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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Social policy – Europe »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 10 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Social policy – Europe"

Atkinson, A. B. « Social Europe and Social Science ». Social Policy and Society 2, n^o 4 (octobre 2003) : 261–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746403001428.

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Social policy in the European Union has developed rapidly in recent years, following the 2000 Lisbon Summit and the subsequent adoption of National Action Plans on Social Inclusion and a set of common social indicators for all Member States. This paper describes European initiatives and examines the role played by social science research in these developments. It refers specifically to the role of theory and conceptual analysis, to the availability and quality of data, and to policy modelling. It draws lessons from the experience of European social policy for the relationship between research and policy formation.

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Jackson, Stephen, et Jason L. Powell. « Understanding Social Policy in Europe ». Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law 26, n^o 6 (décembre 2001) : 1395–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/03616878-26-6-1395.

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Palme, Joakim, Zsusza Ferge et Jon Eivind Kolberg. « Social Policy in a Changing Europe. » Contemporary Sociology 22, n^o 6 (novembre 1993) : 788. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2075945.

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Spicker, Paul. « Social Policy in a Federal Europe ». Social Policy & ; Administration 30, n^o 4 (décembre 1996) : 293–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9515.1996.tb00562.x.

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Hermann, Christoph. « Crisis and social policy in Europe ». Global Social Policy : An Interdisciplinary Journal of Public Policy and Social Development 15, n^o 1 (13 mars 2015) : 82–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468018114566360a.

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Deacon, Bob, et Guy Standing. « Social Policy in Central and Eastern Europe ». Journal of European Social Policy 3, n^o 3 (août 1993) : 159–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095892879300300301.

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Room, Graham. « Social policy in Europe : paradigms of change ». Journal of European Social Policy 18, n^o 4 (novembre 2008) : 345–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928708094891.

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Alden, Jeremy, et Huw Thomas. « Social exclusion in Europe : Context and policy ». International Planning Studies 3, n^o 1 (février 1998) : 7–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13563479808721695.

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Greve, Bent. « Indications of Social Policy Convergence in Europe ». Social Policy & ; Administration 30, n^o 4 (décembre 1996) : 348–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9515.1996.tb00565.x.

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Baglioni, Simone, et Stephen Sinclair. « Introduction : Social Innovation and Social Policy ». Social Policy and Society 13, n^o 3 (3 juin 2014) : 409–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746414000177.

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This themed section discusses the conceptual development and related empirical applications of social innovation (SI), a concept acquiring a prominent position in both academia and the world of policy. When SI started being used in the early 1990s relatively few social scientists were familiar with it, mainly those interested in urban policy. Less than two decades later, not only is SI at the heart of the largest public research funding programme in Europe (Horizon 2020), it is also constantly referred to in the discourses of senior level policy makers on both sides of the Atlantic.

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Thèses sur le sujet "Social policy – Europe"

FERNANDES, Daniel. « Governments, public opinion, and social policy : change in Western Europe ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/75046.

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Defence date: 21 November 2022
Examining Board: Prof. Ellen Immergut (EUI, Supervisor); Prof. Anton Hemerijck (EUI); Prof. Christoffer Green-Pedersen (Aarhus University); Prof. Evelyne Hübscher (Central European University)
This dissertation investigates how public opinion and government partisanship affect social policy. It brings an innovative perspective that links the idea of democratic representation to debates about the welfare state. The general claim made here is that social policy is a function of public and government preferences. This claim hinges on two critical premises. The first relates to the general mechanisms that underlie government representation. Politicians have electoral incentives to align their actions with what citizens want. They may respond to public opinion indirectly by updating their party agendas, which can serve as the basis for social policy decisions in case they get elected. They may also respond directly by introducing welfare reforms that react to shifts in public opinion during their mandates. The second premise concerns how citizens and politicians structure their preferences over welfare. These preferences fall alongside two dimensions. First, general attitudes about how much should the state intervene in the economy to reduce inequality and promote economic well-being (how much policy). Second, the specific preferences about which social programmes should get better funding (what kind of policy). The empirical analysis is split into three empirical chapters. Each explores different aspects of government representation in Western European welfare states. The first empirical chapter (Chapter 4) asks how governments shape social policy when facing severe pressures to decrease spending. It argues that governments strategically reduce spending on programmes that offer less visible and indirect benefits, as they are less likely to trigger an electoral backlash. The experience of the Great Recession is consistent with this claim. Countries that faced the most challenging financial constraints cut down social investment and services. Except for Greece, they all preserved consumption schemes. The second empirical chapter (Chapter 5) explores how public opinion affects government spending priorities in different welfare programmes. It expects government responsiveness to depend on public mood for more or less government activity and the most salient social issues at the time. Empirical evidence from old-age, healthcare and education issue-policy areas supports these claims. Higher policy mood and issue saliency is positively associated with increasing spending efforts. Public opinion does not appear to affect unemployment policies. vii The third empirical chapter (Chapter 6) examines how party preferences affect spending priorities in unemployment programmes. It claims that preferences on economic intervention in the economy and welfare recalibration affect different components of unemployment policy. Evidence from the past 20 years bodes well with these expectations. The generosity of compensatory schemes depends on economic preferences. The left invests more than the right. The funding of active labour-market policies depends on both preference dimensions. Among conventional parties, their funding follows the same patterns as compensatory schemes. Among recalibration parties, parties across the economic spectrum present comparable spending patterns.

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Lalioti, Varvara. « Social assistance outcomes in Southern Europe : an actor-centred approach ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b1fecf25-27bc-4fec-9c21-b7640031962d.

