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1
Garrido, Maria I. « The importance of social movements' networks in development communication : lessons from the Zapatista Movement in Chiapas, Mexico / ». Thesis, Connect to this title online ; UW restricted, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/6150.
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Dominguez, J. C. arlos. « Public policy and social movements : the cases of Bolivia and Mexico ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.496442.
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García, González L. A. « New social movements and social networking sites' uses : Mexicans' mobilization for peace in Mexico ». Thesis, Nottingham Trent University, 2016. http://irep.ntu.ac.uk/id/eprint/29009/.
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The recent political protests around the globe since the uprising in the Arab World, the Indignados movement in Spain, and the Occupy Movement in United States, were broadcast to the world through both the global mainstream and alternative media using many images and reports produced by people on the ground using internet, mobile phones, and social media. These events have triggered a discussion not only about the political changes taking place in the region but have also opened up an academic debate about what changes and transformations may have occurred in the nature of citizens' political actions and the use of social media to communicate with people around the world. In turn, these political events have also reignited the discussion on social media as transnational public spheres beyond government control and opened to question the ethos of existing attempts at Internet governance by western nation-states. The aim of this thesis is to engage in a theoretical discussion of this political phenomenon through a case study of New Social Movements and social networking sites' Uses: Mexicans' mobilization for peace in Mexico, an important element in the development of citizen participation on the Internet focused on in the thesis. In this process, this thesis examines how theoretically social movements have been transformed with the goal of contributing to the debate on the role of new communication technologies in redefining social movements and their potential to transform traditional political practices, such as opening up space to develop temporary alliances with the government, widening political participation in government structures, and/or exercising more influence on the policy-making process.
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Halvorsen, Chris. « Constructing Ungovernability : Popular Insurgency in Oaxaca, Mexico ». Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/193245.
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This thesis examines recent events in Oaxaca, Mexico that demonstrate the continued relevance of the spatiality of resistance for understanding social movement activism and alternative political projects. Arising out of a violent confrontation between state police and the striking teachers union, the Popular Assembly of the Peoples of Oaxaca created spaces of autonomy and resistance that challenged the legitimacy of the state. The fluid movement between a politics of demand, in which social actors force changes in the state apparatus, and a politics of the act, in which movements construct new forms of social relations in their own sites of activism, represents the dual nature of practices that attempt to alter spaces of resistance while at the same time negotiating with broader social structures. The movement in Oaxaca is an example of the possibilities of political projects that recognize the need to move beyond mere resistance to form creative alternatives.
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MeÌndez, Santa Cruz Mauricio. « From grassroots to institutional politics : low-income urban movements in the transition from authoritarianism in Mexico ». Thesis, University of Kent, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.271445.
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Mier, Rodrigo Gonzalez Cadaval. « Spectrality and sovereignty in Zapatista discourse ». Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2005.
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Crumpacker, Elizabeth A. « #Yo Soy 132 and Occupy : Social Movements and the Media ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/240.
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I am comparing the tactics of Mexican youth movement #Yo Soy 132 and Occupy to better understand how these groups work against the hegemonic views presented by mass media. I aim to understand the media structures in Mexico and the United States through the lens of these social groups and consider how they are similar or different. I also take into consideration societal structures, such as varying levels of Internet access, that influence the way these groups function. These movements are in constant flux and their interaction with the public is changing everyday, but I hope to provide some insight into their tactics and strategies and whether or not they are successful in achieving their established goals.
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Schnaith, Marisa Caitlin Weiss. « A Policy Window for Successful Social Activism : Abortion Reform in Mexico City ». Miami University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=muhonors1240332556.
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Gautreau, Ginette Léa. « The Third Mexico : Civil Society Advocacy for Alternative Policies in the Mexican Drug War ». Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/31029.
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The growth of the drug war and rates of narco-violence in Mexico has captured the attention of the international community, leading to international debates about the validity and effectiveness of the War on Drugs mantra. Since 2006, the Mexican government has been actively combating the cartels with armed troops, leading to high rates of human rights abuses as well as growing opposition to official prohibition policies. This thesis explores three movements advocating for alternatives to the Mexican drug war that have their foundation in civil society organizations: the movements for human rights protection, for drug policy liberalization and for the protection and restitution of victims of the drug war. These movements are analysed through a theoretical framework drawing on critical political economy theory, civil society and social movement theory, and political opportunity structures. This thesis concludes that, when aligned favourably, the interplay of agency and political opportunities converge to create openings for shifting dominant norms and policies. While hegemonic structures continue to limit agency potential, strong civil society advocacy strategies complemented by strong linkages with transnational civil society networks have the potential to achieve transformative changes in the War on Drugs in Mexico.
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Magaña, Maurice. « Youth in Movement : The Cultural Politics of Autonomous Youth Activism in Southern Mexico ». Thesis, University of Oregon, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/13325.
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This dissertation offers a unique examination of new cultures and forms of social movement organizing that include horizontal networking, non-hierarchical decision-making and governance combined with the importance of public visual art. Based on 23 months of ethnographic fieldwork, I analyze how processes of neoliberalism and globalization have influenced youth organizing and shaped experiences of historical marginalization. What makes youth activism in Southern Mexico unique from that occurring elsewhere (i.e. Occupy Movements in U.S. and Europe) is the incorporation of indigenous organizing practices and identities with urban subcultures. At the same time, the movements I study share important characteristics with other social movements, including their reliance on direct-action tactics such as occupations of public space and sit-ins, as well as their creative use of digital media technologies (i.e. Arab Spring).
This research contributes to the study of social movements and popular politics, globalization, culture and resistance, and the politics of space by examining how youth activists combine everyday practices and traditional social movement actions to sustain autonomous political projects that subvert institutional and spatial hierarchies. They do so through decentralized activist networks that resist cooptation by the state and traditional opposition parties, while at the same time contesting the spatial exclusion of marginalized communities from the city center. This research contributes a critical analysis of the limits of traditional models of social change through electoral politics and traditional opposition groups, such as labor unions, by challenging us to take seriously the innovative models of politics, culture and governance that Mexican youth are offering us. At a larger level, my work suggests the importance of genuinely engaging with alternative epistemologies that come from places we may not expect- in this case urban, indigenous, and marginalized youth.2015-10-03
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Viksten, Michal. « Human rights activism in Mexico City – A case study on young people’s strategies for enacting citizenship ». Thesis, Ersta Sköndal Bräcke högskola, Institutionen för socialvetenskap, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:esh:diva-7156.
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The aim of this study is to gain a deeper understanding of the strategies used by young people in Mexico City to exercise civic participation in the form of human rights activism. Mexican society is currently markedby an increased amount of human rights violations, together with high levels of corruption, violence and severe flaws within the democratic system. To claim and stand up for human rights in this context is not onlydifficult but also dangerous, which is a pattern that recurs in many context throughout the globe. The young activists who were interviewed share the experience of having attended the same human rights education, where human rights are taught through critical pedagogy. They manifest a perspective where human rights have to be enacted in all spheres of society, including interpersonal relationships. Human rights ideals also seem to represent something similar to an ideology that, when understood correctly, entails a transformative potential. The experience of undertaking human rights education formed new networks and bonds in civil society, as well as personal reflections on their own position in their surrounding. Although recognizing the importance of relating to the parliamentary structure and public institutions, the activists seem sceptical towards achieving human rights progress through that arena due to the large political and financial corruption. Instead, the result of this study highlights other strategies for exercising civic participation and defending human rights in Mexico, such as the creation and participation in autonomous, democratic structures within in the civil society and social movements, as well as actions executed within informal relationships and spheres.
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Carrillo, Sáenz Roberto. « Individual determinants that trigger protest participation : The case of Mexico City ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/264820.
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The characteristics of Mexico are different to the characteristics of countries where the mainstream theories on social movements were developed — which are countries with consolidated democracies. Hence, to study the Mexican case, one must be aware of this difference, as one of the fundamental aims of this thesis is to evaluate the pertinence of these theories in a young democracy with an authoritarian heritage that experiences conditions of social inequality, insecurity and low levels of trust in public institutions. A question that must be asked first is whether the case of Mexico, following the mainstream theories, is going to produce similar outcomes to those that we can find in the literature, or due to the peculiarities of this country, the outcomes are going to be different. In this research work we take the individual as a unit of analysis. Thus, we analyze the variables that have an effect on the propensity of individuals to protest. Beyond the paths of pure micro, meso or macro level analyses, this thesis examines these three social levels in combination to explain the individuals' likelihood to participate in protest events. That is to say, we analyze the effects of the macro or meso level on the micro level. With this aim, we seek to determine whether the case of Mexico is going to produce similar outcomes to those that we can find in the literature or, whether due to the peculiarities of this country the outcomes are going to differ. Contrary to other studies which only analyze the characteristics of protesters, in this work we analyze the characteristics of both protesters and non-protesters. The latter is an important group of analysis, since with it we can make a real contrast to observe which variables are more likely to trigger protest participation in individuals.Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Torok, Joseph J. « Social Implications of Fair Trade Coffee in Chiapas, Mexico : Toward Alternative Economic Integration ». [Tampa, Fla] : University of South Florida, 2009. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0002888.
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Thomas, Julia. « Buses, But Not Spaces For All : Histories of Mass Resistance & ; Student Power on Public Transportation in Mexico & ; The United States ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/1068.
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Public spaces—particularly buses, which often carry a larger proportion of low-income to middle class individuals and people of color—serve as shared places for recreation, travel, and labor, and are theoretically created with the intention of being an “omnibus,” or a public resource for all. While buses have been the sites of intense state control and segregation across the world, they have also been places in which groups have organized bus boycotts, commandeered control of transportation, ridden across state lines, and taken over spaces that allow them to express power by occupying a significant area. Buses have become spaces of exchange and power for the people who have, in some cases, been marginalized by ruling private interests and institutionalized racism to ride in masses on particular routes. From the turn of twentieth century to 1968 in Mexico, the Civil Rights movement in the mid twentieth century United States, to the contemporary era in the U.S. and Mexico, public spaces have been historically reclaimed as key instruments in social movements. By analyzing these moments, this thesis explores the complex relations over power on buses for riders—university students in in Mexico, and African Americans in the U.S.—and show how they have been both key vehicles in mobilization and resistance against state oppression and the sites of targeted violence and racism.
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Munoz, Maria L. O. « "We Speak For Ourselves" : The First National Congress of Indigenous Peoples and the Politics of Indigenismo in Mexico, 1968-1982 ». Diss., The University of Arizona, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/194145.
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In the midst of a violent decade where the Mexican government used force to suppress insurgent and student unrest, the Indian population avoided such a response by operating within official government parameters. The 1975 First National Congress of Indigenous Peoples of Mexico, though convened by the federal government, gave Indians an opportunity to claim a role in the complex political process of formulating a new version of national Indian policy while demanding self-determination. Through the congress, indigenous groups attempted to take the lead in shaping national programs to their needs and interests rather than merely responding to government initiatives. The congress marked a fundamental change in post-revolutionary politics, the most important restructuring and recasting of the relationship between local and regional indigenous associations and the federal government since the 1930s. Its history provides an important context for understanding more recent political disputes about indigenous autonomy and citizenship, especially in the aftermath of the Zapatista (EZLN) revolt in 1994. The 1975 Congress marked a watershed as it allowed for the advent of independent Indian organizations and proved to be momentous in the negotiation of political autonomy between indigenous groups and government officials.
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Bejar, Ofelia Morales. « Zapatistas : The shifting rhetoric of a modern revolution ». CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2004. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/2610.
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This thesis studies the rhetoric of the Zapatista Revolution and social movement through the analysis of Zapatista messages using the method of cluster criticism. It explores changes in the rhetoric of confrontation and the rhetoric of peace used by the Zapatistas to further their cause during the last ten years of the revolution.
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Crane, Nicholas Jon. « Between Repression and Heroism : Young People's Politics in Mexico City After 1968 ». The Ohio State University, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1403108272.
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O'Leary, Anna Ochoa. « Of Information Highways and Toxic Byways : Women and Environmental Protest in a Northern Mexican City ». University of Arizona, Mexican American Studies and Research Center, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/219212.
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Women’s involvement in collective struggles for environmental quality has surged in recent years, as has research focusing on this phenomenon. Consistent with this research, a feminist lens is useful in revealing a model of community struggle that features women’s activities and strategies to expose environmental insult. I use a case study of community protest in Hermosillo, a city in the Mexican state of Sonora, to feature social networks as a means of politicizing the placement of a toxic waste dump six kilometers outside the city. A feminist perspective reveals these social networks to be more than a way to mobilize resources. It allow us to see the ways in which gender interacts with globalized relations of power, political ecology, and environmental policy, and to validate a creative way in which women can out-maneuver the gendered constraints to political participation. An analysis of how social networks served in this particular struggle suggests that they are an important component in the process through which women gained voice and authored oppositional discourse in contexts where these have been previously denied, and ultimately deconstructed the political authority that sanctioned the dump.
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修子, 柴田, et Nobuko Shibata. « メキシコにおけるサパティスタ民族解放軍の研究 : フレーミング論からの分析 ». Thesis, https://doors.doshisha.ac.jp/opac/opac_link/bibid/BB13115618/?lang=0, 2019. https://doors.doshisha.ac.jp/opac/opac_link/bibid/BB13115618/?lang=0.
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本論文は、メキシコのチアパス州で1994年に蜂起したサパティスタ民族解放軍が25年にわたって運動を継続させてきた要因について、社会運動論の観点から考察したものである。運動の流れを理解するために、まず運動前史、蜂起後の経緯、2003年に行われた運動方針の転換を網羅的に記述している。その後運動が国内外で支持を得た要因をフレーミング論から論じ、サパティスタ運動が継続し得たのは運動体内部と外部の二重フレーミングがあったためであると指摘した。The zapatista army of national liberation, which is a group of indigenous people in Chiapas and declared a war against the federal government of Mexico in 1994, is known as the guerrilla using words, not arms. In this article I analyzed why they have suceeded in keeping struggle more than 25 years. First I have descibed the history of Chiapas, how this movement was born and developed. And I analysed why people in the world got to support them using flaming analysis. As conclusion, I pointed out the double flaming of the zapatista movement.
博士(グローバル社会研究)
Doctor of Philosophy in Global Society Studies
同志社大学
Doshisha University
20
Cao, Umberto. « Fighting For and Fighting Through Electricity : an Ethnography of the Civil Resistance Movement "Luz y Fuerza del Pueblo" from Chiapas, Mexico ». Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019EHES0092.
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La thèse porte sur le mouvement de Résistance Civile "Luz y Fuerza del Pueblo", actif dans l'état du Chiapas, au Mexique. Surgi dans la première moitié des années 2000, le mouvement est notamment composé par des paysans d'origine indigène. Cependant, il ne peut pas être défini en tant que "mouvement paysan" ni en tant que "mouvement indigène" non plus. L'électricité étant au cœur de son existence, il considère celle-ci comme un droit fondamental, pour laquelle revendique un accès universel et non-discriminatoire. Ses activistes se branchent de façon directe au réseau électrique et opèrent une gestion autonome de ce dernier, dans les territoires sous leur contrôle. Au même temps, l'électricité n'est qu'un instrument d'une plus ample lutte politique visant l'autonomie gouvernementale et la justice sociale. Pour cette raison, l'hypothèse selon laquelle le cas de Luz y Fuerza del Pueblo puisse représenter une forme de mobilisation sociale émergente typique de l'âge de l'Anthropocène, est posée et discutée. Le travail s'articule autour de trois parties. La première partie offre une introduction au contexte du Mexique contemporain, à travers les éléments les plus récurrentes dans les narrations que les acteurs sur le terrain produisent pour décrire leurs propres conditions de vie: pauvreté, dégâts des politiqués libérales, violence structurelle, exclusion socioéconomique et politique. Dans la deuxième partie, l'état de l'art de l'anthropologie des mouvements sociaux est délinéé, et les principales orientations théoriques sur lesquelles l'étude s'appuie sont explicités. Plus spécifiquement, les processus historiques et épistémologique qui a amené l'autonomie à s'affirmer en tant que paradigme théorique et politique majeur est retracé, avec une attention particulière à comment – à partir dès derniers décennies du XX siècle – elle a progressivement inspirés les luttes paysannes d'Amérique Latine. La troisième partie est entièrement consacrée è l'ethnographie du mouvement Luz y Fuerza del Pueblo. Celle-ci se déroule à travers l'analyse détaillée des motivations des activistes, des leurs objectifs politiques et, finalement, de leurs expériences, formes et imaginaires de résistance. Le travail se conclut avec des considérations critiques sur les politiques concernant les peuples indigènes du Chiapas, annoncées par le président "socialiste" Andrés Manuel López Obrador pendant les cent premiers jours de son mandatThe thesis is about the Civil Resistance Movement "Luz y Fuerza del Pueblo", from Chiapas, Mexico. It was born in the first years of the 2000s and the majority of its activists are peasant and indigenous. Though, it can't be defined as a "peasant movement", nor as an "indigenous movement. At the core of its mission there is electricity, indeed, which the Movement considers as a basic right, whose access – it claims - should be universal and nondiscriminatory. Accordingly, in the territories controlled by its activists, the Movement performs a direct access to the power grid and an autonomous management of it. Yet, at the same time, it makes use of electricity as a means of wider political struggle aimed to autonomy and social justice. In this sense, Luz y Fuerza case may be revealing of a more general trend potentially informing social mobilizations in the Age of Anthropocene. The work is organized in three parts. The first part introduces contemporary Mexico, by means of the main categories local actors mobilized to describe their living conditions: poverty, liberal policies, structural violence, and socioeconomic and political exclusion. The second part defines the state of the art in the anthropology of social movements and the main theoretical references inspiring the study. Specifically, the historical and epistemological process leading to the emergence of autonomy as a theoretical and political paradigm is retraced. And it is shown how this latter has progressively informed Latin-American peasant struggles since the last decades of the 1900s. The third part is completely devoted to the ethnography of Luz y Fuerza del Pueblo. This provides an in-depth representation of the Movement and of its history. Which is followed by an analysis of the motivations for the activists to militate in such a movement. Its political agenda is therefore investigated. The experiences, the forms and the imaginaries of the civil resistance performed by the Movement are eventually observed. In the conclusions, the work proposes some critical insights about the policies on indigenous people and Chiapas, implemented by the "socialist" president Andrés Manuel López Obrador during the first hundred days of his term
La tesi verte sul Movimento di Resistenza Civile "Luz y Fuerza del Pueblo" attivo nello stato del Chiapas, Messico. Sorto nella prima metà degli anni 2000, esso ha una composizione maggioritariamente contadina ed indigena. Ma non può essere definito né come "movimento contadino", né come "movimento indigeno". Esso pone infatti al centro della propria agenda l'elettricità, che considera come diritto fondamentale e per la quale rivendica un accesso pieno ed universale. Il Movimento opera pertanto un accesso diretto alla rete elettrica e una gestione autonoma della stessa, nei territori controllati dai suoi attivisti. Al contempo, però, esso fa dell'energia elettrica uno strumento di lotta per un più ampio programma politico che ha come fino l'autogoverno e una maggiore giustizia sociale. In questo senso, si ipotizza che il caso specifico di Luz y Fuerza del Pueblo possa essere rivelatore di una più ampia tendenza che potrebbe informare le mobilitazioni sociali all'epoca dell'Antropocene. Il lavoro si articola in tre parti. Nella prima parte si procede a un'introduzione al contesto del Messico contemporaneo, con una precipua attenzione agli elementi a cui gli attori sul campo ricorrono per descrivere le proprie condizioni di vita: povertà, politiche liberali, violenza strutturale ed esclusione socioeconomica e politica. Nella seconda parte viene delineato lo stato dell'arte dell'antropologia dei movimenti sociali e i principali orizzonti teorici a cui lo studio fa riferimento. In particolare, si ripercorre il processo storico ed epistemologico che ha portato l'autonomia ad emergere come paradigma teorico e politico, e come a partire dagli ultimi decenni del XX secolo, questa abbia progressivamente informato le lotte contadine, in particolare dell'America Latina. La terza parte è interamente dedicata all'etnografia del movimento Luz y Fuerza del Pueblo, con una rappresentazione approfondita dello stesso e della sua storia, da un'analisi delle motivazioni dei suoi attivisti, dall'esame della suo programma politico e, infine, da un approfondimento sulle esperienze, sulle forme e sugli immaginari della resistenza civile di cui è protagonista. Il lavoro si conclude con alcuni spunti critici sulle politiche riguardanti i popoli indigeni e il Chiapas, adottate dal presidente "socialista" Andrés Manuel López Obrador a cento giorni dal suo insediamento
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Schütze, Stephanie. « Die andere Seite der Demokratisierung : die Veränderungen politischer Kultur aus der Perspektive der sozialen Bewegung der Siedlerinnen von Santo Domingo, Mexiko-Stadt / ». Berlin : Ed. tranvía, 2005. http://www.tranvia.de/buecher/92586795.htm.
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Bonzom, Mathieu. « Mobilisations et politisation d'immigrés latinos à Chicago et aux États-Unis, à la lumière du mouvement du printemps 2006 ». Thesis, Paris Est, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PEST0004/document.
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L'immigration latino-américaine de masse de la période actuelle est arrivée aux États-Unis dans le cadre de politiques migratoires tendues entre les exigences des employeurs, les pressions des populations hostiles à l'immigration, et les aspirations des immigrés eux-mêmes. L'articulation entre ces demandes en partie contradictoires a donné forme à un régime d'immigration, que les élus s’efforcent de préserver, parfois au prix de réorganisations substantielles. Ce régime, entre demande et rejet de l'immigration, constitue une des conditions historiques de la mobilisation et de la politisation des immigrés. D'autres conditions dépendent de l'histoire et de l'état actuel du mouvement syndical,longtemps majoritairement hostile à l'immigration, qui lui a pourtant apporté des contributions décisives. Les immigrés demeurent peu organisés pour la défense de leurs droits, même si celle-ci est en partie prise en charge par des organisations à but non-lucratif. Peu de choses, dans le milieu organisé un tant soit peu implanté parmi les immigrés latinos, laissaient prévoir un mouvement social tel que celui qui a traversé le pays au cours du printemps 2006. A partir des travaux parus à ce jour et de nos données d'enquête de terrain collectées à Chicago, nous présentons donc la façon dont une opportunité de mobilisation a été créée, au moment où la stabilisation du régime d'immigration posait des problèmes particulièrement difficiles. Les acteurs de cette création d'opportunité, militants fondateurs du mouvement, se situent parfois dans les organisations établies de défense des immigrés,mais ont agi de façon relativement autonome au printemps 2006. Leur réussite a reposé sur leur capacité à intervenir d'une façon qui a fait écho à la protestation montante parmi les immigrés latinos.Nous proposons une lecture de ce phénomène en termes de répertoires de protestation, afin de mieux décrire les spécificités d'une mobilisation atypique dans le contexte des États-Unis d'aujourd'hui, et la place des éléments de culture politique partagés par les immigrés latinos. Le mouvement a également été l'occasion de nous pencher sur des débats stratégiques concernant à la fois les droits des immigrés(dans le cadre du régime d'immigration ou en dehors), et les formes de protestation efficaces et légitimes pour eux. Enfin, nous ébauchons à partir d'une double étude de cas, une analyse des trajectoires migratoires et militantes de dirigeants du mouvement de 2006 à ChicagoContemporary latino mass immigration has come to the United States within the framework ofi mmigration policies resulting from the tensions between employers' demands, anti-immigration pressures from various groups, and the immigrants' own aspirations. Those partially contradictory demands have been harnessed in what we call the immigration regime, which policymakers strive tomaintain, sometimes through substantial modifications. The regime, between immigration demand and rejection, constitutes one of the historical conditions of immigrant mobilization and politicization.Other such conditions are a result of the history and the present state of the labor movement, longhostile towards immigration, despite drawing crucial contributions from it. Immigrants remain largely unorganized for the defense of their rights, despite the interventions of non-profits. Hardly anything in the organizational landscape allowed analysts to predict any social movement such as that which swept the country during the Spring of 2006. Our analysis, based on the existing literature as well asour own fieldwork data collected in Chicago, will present the creation of a political opportunity for such a movement, at a time when the stabilization of the immigration regime was becoming particularly problematic. The social actors behind this creation, activists who arguably founded themovement, sometimes belonged to established immigrant advocacy organizations, yet acted relatively autonomously in the Spring of 2006. Their success rested on their capacity to intervene in a way thatechoed the rising tide of protest among latino immigrants. We offer a reading of those events based on the concept of repertoires of protest, so as to better describe the specific traits of an atypical mobilization in the contemporary US context, and the importance of political culture trends among latino immigrants. The movement was also an opportunity to focus on strategic debates concerning immigrant rights (within the regime or otherwise) and the power and legitimacy of various forms of protest. Lastly, through a double case study, we offer a sketch of an analysis of the migratory and militant trajectories of leaders of the 2006 movement in Chicago
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Ungerová, Aneta. « Hnutí YoSoy132 v Mexiku : proměny od prezidentských voleb 2012 po současnost ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-165903.
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#YoSoy132 movement was founded in May 2012 during the election campaign, after a small incident with one of the presidential candidates, Enrique Peňa Nieto, at IberoAmerican University in Mexico City. The movement gained relatively quickly a large number of supporters from many Mexican universities and also among ordinary citizens. The topic of this thesis is the transformation and evolution of the movement from presidential elections till present days. The main goal of this paper is to analyze the movement and answer the question on how #YoSoy132 movement has been developing over its fifteen months of existence, whether it has institutionalized and stabilized and how it can be defined and characterized.
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Montes, Rosa Isabel. « New social movements and social theory : the anti-nuclear power movement : a Mexican case study ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1994. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272750.
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Watson, Iain William. « Politics and resistance in international relations : a study of the Emiliano Zapata Army of National Liberation (EZLN) as a critical social movement ». Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10443/439.
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The 1994 mobilisation of the Emiliano Zapata Army of National Liberation (EZLN) in the Chiapas state of Southern Mexico prompted much academic and political debate. The EZLN proposed a variety of economic, political, social and. cultural demands in the ensuing days, weeks, months and years. Academic and political commentators using a variety of conceptual and interpretive frameworks sought to make sense of this social movement and assess whether the EZLN was truly significant. This thesis develops a distinctive coverage and critique of these approaches by arguing that the EZLN represents much more than current studies of the movement allow. The thesis argues that the EZLN represents the need and provides the opportunity for a profound rethinking of social movement theory and its assumptions. The thesis argues that the EZLN can help inform current interest in developing a thinking space in Critical International Relations Theory and invokes a problematisation of current conceptual approaches to the nature, the issues, the objectives and the strategies of contemporary social movements, in theory and practice
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Panfalone, Anthony Vincent. « Formations of death : instrumentality, cult innovation, and the Templo Santa Muerte in Los Angeles ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:6e4824c3-0960-4731-b44f-bd7bd50c066f.
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This thesis examines the Templo Santa Muerte in Los Angeles, a small, loosely organized spiritual group dedicated to the veneration of La Santa Muerte, or the Holy Death. Although originating in the urban barrios (neighborhoods) of Mexico City, Santa Muerte is now venerated in the southwestern United States as well, primarily among working-class Mexican Americans. Although Santa Muerte has been condemned by the Catholic clergy and vilified in mass media and popular culture for its ties to crime and gang violence, my fieldwork at the Templo Santa Muerte demonstrates that not all devotees of Santa Muerte can be characterized in this way. For Templo members, Santa Muerte is foremost a supernatural instrument whose appeal is in large part derived from her singular commitment to satisfying their corporeal needs and material wishes. While this quality is also attributed to many Catholic saints, Santa Muerte is believed to operate independently of Church orthodoxy and is viewed to be more powerful because of this. The Templo Santa Muerte, on the other hand, incorporates some features of formal Catholic liturgy while simultaneously organizing its services around the individual petitions of its members. In doing so, the Templo’s founders maintain an effective balance between liturgical features familiar to their mostly Catholic members and the fundamentally instrumental relationship they have with Santa Muerte. I argue that this balance is central to the appeal of the Templo and to the logic of its founders, who took advantage of the tolerant and diverse cultural atmosphere of Los Angeles to establish a spiritual enterprise that is truly the first of its kind. My methodology and theoretical approach acknowledges this, favoring an ethnographic examination grounded in respondent testimonies, direct observations, and relevant ethnohistorical interpretations of the symbolism and ritual behavior associated with Santa Muerte. At its most general, my analysis of the cult and Templo of Santa Muerte is framed around three separate but mutually interactive and informative dimensions: the instrumental and social manifestations of the cult and Templo, respectively, and the structuring influence that Catholic soteriology and cultural materialism exerts over both.
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Petříček, Martin. « Sociální hnutí a jejich dopady na přechod k demokracii v Mexiku : případ zapatistů ». Doctoral thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2004. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-71954.
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This dissertation aims to enrich the discussion about the role of social movements in the process of democratisation, ie. to assess their role in the transformation from authoritarian to democratic regime. In particular, it tries to find the way how to assess the impact of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional, EZLN) and related movement on the Mexican transition to democracy in 1990s. The analysis tries to identify possible impacts on three different levels -- political (which means regime transition), social (which is related with the change of the nature of the relations between state and society, once described as corporatist) and economical (which means the end of neoliberal policy promoted by recent Mexican governments and the introduction of more equal, "more democratic" policy in zapatista logic). It looks both at the formal (direct through bargaining) and informal (influence) impact of the zapatista movement. From the methodological point of view, the study is case analysis, in some parts it uses historical analysis. The text is structured into five chapters. The first chapter shows main theoretical and methodological approaches to the social movements with special focus on Latin American context. It is followed by explaining the principles of methods used to assessment of the zapatista impacts. The second chapter presents main approaches to social change and process of democratic transition. The third chapter contains the historical analysis of transformation of relation between state and society during 20th century, from the introduction of (state) corporatist model in 1930s to its gradual dismantling in the late 20th century. The fourth chapter analysis the evolution of EZLN from its beginning in Lacandon jungle in southern Mexican state of Chiapas. In relation with the emphasis of movement's goals, the period from 1994, when zapatista uprising in Chiapas started, to 2010 is divided into four stages. In the fifth chapter, theoretical findings are applied on EZLN and zapatista movement and formulated hypotheses are tested.
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Brickner, Rachel 1974. « Union women and the social construction of citizenship in Mexico ». Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=85891.
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In Latin America, women's ability to participate in the paid workforce on equal terms as men is constrained by many cultural and political obstacles, and this reinforces women's unequal citizenship status. Even though unions have rarely supported women's rights historically, and are currently losing political power in the neoliberal economic context, I argue that union women have a crucial role to play in the social struggle to expand women's labor rights. Building on theories about the social construction of citizenship, I develop an original theoretical framework suggesting that civil society acts on three levels to expand citizenship rights: the individual level (working with individuals to make them more rights-conscious), within social institutions (working to ensure that policies within social institutions actually reflect the rights of individuals), and at the level of the state, where civil society contributes to the construction of new citizenship discourses.The framework is then applied to the Mexican case. Examining the rise of working class feminism in the context of the debt crisis and transition to economic liberalism in the 1980s, and the subsequent democratic transition in 2000, I show how these contexts led union women to participate in civil associations active at each of these three levels of citizenship construction. More specifically, this participation has been important in raising awareness of women's labor rights among women workers, challenging patriarchal union structures, and bringing the issue of women's labor rights into the debate over reform of Mexico's Federal Labor Law. I ultimately conclude that in the absence of support from a broad women's labor movement, the chances that women's labor rights will be supported by the Mexican government and Mexican unions will be low.
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Espeleta, Olivera Mariana. « Subalternidades femeninas : la autorrepresentación como resistencia ». Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/316773.
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La tesis presentada propone un marco teórico en el que se encuentran la teoría política gramsciana con la teoría feminista, para pensar sobre la manera en la que se construye políticamente la subalternidad de las mujeres como elemento indispensable de los proyectos hegemónicos, así como las posibilidades de resistencia a esta dominación, particularmente a través de la autorrepresentación. Este marco, se utiliza para revisar la construcción de la hegemonía de género en el México postrevolucionario, y dos casos actuales de colectivos de mujeres mexicanas que resisten esta dominación: Las madres de las asesinadas y desaparecidas de Ciudad Juárez, y las “Patronas” de Veracruz, que ayudan a los migrantes indocumentados en su paso por el país.The present dissertation, parts from gramscian theory in dialog with feminist theory in order to re-think the way in which women’s subalternity is politically constructed, as a necessary basis to a hegemonic project. This theoretical frame also explains the strategic ways that subaltern women use to resist, referred to as self-representation. On the case study section, this work reviews how in post-revolutionary Mexico the subalternity of women was built; and two actual cases of women in resistance: The mothers of disappeared girls in Ciudad Juarez, and “Las Patronas” of Veracruz, who help Central American migrants on their way across Mexico.
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Zimmerman, Caren Amelia. « Learning to Stand on Shifting Sands : Sonoran Desert Capitalism, Alliance Politics, and Social Change ». Diss., The University of Arizona, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/195325.
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Learning to Stand on Shifting Sands: Sonoran Desert Capitalism, Alliance Politics, and Social Change offers a comparative analysis of activisms, labor organizing, and production practices in southern Arizona between 1999 and 2003. Using a combination of political economy, queer/feminist theory, transdisciplinary critical cultural studies, and discourse analysis, the research analyzes the broad social and ideological contexts, the tactics, the contradictions and the attempts and lost opportunities for building broader alliances for radical social change in contemporary Arizona. The case studies reckon with this experience, arguing that: Arizona's migrant workers have been strategically produced via media practices, border militarization, "development" discourse, and global production practices as flexible post-NAFTA commodities that enable formidable nationalist and heteronormative representation and political economic practices within the Sonoran desert border region. That local activism and labor organizing draws upon neoliberal "development" discourse strategies, and also breaks from these strategies in ways that suggests that the terms of production and exchange might be usefully applied towards outcomes that are outside of profit accumulation. That alliance practices that take structures and discourses of domination into account in estimations of value, even in production, can promote broader collaborations between activist organizations, cultural identities and single-issue politics. A politics of alliance that accounts for the interdependence of seemingly disparate practices of production, social oppression and culture might help invigorate contemporary grass roots struggles and promote social transformation.
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CAO, UMBERTO. « Fighting for and fighting through electricity. An ethnography of the “Civil Resistance Movement Luz y Fuerza del Pueblo", from Chiapas, Mexico ». Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano-Bicocca, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10281/241295.
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La tesi verte sul Movimento di Resistenza Civile "Luz y Fuerza del Pueblo" attivo nello stato del Chiapas, Messico. Sorto nella prima metà degli anni 2000, esso ha una composizione maggioritariamente contadina ed indigena. Ma non può essere definito né come "movimento contadino", né come "movimento indigeno". Esso pone infatti al centro della propria agenda l'elettricità, che considera come diritto fondamentale e per la quale rivendica un accesso pieno ed universale. Il Movimento opera pertanto un accesso diretto alla rete elettrica e una gestione autonoma della stessa, nei territori controllati dai suoi attivisti. Al contempo, però, esso fa dell'energia elettrica uno strumento di lotta per un più ampio programma politico che ha come fino l'autogoverno e una maggiore giustizia sociale. In questo senso, si ipotizza che il caso specifico di Luz y Fuerza del Pueblo possa essere rivelatore di una più ampia tendenza che potrebbe informare le mobilitazioni sociali all'epoca dell'Antropocene. Il lavoro si articola in tre parti. Nella prima parte si procede a un'introduzione al contesto del Messico contemporaneo, con una precipua attenzione agli elementi a cui gli attori sul campo ricorrono per descrivere le proprie condizioni di vita: povertà, politiche liberali, violenza strutturale ed esclusione socioeconomica e politica dei popoli indigeni. Nella seconda parte viene delineato lo stato dell'arte dell'antropologia dei movimenti sociali e i principali orizzonti teorici a cui lo studio fa riferimento. In particolare, si ripercorre il processo storico ed epistemologico che ha portato l'autonomia ad emergere come paradigma teorico e politico, e come a partire dagli ultimi decenni del XX secolo, questa abbia progressivamente informato le lotte contadine, in particolare dell'America Latina. La terza parte è interamente dedicata all'etnografia del movimento Luz y Fuerza del Pueblo, con una rappresentazione approfondita dello stesso e della sua storia, da un'analisi delle motivazioni dei suoi attivisti, dall'esame della suo programma politico e, infine, da un approfondimento sulle esperienze, sulle forme e sugli immaginari della resistenza civile di cui è protagonista. Il lavoro si conclude con alcuni spunti critici sulle politiche riguardanti i popoli indigeni e il Chiapas, adottate presidente "socialista" Andrés Manuel López Obrador a cento giorni dal suo insediamento.The thesis is about the Civil Resistance Movement "Luz y Fuerza del Pueblo", from Chiapas, Mexico. It was born in the first years of the 2000s and the majority of its activists are peasant and indigenous. Though, it can't be defined as a "peasant movement", nor as an "indigenous movement. At the core of its mission there is electricity, indeed, which the Movement considers as a basic right, whose access – it claims - should be universal and nondiscriminatory. Accordingly, in the territories controlled by its activists, the Movement performs a direct access to the power grid and an autonomous management of it. Yet, at the same time, it makes use of electricity as a means of wider political struggle aimed to autonomy and social justice. In this sense, Luz y Fuerza case may be revealing of a more general trend potentially informing social mobilizations in the Age of Anthropocene. The work is organized in three parts. The first part introduces contemporary Mexico, by means of the main categories local actors mobilized to describe their living conditions: poverty, liberal policies, structural violence, and socioeconomic and political exclusion of indigenous peoples. The second part defines the state of the art in the anthropology of social movements and the main theoretical references inspiring the study. Specifically, the historical and epistemological process leading to the emergence of autonomy as a theoretical and political paradigm is retraced. And it is shown how this latter has progressively informed Latin-American peasant struggles since the last decades of the 1900s. The third part is completely devoted to the ethnography of Luz y Fuerza del Pueblo. This provides an in-depth representation of the Movement and of its history. Which is followed by an analysis of the motivations for the activists to militate in such a movement. Its political agenda is therefore investigated. The experiences, the forms and the imaginaries of the civil resistance performed by the Movement are eventually observed. In the conclusions, the work proposes some critical insights about the policies on indigenous people and Chiapas, implemented by the "socialist" president Andrés Manuel López Obrador during the first hundred days of his term.
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Zarate, Vidal Margarita Del Carmen. « The creation of community and identity in a rural social movement : the Union de Comuneros 'Emiliano Zapata' of Michoacan, Mexico ». Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.243325.
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Angeleri, Sandra. « Women weaving the dream of the revolution in the American continent ». Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2006. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3200708.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2006.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed Mar. 1, 2006). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 608-622).
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SILVESTRE, Hugo de Andrade. « A disputa pela esfera pública em sociedades periféricas : o estado mexicano e o zapatismo ». Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2009. http://repositorio.bc.ufg.br/tede/handle/tde/1616.
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Previous issue date: 2009-08-28This dissertation has the purpose to analyze the disputes in the public sphere of peripheral societies from the western modernity of the end of twentieth century, in which the state loses its exclusivity as the center of the political process. The conflicts between the State of Mexico and the zapatistas will be used to reflect about the process of dialogue, due to the formation of political consensus among agents inserted into a hybrid culturally society. It was noted a growing interference of the public opinion and international organizations upon the actions of the State, which had centralized and a non-democratic behavior. Thus, it was used an apparatus based on the theoretical concepts of public sphere and decentred societies (Habermas, 1984), combined to the idea of movement in network from Shecher-Warren (SCHERER-WARREN, 2006). The notions of cultural hybridization and of the border zone (Canclini, 2003) has an essential collaboration to make the approaching, as facilitating the understanding of the political and cultural processes of regions which have the transition to democracy and the presence of diverse belongings as a essential characteristic. This is the case of Latin America and, consequently, of Mexico. It was applied the analysis of discourse on the Zapatista movement documents and the Mexican government, as well such as published texts containing contents about the topic analyzed.
Essa dissertação dedica-se a analisar as disputas na esfera pública de sociedades periféricas da modernidade ocidental do final do século XX, em que o Estado perde a exclusividade como centro do processo político. Os conflitos entre o Estado do México e os zapatistas serão utilizados para reflexão sobre o processo de elaboração de diálogos, em função da formação de consensos políticos, entre agentes inseridos em uma sociedade culturalmente híbrida. Notou-se a crescente interferência da opinião pública e de organizações internacionais sobre as ações do Estado, centralizador e de comportamento antidemocrático. Para tanto, empregouse aparato teórico fundamentado nos conceitos de esfera pública e sociedades descentradas (HABERMAS, 1984), conjugado à idéia de movimentos em rede de Shecher-Warren (SCHERER-WARREN, 2006). As noções de hibridização cultural e zona de fronteira (CANCLINI, 2003) colaboram de maneira essencial para compor a abordagem utilizada, pois facilitam a compreensão dos processos políticos e culturais de regiões em que a transição para a democracia e a presença de pertencimentos diversificados tornam-se características marcantes, caso da América Latina e, conseqüentemente, do México. Foi aplicada a análise do discurso sobre documentos do movimento zapatista e do governo mexicano, como também de textos publicados em conjunto.
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AURELIANI, THOMAS. « LA MOBILITAZIONE DEI FAMILIARI DI DESAPARECIDOS IN MESSICO E LA ¿GUERRA AL NARCOTRAFFICO¿. IL CASO DEL COLLETTIVO FUUNDEC-M ». Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/740781.
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La tesi vuole indagare le condizioni che favoriscono l’attivismo dei familiari delle vittime in contesti ad alto-rischio attraverso l’analisi del processo di mobilitazione di questo tipo di attori sociali. A partire dalla cornice teorica di stampo sociologico relativa allo studio dei movimenti sociali, questo elaborato mira a costruire una risposta multifattoriale mediante una triplice prospettiva centrata sul contesto socio-politico (macro), sugli attori e i networks (meso) e sull’individuo (micro). La ricerca è basata sull’approfondimento di un singolo caso studio: Fuerzas Unidas por Nuestros Desaparecidos en Coahuila y en México – FUUNDEC-M, un collettivo di familiari di vittime di sparizione forzata nato e sviluppatosi nello stato messicano nord-orientale di Coahuila, una regione caratterizzata dalla presenza della criminalità organizzata e da alti livelli di violenza, impunità e corruzione politico-istituzionale.The purpose of this thesis is to investigate the conditions that encourage the activism of victims’ relatives in high-risk contexts. It will be possible through the analysis of the process of mobilization of these kind of social actors. Based on sociological literature of social movements, the research aims to give a multifactorial response to this peculiar collective action. Three dimensions of analysis will be taken into consideration: the socio-political context (macro), the actors and networks (meso) and the individual (micro). This work focuses the attention on a single case study: Fuerzas Unidas por Nuestros Desaparecidos en Coahuila y en México – FUUNDEC-M. This collective of relatives of forced disappearances’ victims was born and developed in the North-eastern Mexican state of Coahuila, a region characterized by the presence of organized crime and high levels of violence, impunity and political-institutional corruption.
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Turner, Bethany, et n/a. « Strategic translations : the Zapatistas from silence to dignity ». University of Canberra. Creative Communication, 2004. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20051123.144212.
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This thesis demonstrates that the discursive strategies that characterise the political struggle of the Zapatista (EZLN) movement are produced in response to the political and economic realities of Mexico and the southeastern state of Chiapas. The EZLN�s intentionally ambiguous discourse of dignity epitomises these strategies. By deploying various incarnations of dignity to counter the Mexican Government�s strategic political manoeuvres, the EZLN destabilises the political, economic and social hegemonies of the nation. This destabilisation creates a space for the EZLN to suggest the possibility of an alternative political logic to the Mexican populace. However, the marginalised social location and ethnic diversity of the movement�s indigenous constituents impedes their ability to effect significant political change. This impediment is overcome when they coalesce around the politically advantageous subjectivity of indigenous Zapatistas and engage with the mestizo Subcomandante Marcos to produce the EZLN. The movement enacts a progressive coalitional politics that articulates radical political alternatives for Mexico through the strategic practice of translation. Thus, translation is posited as a powerful political practice for marginalised groups engaged in resistance struggles in the contemporary global conditions.
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Martinez, Garcia Mariana I. « Chicanos in education : an examination of the 1968 east Los Angeles student walkouts ! » Scholarly Commons, 2008. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/695.
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In 1968 the Los Angeles community witnessed the up rise of thousands of Chicano students when they walked out of their high school on an early morning in March. The purpose of this study was to further understand the 1968 student walkouts as presented by student participants. The study was carried out as a phenomenological study and used a Critical Race Theory (CRT) framework to interpret the students' interpretation of the Walkouts.
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Su, Yen-Pin, et 蘇彥斌. « Social Movements and Democratization in Mexico ». Thesis, 2005. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/34963928561749020174.
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碩士國立臺灣大學
政治學研究所
93
This thesis demonstrates that Mexican democratization is a result of confrontation of the social movements and the PRI (Institutional Revolutionary Party) government rather than an outcome of merely rational interactions of ruling elites, as numerous researchers tend to suggest. It argues that although ruling elites and pressures from international actors have a lot to do with Mexican democratization, social movements play the most important role promoting democratization in Mexico. This study analyzes the relation between social movements and democratization. In this sense, it raises two important questions as followed. The first is, “how do the Mexican social movements promote democratization?” The second is, “what kind of democratization do the Mexican social movements promote?” Answers to these questions are provided through the examination of the electoral-democracy movement (1986~1991), the pro-democracy movement (1991~1996), and the Zapatista movement (1994~1997) through the lens of the society-centered approach and Charles Tilly’s democratization theory. In sum, the author hopes to describe a more complete picture of Mexican democratization process as well as shed some light on the democratization experience of Taiwan.
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Peterson, Jeffrey Dean. « Citizenship, social movements and Mexico's solidarity program urban service distribution in Guadalajara, Mexico / ». 1994. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/38301885.html.
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Williams, Heather L. « Movements against markets economic transition and distributive conflict in Mexico / ». 1997. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/44047298.html.
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Carruthers, David Vern. « The political ecology of indigenous Mexico social mobilization and state reform / ». 1994. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/34039990.html.
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OIKONOMAKIS, Leonidas. « Which way to social change 'compas' ? : exploring how revolutionary movements form their political strategies through the experiences of the Zapatistas and the Bolivian Cocaleros ». Doctoral thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/43885.
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Defence date: 7 November 2016Examining Board: Doctor Donatella Della Porta, Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa, (former EUI Supervisor); Doctor Oliver Roy, European University Institute (EUI); Dr. John Holloway, Benemérita Universidad Autónoma de Puebla (BUAP); Doctor Jeffery R. Webber, Queen Mary University of London
How do revolutionary movements choose what political strategy to follow in their quest for social change? What mechanisms are set in motion in order for the movements to select their political strategy? And when they shift from one strategy to another, why and how does that happen? In my work, I first identify what the options available for social movements that want to bring about (or block) social change are. I have created a model which distinguishes between basically two different roads to social change: the one that passes through the seizure of state power (the state power road) and the one that avoids any relationship with the state or its functions (the non-state power road). The state power road also has two routes, depending on the means the movements choose in order to grasp state power: the electoral route and the insurgent one. The non-state power road refers to the abstention of any relationship with the state and the engagement with autonomous, prefigurative politics instead. However, the availability of political strategies is one thing, and the strategy the movements actually decide to follow is another. The former defines the options available for the movements. The latter defines the movements’ choice from those options. Through what mechanisms is that choice made? The relevant literature places most of its attention on the political opportunities (or resources) available to the movements. According to it, when political opportunities are opened the movements are more likely to take the electoral route to state power and social change. When they are closed, as it happens under authoritarian regimes, the armed struggle is a more likely option. However, that has to do with the widening or limiting of the options available, and it does not explain how the strategic choice is actually made. Comparing the cases of the FLN/EZLN (Mexico) and the Six Federations of the Tropics of Cochabamba/MAS (Bolivia), two movements that took completely different paths in their quest for social change despite starting from similar standpoints, I argue that the strategic choice of the movements was made through a combination of a) across time and space resonance of own-or-other experiences at home or abroad, b) in-depth study and sometimes active research of the resonating cases, and c) active training of the movements’ constituencies to secure the ideological hegemony of the choice made and the discipline of the militants to the selected strategy.
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Waters, Jody. « Text, context, and communicative practice within an alternative discourse of development : the No Al Club de Golf movement of Tepoztlán, Morelos ». Thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/1042.
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Videla, Nancy Plankey. « Crossing borderlands transnational social movements in a globalized economy, a case study from the U.S.-Mexico border / ». 1996. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/35793055.html.
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Thesis (M.S.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1996.Typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 123-136).
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« Feminist Decolonial Politics of the Intangible, Environmental Movements and the Non-Human in Mexico ». Doctoral diss., 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2286/R.I.38673.
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abstract: This study weighs the connection of environmental crisis with race and gender in different cases of environmental crisis and conflicts. The study documents how Indigenous cosmologies and cosmopolitics, and scientific arguments converge in unexpected alliances in the advent of environmental crises. This research focuses on specific instances, or situations related to environmental justice movements addressing the environmental crisis in Mexico (and its convergences to other similar cases). I examine and present a discussion of the research methodologies and methods used to study the ‘environment’ as well as indigenous cosmologies and cosmopolitics. With this, I embark on a research that includes feminist decolonial theory, eco-feminism and material feminisms into a larger project for autonomy and decoloniality.
In particular, I discuss one of the concepts that have caught the attention of those studying race and ethnicity in the Americas: mestizaje as an ordinal principle in the context of Mexico. Also, I discuss the inscriptions of the mestiza body in relation to the materiality of race and gender in the context of Latin America. It is shown how the discourse of mestizaje is tangled with the idea of a modern civilization, such as in the Mexican state. Overall, this research analyzes different responses to environmental crises; from environmental activists, community organizers to plastic artists and scientific experts. Also, it includes a literary analysis of contemporary indigenous literatures to show how state sponsored violence and settler colonialism have an incidence in gender violence by placing the female body close to nature.
As global environmental problems have risen, this research contributes to the understanding of the underlying factors in environmental crises and conflict that have been overlooked. Herein lies an important possibility to reach a broader audience in different disciplines, ranging from indigenous studies to the global politics of human rights. Furthermore, this research aims to contribute to the work of environmental activists, scholars and scientists with regard to the understanding of how different arguments are used in research and advocacy work, and how they can integrate an interdisciplinary and intercultural approach when addressing environmental justice cases.Dissertation/Thesis
Doctoral Dissertation Justice Studies 2016
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Massicotte, Marie-Josee. « Mexican sociopolitical movements and transnational networking in the context of economic integration in the Americas / ». 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/yorku/fullcit?pNQ99208.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (Ph.D.)--York University, 2004. Graduate Programme in Political Science.Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 467-490). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/yorku/fullcit?pNQ99208
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Macias, Anthony William. « Mining memory : contention and social memory in a Oaxacan territorial defense struggle ». Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/26126.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Faced with the profound social and ecological threats posed by extractivist projects such as large hydroelectric dams, wind farms, and mining operations, many indigenous communities and their allies in Mexico have articulated new forms of contentious politics into a broad territorial defense movement. This project explores the strategies of contention practiced by an anti-mining movement based in the Municipality of San José del Progreso in the southern state of Oaxaca. As a deeply-divided community that has suffered increased violence and conflict directly related to a Canadian-owned gold and silver mine operating in its vicinity, it presents a valuable case study in how strong social movements can still develop under conditions of disunity. This study combines ethnographic and archival research methods to uncover the deep historical roots of community division, and to develop a close analysis of the contentious strategies employed by the anti-mining movement. The historical record and local narratives show the central role that hacienda colonialism played in creating a salient geography of ethnic discrimination and division in the municipality whose effects can still be seen today. In response to the ongoing processes of colonization and dispossession in San José del Progreso, a legacy of contention has defined and defended both campesino (peasant farmer) and indigenous claims to local territory. More than a series of instrumental strategies designed to expel the hacienda and later mine project, this politics of contention operates as a form of social memory to produce a hybrid form of indigenous/campesino identity linked to healthy land stewardship, an interconnectedness between the earth and human subjects, and a shared history of struggle. As a result, the anti-mining movement in San José del Progreso has shown success in converting its troubled past and checkered present into the foundations of a healthy social and ecological commons, independent of its failure to fully-unite the municipality or close down the mine project in the short-run.text
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Sadlier, Stephen T. « Movements of diverse inquiries as critical teaching practices among charros, tlacuaches and mapaches ». 2012. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/dissertations/AAI3545983.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This year-long participant observation qualitative case study draws together five social practices of mid-career elementary school educators in the Mexican southeastern state of Oaxaca: a protest march, a roadblock, the use of humor, a school-based book fair and alternate uses of time and space in school. The title terms charros, tlacuaches and mapaches represent some of the diverse sites of friction within witch teachers interact. Additionally, movements of diverse inquiries is derived from the definition Michel Foucault gives to critical which leads to the primary guiding question of: how have Oaxacan teachers engaged in critical pedagogical practices? The study finds that contemporary commonsense dimensions of critical pedagogy which involve developing teacher awareness toward relations of power and facilitating direct interventions in community realities of inequity prove insufficient for teachers and others engaged in a multi-sited, decades-long protest movement. The five social practices showcased here demonstrate ways teacher navigate in and out of the State Secretariat of Education and the radical union, proving that the messy life of teaching proves complex. The practices show how activities often disassociated with pedagogy and political projects: eating, drinking, gossiping play help teachers and other school-based actors enact and sustain their critical projects. It concludes that discourses often associated with acritical humanism are important additions to critical pedagogy taken on in places of intensified conflict.
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Fernandez, Marco Antonio. « From the Streets to the Classrooms : The Politics of Education Spending in Mexico ». Diss., 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10161/5611.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This dissertation examines the political determinants of government spending across different levels of education. What are the political motivations that drive budgetary decisions on primary, secondary, and tertiary education? Who are the beneficiaries of these appropriations? Why are they capable of influencing the decisions over appropriations?
I argue that the distribution of education spending across education levels depends on the capacity of organized groups active in this sector to make their demands heard and served by governments. Better organized groups have stronger capacity to take advantage of the electoral concerns of politicians and influence their decisions on educational budgets. I provide evidence to show that, with some exceptions, the teachers' unions in the primary and secondary schools are the most influential organized group in the education sector. By taking their demands out to the streets, by capturing key positions in the education ministries, and by using their mobilization capacity in the electoral arena, teachers have made governments cater to their economic interests, rather than direct resources in ways that would enhance access to and the quality of education.
I test the theoretical arguments using an original dataset incorporating a comprehensive account of all protests, strikes, and other disruptive actions by teachers, university workers, students, and parents in Mexico between 1992 and 2008. The statistical analysis reveals that 1) states with higher levels of teachers' protests receive larger federal education grants, and that 2) subnational authorities spend more on primary and lower secondary as a consequence of the larger disruptive behavior observed in these education levels. Complementary qualitative evidence shows how the teachers' union has captured the education ministries at the federal and the subnational levels, consolidating its influence over education policy. Finally, this study reveals the teachers' union capacity to leverage their participation in electoral politics in order to defend its economic interests.
Dissertation
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Herman, Tamara. « Extracting consent or engineering support ? : an institutional ethnography of mining, "community support" and land acquisition in Cerro de San Pedro, