. La consultazione del fondo Orvieto, conservato presso l'archivio contemporaneo “Alessandro Bonsanti”, Gabinetto G. P. Vieusseux, ha permesso di integrare le conoscenze già acquisite sul ruolo ricoperto dall'UPN nella campagna elettorale. I documenti là esaminati hanno reso possibile ricostruire la fitta rete di finanziamenti erogati dall'Unione Politica Nazionale ai partiti aderenti. Per il partito popolare la pubblicistica di riferimento è stata affiancata dalla consultazione di periodici già citati e da “L'idea Popolare”, giornale locale del PPI fiorentino pubblicato a ridosso delle elezioni e “L'Ora Nostra”, quotidiano cattolico. Si sono rivelati utili alla comprensione del clima elettorale e delle convulse giornate che seguirono alla consultazione del 1920 i periodici precedentemente citati e il quotidiano fascista “La Sassaiola”. Come per le elezioni del 1914, Giusti offre un contributo significativo per la ricostruzione dell'esito elettorale del 1920. Tuttavia, anche in questo caso lo statistico fiorentino si occupò della sola elezione per il consiglio comunale riportando i voti riscossi complessivamente da ogni lista ma non dai singoli candidati. Riguardo alla partecipazione elettorale lo studio fa riferimento nuovamente a quella complessiva nel comune di Firenze senza considerare i singoli mandamenti. Come per la tornata elettorale amministrativa precedente, quindi, si è proceduto alla consultazione della stampa coeva per ricostruire l'affluenza nei diversi mandamenti, riportare i voti riscossi dagli eletti in consiglio comunale e in quello provinciale. Per l'elezione del sindaco sono stati consultati gli Atti del consiglio comunale (1920), reperiti presso l'archivio storico del comune di Firenze.