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This study analyses the evolution of social assistance in Italy, Spain, Portugal and Greece, and closely examines the four countries’ different experiences with Guaranteed Minimum Income (GMI) schemes. A process-tracing methodology uses data from secondary sources, archival material, and 46 interviews to construct an actor-centred model and pursue a multiple-causality, historical approach. Outcomes are shown to result from interactions among central governments, religious organizations, secular organizations and territorial actors; and also from destabilizing forces. It is assumed that social assistance beneficiaries are forced to rely on these actors, whose attitudes are found to vary significantly due to their different interests, subjective perceptions of fairness, and preferences. Case histories of the four countries show that the periods prior to the 1970s were marked by minimal central government interest; indifferent, hostile, and/or divided secular organizations; and governmental partnerships with religious organizations. In the post-1970s periods, destabilizing forces co-occurring with centre-left governments resulted in new policies and changes, with relevant actors/organizations gradually welcoming pluralistic social assistance systems. The existence and extent of GMI schemes has been the principal factor differentiating social assistance developments among the four countries in more recent decades: Portugal is the only country with a national GMI, Italy and Spain have solely regional schemes, and Greece has no GMI at all. Because GMIs cut across traditional social assistance categories and are often linked with overall welfare system restructuring, establishment of GMIs and their subsequent maintenance require the co-occurrence of destabilizing forces and strong pro-GMI coalitions. Portugal exhibits the highest level of pro-GMI consensus nationwide, Greece the lowest,while Italy and Spain occupy intermediate positions. The institutional empowerment of territorial actors in the latter two countries was a precondition to emergence of local schemes, while destabilizing forces and strong local pro-GMI coalitions greatly increased the odds for establishing and maintaining them.

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Lorenz, Walter. « Towards a European Paradigm of Social Work : Studies in the history of modes of social work and social policy in Europe ». Doctoral thesis, Technische Universität Dresden, 2004. https://tud.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A24577.

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This dissertation analyses the relationship between social work and social policy in Europe from a comparative historical perspective. Central to this analysis is the dynamic interplay of forces which led to the consolidation of the European nation state as a welfare state, including the current crisis of the welfare consensus. The role of social work emerges as central to the project of national cultural integration, a perspective which frequently gets overlooked from a purely national perspective. Social works enmeshment with this nation state project is revealed in the current transformation of the welfare states in the light of neo-liberal principles and in the context of globalization. This perspective underlines the need for the development of intercultural communicative competences and in particular a consistent anti-racist approach in social work. At the same time the particular position in relation to social policy requires the development of research methods specific to the discipline in the light of its hermeneutic tasks.
Die Arbeit behandelt die Beziehung zwischen Sozialer Arbeit und Sozialpolitik in Europa aus vergleichender historischer Perspektive. Untersucht wird die Dynamik des Nationalstaats und seine Konsolidierung als Wohlfahrtsstaat bis zur gegenwärtigen Krise des Wohlfahrtskonsenses. Dabei gewinnt die Rolle der Sozialen Arbeit in der Aufgabe kultureller Integration besondere Bedeutung, da dies aus rein nationaler Sicht oft nicht zu erkennen ist. Ihre Verkoppelung mit dem Nationalstaat wird besonders deutlich in der gegenwärtigen Transformation durch neo-liberale Prinzipien im Kontext der Globalisierung. Hieraus ergeben sich neue Aufgaben für die Soziale Arbeit, insbesondere in Bezug auf die Entwicklung interkultureller kommunikativer Kompetenzen und eines konsistenten antirassistischen Ansatzes. Gleichzeitig erfordert die besondere sozialpolitische Position die Entwicklung disziplinspezifischer Forschungsansätze im Lichte der hermeneutischen Bedeutung der Sozialen Arbeit.

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Armstrong, Kenneth A. « Governing social inclusion : Europeanization through policy coordination ». Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2010. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/3109/.

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Boesenecker, Aaron P. « Defining work and welfare the politics of social policy reform in Europe / ». Connect to Electronic Thesis (CONTENTdm), 2009. http://worldcat.org/oclc/461265191/viewonline.

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Cram, Laura. « The political dynamics of policymaking in the European Union : social policy and information and communications technology policy compared ». Thesis, University of Warwick, 1996. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/36192/.

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The underlying theme of this thesis is that to properly understand the process of European integration it is vital to understand the dynamics of the European policymaking process and the crucial role of the European institutions within this process. In this thesis the internal dynamics of the policy-making process within the European Commission in two directorates, DGV(Employment, Industrial Relations and Social Affairs) and DGXIII (Telecommunications, Information Industries and Innovation), are explored. It is argued that a vital characteristic of the Commission's ability to influence any policy sector is its ability to respond rapidly to any 'windows of opportunity' ripe for EU intervention or, indeed, to facilitate the appearance of these windows. Yet, the means required to achieve this end, and the degree of success they meet, vary from sector to sector. It is argued that the Commission has an important role to play in EU policy-making, and ultimately in the integration process, thus it is vital to develop a detailed understanding of the functioning of its constituent parts, of the interrelationships between them, and of the influence of their activities upon the actions of the Commission as a whole.

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Altzinger, Wilfried, Cuaresma Jesus Crespo, Bernhard Rumplmaier, Petra Sauer et Alyssa Schneebaum. « Education and Social Mobility in Europe : Levelling the Playing Field for Europe's Children and Fuelling its Economy ». European Commission, bmwfw, 2015. http://epub.wu.ac.at/4720/1/WWWforEurope_WPS_no080_MS19.pdf.

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The persistence of socioeconomic outcomes across generations acts as a barrier to a society's ability to exploit its resources efficiently. In order to derive policy measures which aim at accelerating intergenerational mobility, we review the existent body of research on the causes, effects and the measurement of intergenerational mobility. We also present recent empirical works which study intergenerational mobility in Europe, around the Globe, and its relevance for economic growth. We recommend four policy measures to reduce the negative impacts of intergenerational persistence in economic outcomes: universal and high-quality child care and pre-school programs; later school tracking and increased access to vocational training to reduce skill mismatch and facilitate technological development; integration programs for migrants; and simultaneous investment in schooling and later social security programs.
Series: WWWforEurope

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Carson, Marcus. « From common market to social Europe ? : paradigm shift and institutional change in European Union policy on food, asbestos and chemicals, and gender equality / ». Doctoral thesis, Stockholm : Almqvist & ; Wiksell, 2004. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-174.

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Naczyk, Marek P. « The financial industry and pension privatization in Europe : shareholder capitalism triumphant ? » Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c867023b-1b9a-41c9-8e46-6d4ac835cc61.

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The thesis examines the political dynamics behind the contemporary trend towards pension privatization in Europe. Its aim is to develop a theoretical model that can explain not only why governments have increasingly replaced their public pay-as-you-go systems with private fully-funded schemes, but also why there is considerable diversity both in the extent and in the content of pension privatization. Private pension funds can indeed be governed by a variety of institutional arrangements and can have very different types of links with the financial system. They do not necessarily contribute to a financialization of the economy. The thesis takes issue with the idea that pension privatization would be primarily the result of a new pensions orthodoxy promoted by international organizations such as the World Bank or of an electoral strategy that consists in attracting the votes of the middle class. I argue that the driving force behind the more or less dramatic rise of funded pensions in Europe is a series of lobbying campaigns launched by the financial industry, and their varying influence. Financial firms have a vested interest in the development of a market in private pensions, which should profit them as an industry. However, pension reform is an issue that matters to voters and can therefore prove dangerous for party politicians. Moreover, it involves complex changes that directly affect key material interests of employers and workers. In this context, the success of financial firms’ campaign for pension privatization depends on their capacity to forge alliances with a variety of actors. This in turn contributes to limit the influence financiers can exert. The argument is tested using a comparative historical analysis of pension debates in the United Kingdom, France and Poland since the beginning of the 1980s.

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Thedvall, Renita. « Eurocrats at Work : Negotiating Transparency in Postnational Employment Policy ». Doctoral thesis, Stockholm : Department of Social Anthropology, Stockholm University : Almqvist & ; Wiksell International [distributör], 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-810.

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Livres sur le sujet "Social policy – Europe"

Anthony, Giddens, Diamond Patrick et Liddle Roger, dir. Global Europe, social Europe. Cambridge, UK : Polity Press, 2006.

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Seamus, O. Cinneide, Bond Larry et Institute of European Affairs, dir. Social Europe : EC social policy and Ireland. Dublin : Institute of European Affairs, 1993.

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L' Europe sociale. Paris : La Découverte, 1994.

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Huffschmid, Jörg, dir. Economic Policy for a Social Europe. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230523395.

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Zsuzsa, Ferge, et Kolberg Jon Eivind 1942-, dir. Social policy in a changing Europe. Frankfurt am Main : Campus Verlag, 1992.

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S, Gundara Jagdish, et Jacobs Sidney 1942-, dir. Intercultural Europe : Diversity and social policy. Aldershot : Ashgate, 2000.

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Clare, Ungerson, dir. Women and social policy : A reader. 2^e éd. Basingstoke : Macmillan Education, 1997.

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editor, Cace Sorin, Scoican Andreia-Nicoleta author, Theotokatos Harry author et Koumalatsou Eleftheria author, dir. Social economy in Europe. Bucharest, Romania : The Expert Publishing House, 2010.

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Arpinte, Daniel. Social economy in Europe. Bucharest, Romania : The Expert Publishing House, 2010.

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Bloch, Alice, et Carl Levy, dir. Refugees, Citizenship and Social Policy in Europe. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230371248.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Social policy – Europe"

Beišytė, Milda. « Social Policy ». Dans Europe in a Global Context, 229–40. London : Macmillan Education UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-230-34423-5_19.

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Nevin, Edward. « Social and Environmental Policy ». Dans The Economics of Europe, 210–21. London : Macmillan Education UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-20923-1_19.

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Alcock, Pete. « Europe and the European Union ». Dans Social Policy in Britain, 171–91. London : Macmillan Education UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24741-7_9.

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Kilkey, Majella. « Social Security ». Dans Handbook of Public Policy in Europe, 290–300. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230522756_26.

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Kilkey, Majella. « Social Services ». Dans Handbook of Public Policy in Europe, 301–9. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230522756_27.

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Hartmann, Eva. « European Social Policy : Social Cohesion through Competition ? » Dans The Evolution of Intermediary Institutions in Europe, 121–37. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137484529_8.

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Petersen, Klaus, Michele Mioni et Herbert Obinger. « The Cold War and the Welfare State in Western Europe ». Dans International Impacts on Social Policy, 47–59. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-86645-7_5.

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AbstractThe Cold War and the growth of the welfare state constitute two major frameworks for understanding politics and society in post-war Western Europe. This chapter discusses how the Cold War shaped the development of welfare states in selected Western European countries in the first decades after 1945. It is argued that two mechanisms were important. First, social policies were used for securing mass loyalty and as an anti-communist strategy in Western Europe. Second, the Cold War strongly impacted political coalition-building in Western countries.

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Eilers, Kerstin. « Social Policy and Social Work in 1928 ». Dans History of Social Work in Europe (1900–1960), 119–28. Wiesbaden : VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-322-80895-0_13.

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Huffschmid, Jörg. « Pathways to a Sustainable Europe ». Dans Economic Policy for a Social Europe, 259–71. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230523395_21.

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Duke, Karen, Rosemary Sales et Jeanne Gregory. « Refugee resettlement in Europe ». Dans Refugees, Citizenship and Social Policy in Europe, 105–31. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230371248_6.

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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Social policy – Europe"

Chilkina, Ksenia, et Natalia Dorodonova. « Catholic Social Doctrine and Economic Policy in Western Europe ». Dans IX International Scientific and Practical Conference “Current Problems of Social and Labour Relations" (ISPC-CPSLR 2021). Paris, France : Atlantis Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.220208.076.

