Articles de revues : « Social movements – Mexico »

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Cortina, Regina. "Globalization, Social Movements, and Education." Teachers College Record: The Voice of Scholarship in Education 113, no. 6 (2011): 1196–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016146811111300605.

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Background/Context This essay is a part of a special issue that emerges from a year-long faculty seminar at Teachers College, Columbia University. The seminar's purpose has been to examine in fresh terms the nexus of globalization, education, and citizenship. Participants come from diverse fields of research and practice, among them art education, comparative education, curriculum and teaching, language studies, philosophy of education, social studies, and technology. They bring to the table different scholarly frameworks drawn from the social sciences and humanities. They accepted invitations to participate because of their respective research interests, all of which touch on education in a globalized world. They were also intrigued by an all-too-rare opportunity to study in seminar conditions with colleagues from different fields, with whom they might otherwise never interact given the harried conditions of university life today. Participants found the seminar generative in terms of ideas about globalization, education, and citizenship. Participants also appreciated what, for them, became a novel and rich occasion for professional and personal growth. Purpose/Objective With globalization—a term that signifies the ever-increasing interconnectedness of markets, communications and human migration—social and economic divides in countries around the world are hindering the access of many people to the major institutions of society, including and especially education. My goal in this essay is to reflect on the dilemma that John Dewey identified in Democracy and Education regarding the “full social ends of education” and the agency of the nation-state. Against the historical background of the nation-state's control of the meaning of public education, my intent is to search for new meanings defining public education through human agency and social movements, using Mexico as an example. My essay, written on the 200th anniversary of Mexico's Independence in 1810 and on the 100th anniversary of the Mexican Revolution, reflects on these two major events and how they contributed to shifts in the social meaning of education over time. Two groups—women and indigenous people—did not benefit proportion-ately from education, citizenship and social opportunity. My argument is that the empowerment of women and indigenous groups took place not because of state action but because of social movements contesting the restricted identity and incomplete citizenship provided for them through the capacity of the nation-state. It is crucial to understand the “full social ends of education” to see the way forward in strengthening education, citizenship and social opportunity. Conclusions/ Recommendations My participation in the faculty seminar and the readings we discussed led me towards the rediscovery of the writings of John Dewey, which stimulated my thinking about the “full social ends of education” against the historical background of the nation-state's control of the meaning of public education and my own inquiry to search for new meanings of public education through human agency and social movements. Moreover, the writings of Dewey during his visit to Mexico in 1926 opened a new research agenda for me. I have become increasingly interested in a period of Mexican education that is not well researched, particularly the role of John Dewey's students at Teachers College, Columbia University in the development of Mexico's public education system during the 1920s and 1930s and the creation of the Mexican rural schools and the middle schools during that era.

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Nicolas-Gavilan, Maria T., María P. Baptista-Lucio, and Maria A. Padilla-Lavin. "Effects of the #MeToo campaign in media, social and political spheres: The case of Mexico." Interactions: Studies in Communication & Culture 10, no. 3 (2019): 273–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/iscc.10.3.273_1.

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This article focuses on the case of Mexico, by analysing the media coverage of #MeToo in Mexico and the public response in the social media (SM) and other spheres of society such as the Mexican state and universities. Two aspects of Mexico’s social context are considered for the study: (1) a country where women’s sexual harassment has deep roots in gender inequality and (2) the fact that during 2017‐18 very notorious political campaigns contending for the country’s presidency were occurring; hence the study evaluates the presence of women’s sexual harassment topics in the candidates’ political proposals. The results show that in Mexico the #MeToo movement had the expected effect of thousands of women expressing themselves about this problem, highlighting the multiple work scenarios where sexual harassment occurs. It shows the impact of the #MeToo movement in local # social movements extending their influence from the entertainment industry to universities and other professions. The issue was covered in the candidates’ discourse for the 2018 presidential elections. In general, it can be affirmed that SM in Mexico are public places where different grassroots communities denounce injustices, participate and promote a more egalitarian culture.

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Redclift, Michael. "Introduction: Agrarian Social Movements in Contemporary Mexico." Bulletin of Latin American Research 7, no. 2 (1988): 249. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3338291.

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Nepstad, Sharon, and Clifford Bob. "When Do Leaders Matter? Hypotheses on Leadership Dynamics in Social Movements." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 11, no. 1 (2006): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.11.1.013313600164m727.

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Leaders are central to social movements, yet scholars have devoted relatively little attention to understanding the concept of leadership or its effects on movements. In this article, we explore leadership's influence on movement dynamics by examining Nigeria's Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP), the Catholic Left-inspired Plowshares movement, the Zapatista uprising in Chiapas, Mexico, and the liberation movement in El Salvador. Building on Bourdieu, Putnam, and the existing literature on social movement leadership, we argue that these movements' leaders possessed "leadership capital" having cultural, social, and symbolic components. We then turn our attention to the conditions under which leadership capital affects three key processes in movement development: mobilization of aggrieved parties, activation of third-party supporters, and responses to repression. We conclude by calling for more comprehensive, systematic, and comparative investigation of factors influencing leadership in domestic and transnational movements.

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Wright, Melissa W. "Justice and the Geographies of Moral Protest: Reflections from Mexico." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 27, no. 2 (2009): 216–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/d6708.

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Protest movements offer a rich vernacular for investigating how the connections between social justice and creating political subjects always involve spatial transformations. In this paper, I put Jacques Derrida's contemplations regarding justice as incalculable in conversation with critiques of public witnessing and the role of empathy for catalyzing political action, and I do so to present some speculations over why a social justice movement in northern Mexico has weakened domestically as it has gained steam internationally. The movement has grown since 1993 in response to the violence against women and girls and the surrounding impunity that has made northern Mexico famous as a place of ‘femicide’. By examining these events in relation to the debates on calculating justice and on the politics of witnessing, I hope to add to the growing literature within and beyond geography on the interplay of emotion and social justice politics while illustrating what is at stake in these dynamics for Mexico's democracy and for women's participation in it.

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Bruckmann, "Mónica, and Theotonio Dos Santos. "Soziale Bewegungen in Lateinamerika." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 36, no. 142 (2006): 7–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v36i142.566.

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At the beginning of the 20th century, social movements in Latin America were heavily influenced by anarchist immigrants from Europe and then by the ideological struggles around the Russian revolution. Beginning in the 1930s, many social movements started to incorporate into leftwing and populist parties and governments, such as the Cardenismo in Mexico. Facing the shift of many governments towards the left and the 'threat' of socialist Cuba, ultrarightwing groups and the military, supported by the US, responded in many countries with brutal repression and opened the neoliberal era. Today, after 30 years of repression and neoliberal hegemony, the social movements are gaining strength again in many Latin American countries. With the anti-globalization movement, new insurrections like the Zapatismo in Mexico, and some leftwing governments coming into power in Venezuela, Brasil and other countries, there appears to be a new turn in Latin America's road to the future.

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Torres, Yolotl González. "The Revival of Mexican Religions: The Impact of Nativism." Numen 43, no. 1 (1996): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568527962598395.

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AbstractAbout thirty years ago, there was a deep transformation in Mexican society due, among other things, to the introduction of capitalist technologies and a geographical mobility of population which generated a generalized social crisis which allowed the massive penetration and proliferation of religious movements in Mexico. These were mainly Protestant in its different versions as well as groups of Eastern origins. Somewhat, as a counterpart movement, the “Mexicanidad”-Mexicaness, started to increase in popularity. The “Mexicanidad” is formed by three main groups which differentiate in many aspects, but have as their common goal the restoration of Mexico as the spiritual center of the world. We try to analyze the three different groups and its associations with each other.

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Veselova, Irina. "Between church and state: The Catholic Youth Association of Mexico in the struggle for Christian social order." Latin-American Historical Almanac 35, no. 1 (2022): 161–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2022-35-1-161-180.

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This article focuses on the history of the Mexican Catholic Youth Association (MCYA), one of a few Catholic organiza-tions that emerged in Mexico in the early twentieth century. By examining the ideological foundations and activities of MCYA, the author identifies the reasons why this youth or-ganization became the major social force in the conflict be-tween the state and the church in Mexico in the second half of the 1920s. According to the author, the conflict was based on ideological confrontation: the idea of the Christian social or-der as an ideal type of social structure of the state collided with the new political course pursued by the Mexican gov-ernment. In this situation, MCYA, which was conceived as a non-political organization, quickly shifted from participants' joint religious practices and social assistance to civil rights activism in response to anti-clerical state policies. The article also draws attention to the fact that MCYA was the forerunner of several other associations which were supposed to fight against various left-wing movements and, above all, socialist movements.

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Lucio, Carlos, and David Barkin. "Postcolonial and Anti-Systemic Resistance by Indigenous Movements in Mexico." Journal of World-Systems Research 28, no. 2 (2022): 293–319. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2022.1113.

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Indigenous resistance against neoliberalism reveals numerous social transformations and political contributions in the context of a postcolonial transition from the world-system. The Mexican indigenous movement, inspired by the Zapatista rebellion, renewed conversations between the country's diverse indigenous peoples but also established new alliances with non-indigenous sectors of national society in defense of the commons and alternative ways of life to the civilizational order of capital. The radicalism, led by the indigenous peoples in their process of transformation into a social subject deploys new forms of collective action that break with the ideological discourses and narratives of modernity. As in other parts of the global South, communities in Mexico are actively engaged in consolidating their ability to govern themselves, through strategies of autonomy and self-determination, providing a wide variety of services to improve the quality of life of their members, diversifying their productive base and renewing their cultural heritage, while defending and caring for their territories. The indigenous movement is currently experiencing a conceptual and discursive renewal that inverts the assimilationist thesis implicit in the slogan of “Never again a Mexico without us,” from which their historical exclusion in the project of nation was questioned, to “We, without Mexico" that poses a radical questioning of the worn-out model of the nation-state, which assumes as its main objective to think (and act) beyond the State and capital. As part of international networks and alliances, they are engaged in leaving the world-system.

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Jorgensen, Annette. "Art and social movements: Cultural politics in Mexico and Aztlán." Visual Studies 28, no. 2 (2013): 195. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1472586x.2013.765240.

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Carey, Elaine. "Art and Social Movements: Cultural Politics in Mexico and Aztlán." Hispanic American Historical Review 93, no. 2 (2013): 302–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2077369.

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Cerullo, Margaret. "Art and Social Movements: Cultural Politics in Mexico and Aztlán." Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 44, no. 3 (2015): 380–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094306115579191cc.

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Young, Julia G. "Fascists, Nazis, or Something Else?: Mexico's Unión Nacional Sinarquista in the US Media, 1937–1945." Americas 79, no. 2 (2022): 229–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2021.142.

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AbstractThis paper examines the public relations battles in the US media over Mexico's Unión Nacional Sinarquista (UNS), an explicitly Catholic social movement founded in 1937 that aimed to restore the Church to its traditional role in Mexican society and to reject the reforms of the revolutionary government. The sinarquistas shared many of the features of fascism and Nazism, the major global antidemocratic movements of the time, including a strident nationalism, authoritarian leanings, an emphasis on martial discipline and strict organizational structure, and a militant aesthetic. Both its ideological leanings and rapid growth (as many as 500,000 members by the early 1940s) led many US writers to suggest that the UNS represented a dangerous fifth-column threat to both Mexico and the United States. Others, particularly in the Catholic press, saw the UNS as an anticommunist organization that could actually help foster democracy in Mexico. For their part, UNS leaders defended themselves vociferously and sought to build relationships with influential US Catholics who could advocate for them in the press. By analyzing this debate, this paper both underscores the transnational characteristics of the UNS and highlights the crucial role of US public opinion in Mexican politics during the 1940s.

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Sippert, Eric. "Social Movements, Autonomy and the State in Latin America." Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 24 (September 1, 2014): 165–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.24.10.

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Social movements have become an important part of the political realm in Latin America, overthrowing and installing leaders as well as challenging capitalism and the state itself. This study attempts to classify social movements into four different categories by the amount of autonomy they exercise from the state and then look at the effectiveness of each of these different groups. Through examining different strategies and outcomes from social movements in Bolivia, Brazil, Ecuador and Mexico, I attempt to ascertain which degree of autonomy is most effective. This study finds that while the weakened state has made autonomous movements more effective, engaging the state can still be beneficial for social movements with achieving their objectives.

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Shapiro-Garza, Elizabeth. "Contesting Market-Based Conservation: Payments for Ecosystem Services as a Surface of Engagement for Rural Social Movements in Mexico." Human Geography 6, no. 1 (2013): 134–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/194277861300600109.

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The Mexican national Payment for Ecosystem Services (PES) programs, which provide financial incentives for rural landholders to conserve forest, were originally designed under the logic of market-based conservation. Based on a multi-sited, multi-scalar ethnography of Mexico's PES programs, this article examines the process through which a national rural social movement was able to redefine the market-based narrative of PES, the historical and political context that provided this window of opportunity, and the ways in which the movement's engagement led to a hybridization of the policy itself. The involvement of the rural social movement introduced a very different conception of PES – as a recognition by Mexico's federal state and urban society of the value of campesino (peasant) environmental stewardship and the economic support needed to allow these stewards to remain on the land. The direct involvement of movement members in the redesign of the programs had a significant impact on their conformation that reflected this vision of revaluing the rural: the inclusion of agroforests and sustainably managed timber lands; requirements for self-defined forest management plans; provision of dedicated funding for technical assistance; and the training of local extensionists. In mapping the evolution of the Mexican national PES programs we can begin to see how, in this particular place and time, rural social movements employed PES as “useful surfaces of engagement” (Escobar 1999: 13) for contesting the market-based notions of the federal state, international lending institutions and conservation non-governmental organizations. I position this analysis in the context of the global project of “grabbing green” and as an example of the frictions that can inhibit and even partially reverse the logic of the seemingly inexorable rise of market-based conservation policy and projects.

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Ramirez, Jacobo. "Social movements against internal colonialism from wind energy investments in Mexico." Academy of Management Proceedings 2018, no. 1 (2018): 11064. http://dx.doi.org/10.5465/ambpp.2018.11064abstract.

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Oxhorn, Philip D., and Heather L. Williams. "Social Movements and Economic Transition: Markets and Distributive Conflict in Mexico." Latin American Politics and Society 45, no. 1 (2003): 181. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3177075.

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Maxwell, Kenneth, and Heather L. Williams. "Social Movements and Economic Transition: Markets and Distributive Conflict in Mexico." Foreign Affairs 81, no. 3 (2002): 171. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20033204.

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MacDonald, Laura. "Globalization and Social Movements: Comparing Women's Movements responses to NAFTA in Mexico, the USA and Canada." International Feminist Journal of Politics 4, no. 2 (2002): 151–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14616740210135469.

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González-López, Felipe. "SOCIETY AGAINST MARKETS. THE COMMODIFICATION OF MONEY AND THE REPUDIATION OF DEBT." Sociologia & Antropologia 11, no. 1 (2021): 97–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/2238-38752021v1114.

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Abstract From anti-debt movements in Mexico, Spain, Poland, Croatia, and Chile to the Occupy movements in the United States, Israel and Canada, organizations repudiating both debt and the centrality of financial markets have proliferated worldwide. In this article, I draw on Polanyi’s work in order to frame the financialization of society and different forms of debt repudiation as a double movement, characterized as a second wave of the commodification of money and the attempts by society to protect itself from the advancement of finance. Relying on a secondary literature and my own ethnographic research on debtors’ movements, I explore the commonalities and differences between diverse forms of repudiating debt through collective action at both national and international level.

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ROUSSEAU, STÉPHANIE, and ANAHI MORALES HUDON. "Paths towards Autonomy in Indigenous Women's Movements: Mexico, Peru, Bolivia." Journal of Latin American Studies 48, no. 1 (2015): 33–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x15000802.

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AbstractBased on comparative research this article analyses indigenous women's organising trajectories and the creation of spaces where they position themselves as autonomous political actors. Drawing on social movement theory and intersectionality, we present a typology of the organisational forms adopted by indigenous women in Peru, Bolivia and Mexico over the last two decades. One of the key findings of our comparative study is that indigenous women have become social movement actors through different organisational forms that in part determine the degree of autonomy they can exercise as political subjects.

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Davis, Diane E. "Failed Democratic Reform in Contemporary Mexico: from Social Movements to the State and Back Again." Journal of Latin American Studies 26, no. 2 (1994): 375–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00016266.

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Over the last decade or so, North American and European scholars have popularised a research focus on new social movements, or so-called autonomous and democratic struggles generated from within civil society against the state. The underlying theoretical premise of this approach is that challenges to the state from social movements are a principal driving force of political change in modern society. Despite its grounding in the advanced capitalist context, many Latin American scholars have found elective affinity with the argument, as evidenced in the recent tidal wave of studies on social movements by Latin Americanists. Basing their work primarily on analyses of Brazil, Argentina and Chile, scholars have argued that social movements help challenge the legitimacy and political power of strong and centralised governments in Latin America, at the same time creating from the grassroots a political culture suggestive of democratic transformation. In sort, there is growing consensus that social movements play a central role in bringing democracy to Latin America.

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Gambetti, Zeynep. "Politics of place/space: The spatial dynamics of the Kurdish and Zapatista movements." New Perspectives on Turkey 41 (2009): 43–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600005379.

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AbstractThis paper explores two examples of collective action, the Zapatista movement in Chiapas, Mexico, and the Kurdish movement in Turkey, by focusing on how these movements constructed two particular places, Diyarbakir and Chiapas, after the armed conflict subsided. My first aim is to show how this place-making has affected the discourses and practices of these movements. I argue that place-making is not only about locality or physical setting, but also about constructing a movement and a form of struggle in its own right. My second aim is to discuss the broad outlines of what may be called the “appropriation of space.” This refers not only to the spaces of visibility and solidarity opened up by a movement, but also to its chances of acquiring significance within local, national or global spaces of power. I look at how the Kurdish movement has had an impact on democracy in Turkey and compare it with the Zapatista movements local and transnational effects. I do so by relating physical and metaphorical notions of space to several concepts generated by social movement literature. As such, this study intends to contribute to spatial understandings of collective action. It is also likely to indicate various pitfalls and obstacles for emancipatory social movements in the present neoliberal era.

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Tetreault, Darcy. "Social Environmental Mining Conflicts in Mexico." Latin American Perspectives 42, no. 5 (2015): 48–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022429415585112.

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Examination of social environmental conflicts around mining in Mexico indicates that neoliberal reforms have facilitated “accumulation by dispossession,” first by transferring public resources in the form of mineral rights and state-run mining companies to the private sector and second by dispossessing smallholder farmers and indigenous communities of their land, water, and cultural landscapes in order to allow mining companies to carry out their activities. The resistance movements that have emerged to confront this dispossession are led on the local level by people whose livelihoods, health, and cultures are threatened by large-scale mining projects. They reflect “the environmentalism of the poor” in that they seek to keep natural resources outside of the sphere of the capitalist mode of production. El examen de los conflictos socioambientales en torno a la minería en México indica que las reformas neoliberales han facilitado la “acumulación por desposesión”: primero, transferiendo recursos públicos en forma de concesiones mineras y compañías paraestatales al sector privado y, segundo, despojando a los pequeños agricultures y a las comunidades indígenas de sus tierras, agua y paisajes culturales con el fin de permitirle a las compañías mineras llevar a cabo sus actividades. Los movimientos de resistencia que han surgido para afrontar este despojo están dirigidos en el plano local por personas cuyos medios de subsistencia, su salud y su cultura se ven amenazadas por los proyectos de minería en gran escala. Ellos reflejan “el ecologismo de los pobres” ya que buscan mantener los recursos naturales fuera de la esfera del modo de producción capitalista.

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FOWERAKER, JOE, and TODD LANDMAN. "Individual Rights and Social Movements: A Comparative and Statistical Inquiry." British Journal of Political Science 29, no. 2 (1999): 291–322. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123499000137.

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This article is a comparative study of the relationship between social movements and the individual rights of citizenship. It identifies three main connections between collective action and individual rights made in theory and history, and analyses them in the context of modern authoritarian regimes. It does so by measuring both social mobilization and the presence of rights over time in Brazil, Chile, Mexico and Spain, and analyses their mutual impact statistically – both within and across these national cases. The results demonstrate the mutual impact between rights and movements, and more importantly, constitute a robust defence of democracy as the direct result of collective struggles for individual rights.

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Olmedo Neri, Raul Anthony. "Emerging Communication: the case of the hashtag #el9ningunasemueve in Mexico." Revista de la Asociación Española de Investigación de la Comunicación 7, no. 14 (2020): 209–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.24137/raeic.7.14.9.

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The appropriation of virtual space by the so-called “new social movements” implies recognizing a specific type of communication that is far from the use that the subject gives it within the production and reproduction of his world of life, or from the use that the capital or the State itself. The case of the use of these technological developments by the feminist movement is an example of the convergence between offline and online actions, which gives way to a multiplicity of strategies in order to materialize their demands and specify the utopia that mobilizes them. In this sense, the purpose of this work is to identify and analyze the underlying interaction-communication network in the hashtag # el9ningunasemueve created by the Mexican feminist movement. For this, the traceability of said hashtag was performed through data mining and the structure built with the Social Network Analysis (ARS) method was analyzed in order to identify the relevant indicators such as grade level, intermediation and centrality.

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't Hart, Marjolein. "Humour and Social Protest: An Introduction." International Review of Social History 52, S15 (2007): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859007003094.

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In the introduction to this volume, the author explains why social historians should study the relationship between humour and social protest in the past. The following questions are of interest. Under what conditions did laughter serve the cause of the protesters? How did humour strengthen social protest? And to what degree has humour been an effective tool for contentious social movements? Recent developments in the field of social movement theory regarding framing, collective identity, and emotions are combined with insights from humorology. A short account of the individual contributions follow: they range from the Zapatistas in Mexico to Vietnamese garment workers, from sixteenth-century Augsburg to Madrid and Stockholm in the 1990s. The findings point, above all, to the power of humour in the framing of political protest. Humour was used in quite different political opportunity structures, from open democratic societies to harsh repressive regimes. Often, humour furthered the development of the collective identity of a social movement, whereas in several cases humour acted as a powerful communication tool, serving as a true “weapon of the weak”.

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Bandy, Joe, and Jennifer Mendez. "A Place Of Their Own? Women Organizers In The Maquilas Of Nicaragua And Mexico." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 8, no. 2 (2003): 173–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.8.2.n0u57237861h2h67.

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This article compares women workers' movements in Nicaragua and Northern Mexico that have mobilized in opposition to the abuses occurring within export-processing zones (EPZs). We examine the opportunities and obstacles that such movements have faced as they seek social change via national and transnational coalitions. Our focus on gender tensions within transnational labor movements illustrates how power relations fracture the space of transnational civil society and constrain opposition to neoliberalism. Women's labor movements in both contexts confront highly gendered national and transnational political spaces, stemming in part from the hegemonic association of women with private space and men with public space. Significant differences in the opportunities for resistance emerging from local and national dynamics in Nicaragua and Mexico demonstrate that the realm of the so-called global cannot be understood as abstracted from historically situated localities.

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McAfee, Kathleen, and Elizabeth N. Shapiro. "Payments for Ecosystem Services in Mexico: Nature, Neoliberalism, Social Movements, and the State." Annals of the Association of American Geographers 100, no. 3 (2010): 579–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00045601003794833.

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Nordin, Yannick, Felipe Cruz-Vega, and Fernando Roman. "Terrorism in Mexico." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 18, no. 2 (2003): 120–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x00000868.

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AbstractEven though Mexico is considered internationally as a pacifist country, its economic, social, and geopolitical characteristics during the last half of the 20th century have resulted in internal events that can be considered acts of terrorism.Most of the acts of terrorism during the last 15 years have had to do either with political movements or drug-dealing actions. After the 11 September 2001 attacks in the United States, Mexican Health Authorities have strengthened the epidemiological surveillance system. More than 1,372 calls asking for information or reporting suspicious envelopes were received between 16 October and 21 October 2001.Following the earthquake in 1985 that caused great damage and many deaths in Mexico, the National Civil Protection System was created in 1986. This protection system is led by the President and the Secretary of Government. It was developed to improve preparedness for disaster coordination more than for terrorism responses. In addition, the emergency medical systems continue to lack organization, even though some states have shown significant progress in their emergency medical system.

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Hernández, Sonia. "Rooted in Place, Constructed in Movement." Labor 18, no. 1 (2021): 38–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15476715-8767326.

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Since the turn of the twentieth century, men and women from the greater Mexican borderlands have shared labor concerns, engaged in labor solidarities, and employed activist strategies to improve their livelihoods. Based on findings from archival research in Mexico City, Washington, DC; Texas; Tamaulipas; and Nuevo León and by engaging in transnational methodological and historiographical approaches, this article takes two distinct but related cases of labor solidarities from the early twentieth century to reveal the class and gendered complexities of transnational labor solidarities. The cases of Gregorio Cortez, a Mexican farmer and immigrant from Tamaulipas living and working in Texas in 1901, and Caritina Piña, a Tamaulipas-born woman engaged in anarcho-syndicalism in the 1920s, reveal the potential of cross-class and gendered solidarities and underscore how a variety of social contexts informed and shaped labor movements. Excavating solidarities from a transnational perspective while exposing important limitations of the labor movement sheds light on the gendered, racial, and class complexities of such forms of shared struggle; but, equally important, reminds us of how much one can learn about the power of larger, global labor movements by closely examining the experiences of those residing on nations’ edges.

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Davis, Diane, and Christina Rosan. "Social Movements in the Mexico City Airport Controversy: Globalization, Democracy, and the Power of Distance." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 9, no. 3 (2004): 279–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.9.3.866k48l6876gt317.

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How did a relatively small group of uneducated peasants organize a movement to halt a huge national project to build a showcase airport outside Mexico City? This article applies the power of distance model, an analytic perspective for understanding social movement origins and successes based on an understanding of state-society relations, to the mobilization by indigenous peasants against the proposed Texcoco airport. The power of distance perspective focuses on relative distance or closeness of relations between the state and its citizens. Our findings indicate that, despite democratization in Mexico, the distance between local peasants and the newly elected Fox administration was widened by its neoliberal, globalizing focus, which partly explains the escalation of the anti-airport mobilization. On another dimension, peasants were able to bridge the distance between them and global human-rights networks using an indigenous rights frame and global communications media to bring new resources to bear and eventually force the Fox administration to withdraw the airport proposal.

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Smagorinsky, Peter. "The Creation of National Cultures through Education, the Inequities They Produce, and the Challenges for Multicultural Education." International Journal of Multicultural Education 24, no. 2 (2022): 80–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.18251/ijme.v24i2.3027.

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This essay compares and contrasts the educational movements of three nations—the United States, Mexico, and the Soviet Union—established according to Eurocentric cultural values. In each country, mass education was undertaken to help produce an assimilative national culture during formative periods characterized by instability. In two of these nations, the U.S. and Mexico, this foundation eventually required an accommodation to address multiculturalism. This latter-day perspective is designed to recognize, respect, and appreciate a variety of cultures. This essay examines the ways in which these two oppositional goals—monoculturalism and multiculturalism—have intersected in schools.

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Olesen, Thomas. "The Funny Side of Globalization: Humour and Humanity in Zapatista Framing." International Review of Social History 52, S15 (2007): 21–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859007003100.

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This article argues that the literature on social movements and globalization has not paid sufficient attention to the way in which political actors who act globally try to overcome the social, cultural, and political distances that separate them. It introduces the concept of global framing to give focus to the discursive processes central to such “distance bridging”. In particular, it emphasizes how symbols and emotions are crucial in the framing of distance. Empirically, it discusses how the considerable global resonance created by the Zapatistas in Mexico is facilitated by a framing strategy, carried out mainly by the movement's spokesman, Subcomandante Marcos, in which humour, imperfection, and symbols play a decisive role.

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Doran, Marie-Christine. "Religion and politics in land takeovers in Mexico: new dimensions of “classical” social movements?" Canadian Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Studies / Revue canadienne des études latino-américaines et caraïbes 39, no. 1 (2014): 72–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08263663.2014.978165.

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Durand, Víctor Manuel, and Márcia Smith Martins. "Urban social actors and movements and the access to citizenship: The case of Mexico." International Review of Sociology 6, no. 1 (1996): 67–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03906701.1996.9971186.

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Trevizo, Dolores. "Political Repression and the Struggles for Human Rights in Mexico: 1968–1990s." Social Science History 38, no. 3-4 (2014): 483–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2015.22.

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On the basis of qualitative and quantitative data, I show that nonviolent protests against politically motivated repression in Mexico were more significant, both in terms of their histories and their political impact over time, than the literature suggests. I document that Mexico had human rights movements prior to the late 1980s that have been overlooked because activists since 1968 framed their struggles in terms of amnesty for political prisoners as well as the reappearance of, and accounting for, the disappeared. I further show that their 25-plus years of struggle were effective in the passage of two amnesties for political prisoners (1971 and 1978) as well as the emergence of an ombudsman called the National Human Rights Commission (CNDH circa 1989/1990), along with the negotiated settlement of the Zapatista uprising in Chiapas. This evidence suggests that even against strong odds, and even in the context of ongoing repression, nonviolent social movements of relatively powerless people can independently influence nondemocratic governments not only to pass favorable policy, but also to restructure the polity.

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Martín López, Lucía, and Rodrigo Durán López. "Casa de la Asegurada: A Collective Housing Facility for Women Development in Mexico." Buildings 11, no. 6 (2021): 236. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/buildings11060236.

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While several women’s movements that aimed to modify their relationship with public space were taking place across the world, in 1956, the Mexican Social Security Institute founded the program Casa de la Asegurada, the subject of this study, as a tool for improving the social security of Mexican families through the input of cultural, social, artistic, and hygienic knowledge for women. The program’s facilities, Casas de la Asegurada, are located in the large Mexican housing complexes, articulating themselves to the existing city. Despite the impact on the lives of Mexican families, these have been ignored throughout the history of Mexican architecture. The main objective of this paper is to show the state of the art of Casa de la Asegurada and its facilities located in Mexico City. To achieve this, the greatest number available of primary sources on the topic was compiled through archive and document research. Sources were classified identifying information gaps to explain, in three different scales (program, facilities, and a case study), how they work through their objectives, performed activities, and evolved through time, so that the gathered information is analyzed with an urbanistic, architectural, and gender approach to contribute new ideas in the building of facilities that allow women empowerment.

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Gerritsen, Peter R. W. "‘Creating (Local) Space for Change’: Strengthening Agroecological Farming and Fair Trade Practices in the State of Jalisco, Western Mexico." International Review of Social Research 1, no. 3 (2011): 93–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/irsr-2011-0022.

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Abstract: The article describes the experience of the Network for Sustainable Agricultural Alternatives (RASA: Red de Alternativas Sustentables Agropecuarias) in western Mexico, which can be considered an initiative of civil society constituted by different social actors constructing new strategies for sustainable rural development. Presented here are different aspects of the RASA, whose work focuses on farmer training in agroecology and, recently also, fair trade practices, the insights gained and the challenges that lie ahead for strengthening sustainable rural development. The RASA can be considered a social organization with characteristics of the so-called new social movements that seek for an increasing role of civil society in political decision-making, in this case regarding rural development in Mexico.

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Fox, Jonathan. "The Difficult Transition from Clientelism to Citizenship: Lessons from Mexico." World Politics 46, no. 2 (1994): 151–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2950671.

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The consolidation of democratic regimes requires the extension of political rights to the entire citizenry, but this process does not necessarily follow from electoral competition. The transition from authoritarian clientelism to respect for associational autonomy is an important dimension of democratization, unfolding unevenly through iterative cycles of conflict among authoritarian rulers, reformist elites, and autonomous social movements. This process is illustrated by a study of changing bargaining relations between rural development agencies and grassroots indigenous movements in Mexico. The results suggest that the transition from clientelism to citizenship involves three distinct patterns of state-society relations within the same nation-state: redoubts of persistent authoritarianism can coexist with both new enclaves of pluralist tolerance and large gray areas of “semiclientelism.”

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Jerry, Anthony, Alex Borucki, and Sabrina Smith. "Thinking About Blackness in the Pacific." Ethnic Studies Review 44, no. 3 (2021): 17–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/esr.2021.44.3.17.

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Anthony Jerry discusses the history and challenges for recognitions of Black Mexico and the broader Pacific region of Latin America. Jerry describes his research on a Black Mexican community of Costa Chica and its complex racial identity development. Responding to Jerry’s presentation, Alex Borucki describes the potential value of conducting comparative research that connects the movements of, as well as the locations where, Black communities developed in the Pacific regions of Latin America. Sabrina Smith suggests more attention to the transpacific slave trade, as well as the emergence of significant social and racial contestations by Afro-Mexicans in both historical and contemporary contexts.

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Trejo, Guillermo. "The Ballot and the Street: An Electoral Theory of Social Protest in Autocracies." Perspectives on Politics 12, no. 2 (2014): 332–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592714000863.

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This article presents a new explanation of the widespread occurrence of cycles of protest in electoral autocracies – the most common type of authoritarian regime in the world today. Because multiparty elections in autocracies are partially free but unfair, opposition parties are compelled to compete for office while contesting the rules of competition. To fulfill this dual goal, opposition parties actively seek to recruit a wide variety of independent social movements who can provide votes and lead major mobilizations during election campaigns and in post-election rallies to denounce fraud. Because electoral participation can cause divisions within social movements, social activists join socio-electoral coalitions when opposition parties offer them financial and logistic resources and institutional protection to mobilize for their causes during non-election times. This quid pro quo explains how isolated protest events become aggregated into powerful cycles of mobilization and why protest is more intense during elections but persists beyond election cycles. When political liberalization leads to increasingly free and fair elections, the prospect of victory motivates opposition parties to discourage radical mobilization, bringing cycles of protest to an end. Drawing on an original database of indigenous protest in Mexico and on case studies, I provide quantitative and qualitative evidence of the causal impact of electoral incentives on the rise, development and decline of a powerful cycle of indigenous protest as Mexico transitioned from one-party to multi-party autocracy and into democracy. Beyond Mexico, I show that the introduction of multiparty elections in a wide variety of autocracies around the world gave rise to major cycles of protest and discuss why the relationship between the ballot and the street is a crucial factor for understanding the dynamics of stability and change of authoritarian regimes.

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Hurtado Grooscors, Héctor. "CIUDADANÍA, SOCIEDAD CIVIL Y MOVIMIENTOS SOCIALES EN AMÉRICA LATINA: DESAFÍOS DEMOCRÁTICOS CONTEMPORÁNEOS EN MÉXICO Y VENEZUELA (1990-2012)." Revista Pueblos y fronteras digital 9, no. 18 (2014): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/cimsur.18704115e.2014.18.22.

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Las ciencias sociales han debido afrontar el reto de elaborar marcos conceptuales y analíticos que permitan abordar las transformaciones de las sociedades contemporáneas. Resaltan los desafíos en materia de desarrollo económico, gobernabilidad, inclusión social, ampliación de la ciudadanía, movilización social, etc. En este sentido se ha abordado el estudio de la sociedad civil y los movimientos sociales vistos como actores que pertenecen a esta, para comprender las presiones ejercidas a los gobiernos democráticos en América Latina, particularmente en México y Venezuela, para impulsar la expansión de los derechos ciudadanos, las reformas democráticas, la visibilización y el reconocimiento de las demandas de los grupos lgbti, indígenas y afrodescendientes. CITIZENSHIP, CIVIL SOCIETY AND SOCIAL MOVEMENT IN LATIN AMERICA: CONTEMPORARY DEMOCRATIC CHALLENGES IN MEXICO AND VENEZUELA (1990-2012)  Social sciences have had to face the challenge of developing conceptual and analytic frameworks to approach the transformation processes in contemporary societies. Important challenges are faced in the fields of economic development, governance, social inclusion, citizenship expansion and social mobilization among others. The study of civil society and its movements viewed as social actors has thus been approached in order to understand the pressure exercised by democratic governments in Latin America, particularly in Mexico and Venezuela, in order to promote the extension of citizen rights, democratic reforms, the visibilization and recognition of the demands of lgbti groups, indigenous people and Afro-descendant communities.

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Gomes, Simone da Silva Ribeiro, Roxana Cavalcanti, and Carlos de Jesús Gómez Abarca. "Notes on the criminalization of social movements in Latin America: examples from Brazil and Mexico." Mediações - Revista de Ciências Sociais 26, no. 3 (2021): 519. http://dx.doi.org/10.5433/2176-6665.2021v26n3p519.

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Este artigo examina a relação entre Estados e movimentos sociais, com o foco na criminalização dos protestos no Brasil e no México. A criminalização dos protestos é um processo polissêmico, que pode ser observado nos últimos anos nos dois países, por meio de estratégias de controle implantadas pela mídia e por instituições estatais, incluindo – ainda que não exclusivamente – o sistema de justiça criminal. Este artigo lança luz sobre a perseguição de jovens manifestantes, que ganharam visibilidade nos movimentos recentes da América Latina como atores de movimentos estudantis e de movimentos sem foco geracional. O artigo analisa os protestos como eventos, enfocando a relação entre movimentos sociais, regimes democráticos e violência, que se sustenta na utilização recorrente de métodos de criminalização dos movimentos sociais em ambos os países. Esse fenômeno, concluímos, expressa a persistência de características dos regimes coloniais, ditatoriais e autoritários.

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Gomes, Simone Da Silva Ribeiro, Roxana Cavalcanti, and Carlos De Jesús Gómez Abarca. "Notes on the Criminalization of Social Movements in Latin America: Examples from Brazil and Mexico." Mediações - Revista de Ciências Sociais 26, no. 3 (2021): 519. http://dx.doi.org/10.5433/2176-6665.2021v26n3p532.

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Este artigo examina a relação entre Estados e movimentos sociais, com o foco na criminalização dos protestos no Brasil e no México. A criminalização dos protestos é um processo polissêmico, que pode ser observado nos últimos anos nos dois países, por meio de estratégias de controle implantadas pela mídia e por instituições estatais, incluindo – ainda que não exclusivamente – o sistema de justiça criminal. Este artigo lança luz sobre a perseguição de jovens manifestantes, que ganharam visibilidade nos movimentos recentes da América Latina como atores de movimentos estudantis e de movimentos sem foco geracional. O artigo analisa os protestos como eventos, enfocando a relação entre movimentos sociais, regimes democráticos e violência, que se sustenta na utilização recorrente de métodos de criminalização dos movimentos sociais em ambos os países. Esse fenômeno, concluímos, expressa a persistência de características dos regimes coloniais, ditatoriais e autoritários.

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García, Mario Alberto Velázquez. "El deseo de desarrollo." Diálogos Latinoamericanos 9, no. 14 (2008): 22. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/dl.v9i14.113591.

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The paper analyzes a social movement in Hermosillo, Mexicoagainst the destruction of a public park. The central objective is toshow the importance of the cultural and political environment forthe development of collective actions as well as the difficultiesfacing all civilian groups in Mexico that seeks to reverse a publicpolicy through non-violent means. The article suggests that thevariation of the following elements of the political opportunitieswere determinant: 1) the consequences for social mobilization wasthe existence of a coalition between the government and publicenterprises; 2) the existence or absence of institutional channels ofparticipation in decision making about the use of public space; 3)the use of forms of repression towards the demonstrators; 4) theinterest that a society has for certain social movements. The case isrepresentative of the conflicts still present in the relationship thatsome Mexicans state or municipal governments have with civilgroups.

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Morales Hudon, Anahi. "Redefining Alliances in the Struggle for Organizational Autonomy." Canadian Journal of Political Science 50, no. 2 (2017): 461–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423917000476.

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AbstractThis paper aims to contribute to discussions around alliances and collaborations between feminisms. It analyses relations between movements in the development of indigenous women's organizational autonomy in Mexico. It seeks to understand how the struggle for autonomy involved a redefinition of the forms of collaboration by indigenous women in the consolidation of their movement. An intersectional perspective is proposed to better understand how power relations affect the organizing processes of social movements, as well as how organizations and individuals respond to and challenge them. I argue here that the redefinition of collaborations and alliances has been a key determinant in the organizing capacity of indigenous women to position themselves as autonomous political actors. From the analysis of two specific cases, this paper poses broader questions regarding representation and autonomy that may be applied towards a reflection of our feminist practices and discourses of solidarity.

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Velazco, Salvador. "(Des)colonialidad del poder en 13 pueblos en defensa del agua, el aire y la tierra." Catedral Tomada. Revista de crítica literaria latinoamericana 5, no. 9 (2018): 22–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ct/2017.249.

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This article analyzes Francesco Taboada’s 13 pueblos en defensa del agua, el aire y la tierra documentary (2008) from the perspective of the “coloniality of power.” This concept, in accordance with Walter Mignolo, refers to the subordination of the knowledge and culture of subaltern and excluded groups that is a feature of Western modernity. Taboada highlights the epic struggle of the 13 Villages in the State of Morelos Movement to defend not only natural resources (water, land, forests) but also the full rights of indigeous communities. This film is an obligatory reference for documenting indigeneous people’s movements and the social struggles that are being waged in today’s neoliberal Mexico.

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McGee, Marcus J., and Karen Kampwirth. "The Co-optation of LGBT Movements in Mexico and Nicaragua: Modernizing Clientelism?" Latin American Politics and Society 57, no. 4 (2015): 51–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2015.00290.x.

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AbstractBefore the 1980s, LGBT groups in Latin America were largely (though not entirely) excluded from the state. This article argues that a combination of factors—democratization, social movement demands, neoliberal globalization and its accompanying discourse of modernity—has led many state actors to seek to incorporate LGBT groups into the state. Considering two cases of self-proclaimed revolutionary parties, Mexico's PRI and Nicaragua's FSLN, the article examines how and why these parties incorporated LGBT organizations and what impact such incorporation had on the LGBT groups themselves. In both countries, LGBT groups benefited from clientelistic resources at the same time that they found themselves deradicalizing, often forced to accept visibility without rights. But in Nicaragua, a more recent revolutionary experience and ties to a combative, autonomous feminist movement have allowed some LGBT activists to resist the state's efforts to co-opt their movement.

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de la Dehesa, Rafael. "Response to Deborah Gould's Review ofQueering the Public Sphere in Mexico and Brazil: Sexual Rights Movements in Emerging Democracies." Perspectives on Politics 9, no. 2 (2011): 401–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592711000533.

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As I wrote in my review, Deborah Gould offers us a valuable conceptual tool kit in Moving Politics with which to explore the role of affect and emotion in social movements. In her review of my book, she invites me to address these dimensions in my own account of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender (LGBT) activism in Brazil and Mexico.

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