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Kuklina, T. V., et P. Y. Didyk. « The interaction of monetary and fiscal policy in times of crisis ». Dans IX International symposium «Humanities and Social Sciences in Europe : Achievements and Perspectives». Viena : East West Association GmbH, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.20534/ix-symposium-9-289-294.

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Liu, Siyang. « China-Czech Relations from the Perspective of Chinese Foreign Policy in Central and Eastern Europe Under Xi Jinping ». Dans 2021 International Conference on Social Science:Public Administration, Law and International Relations (SSPALIR 2021). Paris, France : Atlantis Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.210916.033.

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Ameir, Omar, et Josef Belica. « ECONOMIC AND ENVIRONMENTAL GOALS OF THE CIRCULAR ECONOMY OF THE REGION ». Dans 22nd SGEM International Multidisciplinary Scientific GeoConference 2022. STEF92 Technology, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgem2022/5.1/s21.071.

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The primary purpose of environmental policy is a framework, guidance for decisionmaking and actions that lead to a better quality of the environment as a whole and its components. It is also adopted to use the principles of sustainable development, to increase economic efficiency and important social social programs and activities. The aim of this article is to provide basic research information on the causes of the emergence and development of environmental policy in the current period of circular economy. The issue of the circular economy and environmental goals are gradually being promoted in the areas of international politics, and subsequently it is currently possible to include them among the main policy areas of European companies and the European Union as a whole. The aim of this article is to define the area of support for the circular economy from the position of environmental problems and to propose strategies and tools for the correct implementation of the given goals. The goals are based on the action plans for a circular economy, which the European Union is definitely starting to document. The partial goal is to efficiently handle materials and use them for their use. Waste, or its recycling and further use, should also play a role. This can save Europe not only money but also the local environment.

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Heikkinen, Katja, Mari Lahti, Johanna Berg, Arina Kiseleva et Sini Eloranta. « European Integrated Care Horizon 2020 : increase societal participation ; reduce care demands and costs in Finnish context ». Dans CARPE Conference 2019 : Horizon Europe and beyond. Valencia : Universitat Politècnica València, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/carpe2019.2019.10208.

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This project is part of larger European level integrated care project led by HU University of Applied Sciences.Background: In Finland, the integration of social and health care services has taken centre stage in both the policy and practice arenas. The needs of many client groups, for example mental health client, older people and families of child, are many and varied.For example, poor mental health considerably impairs well-being of the population and has considerable economic consequences like absence from work, early retirement and productive losses. Efforts to move towards integrated care in social and health care have been met with increased interest and enthusiasm in recent years. This will increase the focus to improve care and population health while containing costs. However, there is a need to better understand different integrated care approaches for social and health care and guide future implementation of new integrated care models.It is now important to move towards integrated care for many client groups e.g. mental disorders. In this, professionals with different training backgrounds co-ordinate their expertise in providing care for theirshared clients. It provides a safe nexus for the exchange of knowledge and opinions, as well as a framework for reaching a consensus about appropriate health care delivery for a particular client or client cohort. The client should have an immediate access to integrated care, with a focus on rehabilitation in patient’s social roles.Aim: Support societal participation, quality of live and reduce care demand and costs in social and health care client, for example mental health client through integration of healthcare and welfare services.

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ROHRBACH, Wolfgang. « PANDEMIJE I POLITIKA OSIGURANjA KROZ VREME ». Dans MODERNE TEHNOLOGIJE, NOVI I TRADICIONALNI RIZICI U OSIGURANjU. Association for Insurance Law of Serbia, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/xxsav21.132r.

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Th e corona pandemic is incredible and, allegedly, a new phenomenon for many Europeans. Th at is why few people know the history of European pandemics. Th e lack of interest (disinterest) in historical development is due to the misconception of many experts. Preventive care and advances in medicine and technology always require only “looking ahead”. Th is (future-oriented) advanced way of thinking and acting meant that any disease that has epidemic proportions can, in the shortest possible time, be “defeated”. However, history shows that in Europe, from the Middle Ages until today, not a century has passed without epidemics or pandemics, and that signifi cant lessons and conclusions for the future could be drawn from any such crisis. Since the 18th century, development has tended more and more towards an insurance-oriented health and social policy, which in the 19th century was called insurance policy. By combining traditional experience with new or modifi ed concepts based on the principle of “preserving tradition, shaping the future”, the insurance industry can adapt to the new requirements of health and social policy, even in a crisis caused by the coronavirus. In this case, there is digitization, with the help of which it is possible to network with new studies and data, in order to improve quality.

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Kot-Niewiadomska, Alicja, Krzysztof Galos et Katarzyna Guzik. « SAFEGUARDING OF MINERAL DEPOSITS AS THE BASIS OF EUROPEAN UNION RAW MATERIALS SECURITY IN THE ERA OF UNSTABLE GEOPOLITICAL CONDITIONS ». Dans 22nd SGEM International Multidisciplinary Scientific GeoConference 2022. STEF92 Technology, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgem2022/1.1/s03.046.

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The economic results of many dynamically developing European countries largely depend on the availability of mineral raw materials. For this reason, securing their supplies from import must be supported by a committed foreign policy as well as a sustainable raw materials policy in the field of their obtaining from domestic sources, both from mineral deposits, as well as secondary and waste sources. Raw material security must be based on the diversification of supply sources and minimizing supply risks. The results of analyses show that the European Union relies heavily on imported raw materials, especially in industries recognized as strategic (renewable Energy - wind & PV; grids, Li-ion batteries (LIB), electric vehicles (EVs), Robotics and defense). Moreover, most of the import sources are countries with high or very high risk of supply. Recently, these risks are higher due to unstable political situation in Eastern Europe. Taking into account above, the European Union should consider the possibility of further development of its own mining industry, based on its own resources. The raw material potential of European countries is significant, but recently problems related to the possibility of launching new mining projects have been increasing. Social, environmental and spatial conditions play a decisive role. In this context, particular attention should be paid to the properly implemented policy of mineral deposits safeguarding which provides access to primary sources of raw materials (deposits), thus reducing dependence from unstable import sources.

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Aydınlı, İbrahim. « Refugee Question and The Right to Work and Social Security of Refugees in Turkey ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01744.

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Turkey faces various problems because of her distinctive geo-strategic importance have made her a transit country. The most important of those are migrations towards Europe due to socio-economic disasters like starvation, poverty or unemployment as well as geopolitical disasters like war or internal turmoils. Although the political and economic dimensions of migration are prominent, these are not the focus of this study. The issue in here is to identify whether immigrants, whose number has almost reached almost five million as wars and political chaos within neighbouring countries have forced a huge number of people to flee to Turkey, have right to work and social security according to the Turkish law. In this vein, the paper aims to clarify the content of the right to work and social security for immigrants in the long-term, instead of the short-term social assistances in accordance with human rights and social policy implementation in Turkey. For doing so, the paper firstly deals with Turkey’s commitment to the international law. Secondly, it analyzes the regulations related to the right to work and social security within the national law. Finally, the paper discusses the problems occur during the implementation of law and regulations and suggests solutions for overcoming such problems.

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Reel, Yeşim. « Problems of Privatisation and Regulation in Transition Economies ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.00956.

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In spite of difficulties, most transition economies in the Former Soviet Union (FSU) and Eastern Europe now have private sectors whose relative size is comparable to the private sectors in Western European countries. The transition countries have had very different objectives, but most started privatisation more or less with the same policy, based on the experience of the United Kingdom, although this was soon to change. While most of the Eastern European countries were fast to adopt modern standards and regulations, some FSU countries have lagged behind. Along with a wide range of gains for producers and consumers, there have been drawbacks, such as social polarisation and forms of capture (of business, of the state). Unlike most analysis of transition, which considers major components, this paper looks at the microeconomics of transition, since this involves the creation of markets through the process of privatisation. In general, transition economies have to develop new institutions and polices to support the privatisation and restructuring. In addition to these, they require regulation, which has been under-developed and causes other, different problems, related to the development of new models. Therefore, the need for a new, third phase of transformation is highlighted. New initiatives on labour, capital and regulation issues become vital now in transition economies.

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Cedroni, Anna Rita. « Building the global democracy from urban planning policy to populism in architecture ». Dans Virtual City and Territory. Barcelona : Centre de Política de Sòl i Valoracions, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5821/ctv.8153.

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It is possible to claim that there is an analogy, in terms of management and programming, between the modality of execution in political contents and the formalities of the application of architectural models, or more precisely in the methods of carrying out such proposals. The choice and the management of planning strategies go along with the choice of political strategies. The changes occurring in the politics and democracy can be also found in urban planning politics and involve mainly the public space and the design for the related public buildings. The emptying of social content in most constitutional democracies, together with the spreading of populist “politics” are phenomena that emerge in the architecture of public buildings and in the way in which the architecture relates to the urban form of their surroundings. Deprived of their contents, (which are related to their functions), public spaces and public building become non-ruled yet “objectified” spaces targeted for a collective use. The first analysis, which comes out of my background, led me to look at urban planning in Europe, starting from Italy and keeping the focus on the politics of public spaces and on the ways in which their conception, design and relationship to the city, shape the collective social values, attitudes and demands. These cases provide some opportunities for a reflection about governance and planning, focussing on the relationship between Democracy and Architecture.

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Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Social policy – Europe"

Terrón-Caro, María Teresa, Rocio Cárdenas-Rodríguez, Fabiola Ortega-de-Mora, Kassia Aleksic, Sofia Bergano, Patience Biligha, Tiziana Chiappelli et al. Policy Recommendations ebook. Migrations, Gender and Inclusion from an International Perspective. Voices of Immigrant Women, juillet 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.46661/rio.20220727_1.

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This publication is the third product of the Erasmus + Project entitled Voices of Immigrant Women (Project Number: 2020-1-ES01-KA203-082364). This product is based on a set of policy recommendations that provides practical guidance on intervention proposals to those with political responsibilities in governance on migration management and policies for integration and social inclusion, as well as to policy makers in the governance of training in Higher Education (University) at all levels. This is intended to promote the development of practical strategies that allow overcoming the obstacles encountered by migrant women during the integration process, favoring the construction of institutions, administrations and, ultimately, more inclusive societies. The content presented in this book proposes recommendations and intervention proposals oriented to practice to: - Improve Higher Education study plans by promoting the training of students as future active protagonists who are aware of social interventions. This will promote equity, diversity and the integration of migrant women. - Strengthen cooperation and creation of networks between academic organizations, the third sector and public administrations that are responsible for promoting the integration and inclusion of migrant women. - Promote dialogue and the exchange of knowledge to, firstly, raise awareness of human mobility and gender in Europe and, secondly, promote the participation and social, labor and civic integration of the migrant population. All this is developed through 4 areas in which this book is articulated. The first area entitled "Migrant women needs and successful integration interventions"; the second area entitled "Promoting University students awareness and civic and social responsibility towards migrant women integration"; the third area entitled "Cooperation between Higher Education institutions and third sector"; the fourth and last area, entitled "Inclusive Higher Education".

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Motel-Klingebiel, Andreas, et Gerhard Naegele. Exclusion and inequality in late working life in the political context of the EU. Linköping University Electronic Press, novembre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3384/9789179293215.

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European societies need to increase the participation in work over the life course to support the provision of qualified labour and to meet the challenges for social security systems under the condition of their ageing populations. One of the key ambitions is to extend people’s working lives and to postpone labour market exit and retirement where possible. This requires informed policies, and the research programme EIWO – ‘Exclusion and Inequality in Late Working Life: Evidence for Policy Innovation towards Inclusive Extended Work and Sustainable Working Conditions in Sweden and Europe’ – aims to push the boundaries of knowledge about late working life and the potential of its inclusive and equal prolongation via a theoretically driven, gender-sensitive combination of multi-level perspectives. EIWO takes a life course approach on exclusion and inequality by security of tenure, quality of work, workplaces, and their consequences. It identifies life course policies, promoting lifelong learning processes and flexible adaptation to prolong working lives and to avoid increased exclusion and inequality. Moreover, it provides evidence for policies to ensure both individual, company and societal benefits from longer lives. To do so, EIWO orientates its analyses systematically to the macro-political contexts at the European Union level and to the policy goals expressed in the respective official statements, reports and plans. This report systematizes this ambitious approach. Relevant documents such as reports, green books and other publications of the European Commission (EC), the European Parliament (EP), the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), as well as those of social partners and research institutions, have been systematically scanned and evaluated. In addition, relevant decisions of European summits have been considered. The selection of documents claims completeness regarding relevant and generally available publication, while relevance is defined from the point of view of EIWO’s interests. It is the aim of this report to provide a sound knowledge base for EIWO’s analyses and impact strategies and to contribute to the emerging research on the connection between population ageing and the European policies towards productivity, inclusiveness, equity, resilience and sustainability. This report aims to answer the following questions: How are EIWO’s conceptual classification and programme objectives reflected in the European Union’s policy programming? How can EIWO’s analyses and impact benefit from a reference to current EU policy considerations, and how does this focus support the outline of policy options and the formulating of possible proposals to Swedish and European stakeholders? The present report was written during early 2022; analyses were finalized in February 2022 and represent the status until this date.

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Udupa, Sahana. Small Platforms and the Gray Zones of Deep Extreme Speech. MediaWell, Social Science Research Council, octobre 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.35650/md.2093.d.2021.

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Recent trends of migration to smaller social media platforms among right wing actors have raised a caution that an excessive focus on large, transnational social media companies might lose sight of the volatile spaces of homegrown and niche platforms, which have begun to offer diverse “alternative” avenues to extreme speech. Such trends, which drew global media attention during Trump supporters’ attempted exodus to Parler, are also gaining salience in Europe and the global South. Turning the focus to these developments, this article pries open three pertinent features of extreme speech on small platforms: its propensity to migrate between platforms, its embeddedness in domestic regulatory and technological innovations, and its evolving role in facilitating hateful language and disinformation in and through deep trust-based networks. Rather than assuming that smaller platforms are on an obvious trajectory toward progressive alternatives, their diverse entanglements with exclusionary extreme speech, I suggest, should be an important focal point for policy measures.

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Droogan, Julian, Lise Waldek, Brian Ballsun-Stanton et Jade Hutchinson. Mapping a Social Media Ecosystem : Outlinking on Gab & ; Twitter Amongst the Australian Far-right Milieu. RESOLVE Network, septembre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/remve2022.6.

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Attention to the internet and the online spaces in which violent extremists interact and spread content has increased over the past decades. More recently, that attention has shifted from understanding how groups like the self-proclaimed Islamic State use the internet to spread propaganda to understanding the broader internet environment and, specifically, far-right violent extremist activities within it. This focus on how far right violent extremist—including far-right racially and ethnically motivated violent extremists (REMVEs) within them—create, use, and exploit the online networks in which they exist to promote their hateful ideology and reach has largely focused on North America and Europe. However, in recent years, examinations of those online dynamics elsewhere, including in Australia, is increasing. Far right movements have been active in Australia for decades. While these movements are not necessarily extremist nor violent, understanding how violent far right extremists and REMVEs interact within or seek to exploit these broader communities is important in further understanding the tactics, reach, and impact of REMVEs in Australia. This is particularly important in the online space access to broader networks of individuals and ideas is increasingly expanding. Adding to a steadily expanding body of knowledge examining online activities and networks of both broader far right as well as violent extremist far right populations in Australia, this paper presents a data-driven examination of the online ecosystems in which identified Australian far-right violent extremists exist and interact,1 as mapped by user generated uniform resource locators (URL), or ‘links’, to internet locations gathered from two online social platforms—Twitter and Gab. This link-based analysis has been used in previous studies of online extremism to map the platforms and content shared in online spaces and provide further detail on the online ecosystems in which extremists interact. Data incorporating the links was automatically collected from Twitter and Gab posts from users existing within the online milieu in which those identified far right extremists were connected. The data was collected over three discrete one-month periods spanning 2019, the year in which an Australian far right violent extremist carried out the Christchurch attack. Networks of links expanding out from the Twitter and Gab accounts were mapped in two ways to explore the extent and nature of the online ecosystems in which these identified far right Australian violent extremists are connected, including: To map the extent and nature of these ecosystems (e.g., the extent to which other online platforms are used and connected to one another), the project mapped where the most highly engaged links connect out to (i.e., website domain names), and To explore the nature of content being spread within those ecosystems, what sorts of content is found at the end of the most highly engaged links. The most highly engaged hashtags from across this time are also presented for additional thematic analysis. The mapping of links illustrated the interconnectedness of a social media ecosystem consisting of multiple platforms that were identified as having different purposes and functions. Importantly, no links to explicitly violent or illegal activity were identified among the top-most highly engaged sites. The paper discusses the implications of the findings in light of this for future policy, practice, and research focused on understanding the online ecosystems in which identified REMVE actors are connected and the types of thematic content shared and additional implications in light of the types of non-violent content shared within them.

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Barker, Gary, Jorge Lyra et Benedito Medrado. The roles, responsibilities, and realities of married adolescent males and adolescent fathers : A brief literature review. Population Council, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.31899/pgy22.1004.

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From the perspective of developing countries, we know relatively little about married adolescent males and adolescent fathers, and much of what we know is inferred from research with young women or comes from a few specific regions in the world. However, there has been a growing interest in the issue on the part of researchers, policy-makers, and program staff. This interest has coincided with increasing attention in general to men, with gender studies, and with sexual and reproductive health initiatives. Early marriage and early childbearing are much more prevalent among young women than young men, and the negative consequences are more significant among young women. Nonetheless, it is the behavior and attitudes of men, within social contexts where gender hierarchies favor men over women, that often create young women’s vulnerability. Much of the research and literature on adolescent fathers comes from Latin America, the Caribbean, North America, and Europe. This paper reviews some of the literature on young married men and young fathers, concluding with suggestions for engaging young men to promote better reproductive and sexual health and more favorable life outcomes for married adolescent women and young men.

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Lucas, Brian. Lessons Learned about Political Inclusion of Refugees. Institute of Development Studies, mai 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.114.

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Most refugees and other migrants have limited opportunities to participate in politics to inform and influence the policies that affect them daily; they have limited voting rights and generally lack effective alternative forms of representation such as consultative bodies (Solano & Huddleston, 2020a, p. 33). Political participation is ‘absent (or almost absent) from integration strategies’ in Eastern European countries, while refugees and other migrants in Western Europe do enjoy significant local voting rights, stronger consultative bodies, more funding for immigrant organisations and greater support from mainstream organisations (Solano & Huddleston, 2020a, p. 33).This rapid review seeks to find out what lessons have been learned about political inclusion of refugees, particularly in European countries.In general, there appears to be limited evidence about the effectiveness of attempts to support the political participation of migrants/refugees. ‘The engagement of refugees and asylum-seekers in the political activities of their host countries is highly understudied’ (Jacobi, 2021, p. 3) and ‘the effects that integration policies have on immigrants’ representation remains an under-explored field’ (Petrarca, 2015, p. 9). The evidence that is available often comes from sources that cover the entire population or ethnic minorities without specifically targeting refugees or migrants, are biased towards samples of immigrants who are long-established in the host country and may not be representative of immigrant populations, or focus only on voting behaviour and neglect other forms of political participation (Bilodeau, 2016, pp. 30–31). Statistical data on refugees and integration policy areas and indicators is often weak or absent (Hopkins, 2013, pp. 9, 28–32, 60). Data may not distinguish clearly among refugees and other types of migrants by immigration status, origin country, or length of stay in the host country; may not allow correlating data collected during different time periods with policies in place during those periods and preceding periods; and may fail to collect a range of relevant migrant-specific social and demographic characteristics (Bilgili et al., 2015, pp. 22–23; Hopkins, 2013, p. 28).

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Pastorelli1, Gianluca, Anastasia Costantini et Samuel Barco Serrano. Social and green economies in the Mena region. Liège : CIRIEC, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.25518/ciriec.wp202203.

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This working paper is based both on literature review and interviews to key informants and stakeholders from or active in the region conducted in the framework of various initiatives: research projects, peer-learning activities, support to networks, policy makers and entrepreneurs. These initiatives have been leading us to connect with the SSE ecosystems in the area called “Southern Neighbourhood” in a European (centric?) perspective. The rationale behind this exercise is an attempt to share a light on the state of play of the public policies and international initiatives bound to support the social and green economies showcasing some examples we consider particularly relevant.

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Rezaie, Shogofa, Fedra Vanhuyse, Karin André et Maryna Henrysson. Governing the circular economy : how urban policymakers can accelerate the agenda. Stockholm Environment Institute, septembre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.51414/sei2022.027.

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We believe the climate crisis will be resolved in cities. Today, while cities occupy only 2% of the Earth's surface, 57% of the world's population lives in cities, and by 2050, it will jump to 68% (UN, 2018). Currently, cities consume over 75% of natural resources, accumulate 50% of the global waste and emit up to 80% of greenhouse gases (Ellen MacArthur Foundation, 2017). Cities generate 70% of the global gross domestic product and are significant drivers of economic growth (UN-Habitat III, 2016). At the same time, cities sit on the frontline of natural disasters such as floods, storms and droughts (De Sherbinin et al., 2007; Major et al., 2011; Rockström et al., 2021). One of the sustainability pathways to reduce the environmental consequences of the current extract-make-dispose model (or the "linear economy") is a circular economy (CE) model. A CE is defined as "an economic system that is based on business models which replace the 'end-of-life' concept with reducing, alternatively reusing, recycling and recovering materials in production/distribution and consumption processes" (Kirchherr et al., 2017, p. 224). By redesigning production processes and thereby extending the lifespan of goods and materials, researchers suggest that CE approaches reduce waste and increase employment and resource security while sustaining business competitiveness (Korhonen et al., 2018; Niskanen et al., 2020; Stahel, 2012; Winans et al., 2017). Organizations such as the Ellen MacArthur Foundation and Circle Economy help steer businesses toward CE strategies. The CE is also a political priority in countries and municipalities globally. For instance, the CE Action Plan, launched by the European Commission in 2015 and reconfirmed in 2020, is a central pillar of the European Green Deal (European Commission, 2015, 2020). Additionally, more governments are implementing national CE strategies in China (Ellen MacArthur Foundation, 2018), Colombia (Government of the Republic of Colombia, 2019), Finland (Sitra, 2016), Sweden (Government Offices of Sweden, 2020) and the US (Metabolic, 2018, 2019), to name a few. Meanwhile, more cities worldwide are adopting CE models to achieve more resource-efficient urban management systems, thereby advancing their environmental ambitions (Petit-Boix & Leipold, 2018; Turcu & Gillie, 2020; Vanhuyse, Haddaway, et al., 2021). Cities with CE ambitions include, Amsterdam, Barcelona, Paris, Toronto, Peterborough (England) and Umeå (Sweden) (OECD, 2020a). In Europe, over 60 cities signed the European Circular Cities Declaration (2020) to harmonize the transition towards a CE in the region. In this policy brief, we provide insights into common challenges local governments face in implementing their CE plans and suggest recommendations for overcoming these. It aims to answer the question: How can the CE agenda be governed in cities? It is based on the results of the Urban Circularity Assessment Framework (UCAF) project, building on findings from 25 interviews, focus group discussions and workshops held with different stakeholder groups in Umeå, as well as research on Stockholm's urban circularity potential, including findings from 11 expert interviews (Rezaie, 2021). Our findings were complemented by the Circular Economy Lab project (Rezaie et al., 2022) and experiences from working with municipal governments in Sweden, Belgium, France and the UK, on CE and environmental and social sustainability.

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Arora, Sanjana, et Olena Koval. Norway Country Report. University of Stavanger, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31265/usps.232.

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This report is part of a larger cross-country comparative project and constitutes an account and analysis of the measures comprising the Norwegian national response to the COVID-19 pandemic during the year of 2020. This time period is interesting in that mitigation efforts were predominantly of a non-medical nature. Mass vaccinations were in Norway conducted in early 2021. With one of the lowest mortality rates in Europe and relatively lower economic repercussions compared to its Nordic neighbours, the Norwegian case stands unique (OECD, 2021: Eurostat 2021; Statista, 2022). This report presents a summary of Norwegian response to the COVID-19 pandemic by taking into account its governance, political administration and societal context. In doing so, it highlights the key features of the Nordic governance model and the mitigation measures that attributed to its success, as well as some facets of Norway’s under-preparedness. Norway’s relative isolation in Northern Europe coupled with low population density gave it a geographical advantage in ensuring a slower spread of the virus. However, the spread of infection was also uneven, which meant that infection rates were concentrated more in some areas than in others. On the fiscal front, the affluence of Norway is linked to its petroleum industry and the related Norwegian Sovereign Wealth Fund. Both were affected by the pandemic, reflected through a reduction in the country’s annual GDP (SSB, 2022). The Nordic model of extensive welfare services, economic measures, a strong healthcare system with goals of equity and a high trust society, indeed ensured a strong shield against the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. Yet, the consequences of the pandemic were uneven with unemployment especially high among those with low education and/or in low-income professions, as well as among immigrants (NOU, 2022:5). The social and psychological effects were also uneven, with children and elderly being left particularly vulnerable (Christensen, 2021). Further, the pandemic also at times led to unprecedented pressure on some intensive care units (OECD, 2021). Central to handling the COVID-19 pandemic in Norway were the three national executive authorities: the Ministry of Health and Care services, the National directorate of health and the Norwegian Institute of Public Health. With regard to political-administrative functions, the principle of subsidiarity (decentralisation) and responsibility meant that local governments had a high degree of autonomy in implementing infection control measures. Risk communication was thus also relatively decentralised, depending on the local outbreak situations. While decentralisation likely gave flexibility, ability to improvise in a crisis and utilise the municipalities’ knowledge of local contexts, it also brought forward challenges of coordination between the national and municipal level. Lack of training, infection control and protection equipment thereby prevailed in several municipalities. Although in effect for limited periods of time, the Corona Act, which allowed for fairly severe restrictions, received mixed responses in the public sphere. Critical perceptions towards the Corona Act were not seen as a surprise, considering that Norwegian society has traditionally relied on its ‘dugnadskultur’ – a culture of voluntary contributions in the spirit of solidarity. Government representatives at the frontline of communication were also open about the degree of uncertainty coupled with considerable potential for great societal damage. Overall, the mitigation policy in Norway was successful in keeping the overall infection rates and mortality low, albeit with a few societal and political-administrative challenges. The case of Norway is thus indeed exemplary with regard to its effective mitigation measures and strong government support to mitigate the impact of those measures. However, it also goes to show how a country with good crisis preparedness systems, governance and a comprehensive welfare system was also left somewhat underprepared by the devastating consequences of the pandemic.

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Colomb, Claire, et Tatiana Moreira de Souza. Regulating Short-Term Rentals : Platform-based property rentals in European cities : the policy debates. Property Research Trust, mai 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52915/kkkd3578.

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Short-term rentals mediated by digital platforms have positive and negative impacts that are unevenly distributed among socio-economic groups and places. Detrimental impacts on the housing market and quality of life of long-term residents have been particular contentious in some cities. • In the 12 cities studied in the report (Amsterdam, Barcelona, Berlin, Brussels, Lisbon, London, Madrid, Milan, Paris, Prague, Rome and Vienna), city governments have responded differently to the growth of short-term rentals. • The emerging local regulations of short-term rentals take multiple forms and exhibit various degrees of stringency, ranging from rare cases of laissez-faire to a few cases of partial prohibition or strict quantitative control. Most city governments have sought to find a middle-ground approach that differentiates between the professional rental of whole units and the occasional rental of one’s home/ primary residence. • The regulation of short-term rentals is contentious and highly politicised. Six broad categories of interest groups and non-state actors actively participate in the debates with contrasting positions: advocates of the ‘sharing’ or ‘collaborative’ economy; corporate platforms; professional organisatons of short-term rental operators; new associations of hosts or ‘home-sharers’; the hotel and hospitality industry; and residents’ associations/citizens’ movements. • All city governments face difficulties in implementing and enforcing the regulations, due to a lack of sufficient resources and to the absence of accurate and comprehensive data on individual hosts. That data is held by corporate platforms, which have generally not accepted to release it (with a few exceptions) nor to monitor the content of their listings against local rules. • The relationships between platforms and city governments have oscillated between collaboration and conflict. Effective implementation is impossible without the cooperation of platforms. • In the context of the European Union, the debate has taken a supranational dimension, as two pieces of EU law frame the possibility — and acceptable forms — of regulation of online platforms and of short-term rentals in EU member states: the 2000 E-Commerce Directive and the 2006 Services Directive. • For regulation to be effective, the EU legal framework should be revised to ensure platform account- ability and data disclosure. This would allow city (and other ti ers of) governments to effectively enforce the regulations that they deem appropriate. • Besides, national and regional governments, who often control the legislative framework that defines particular types of short-term rentals, need to give local governments the necessary tools to be able to exercise their ‘right to regulate’ in the name of public interest objectives.

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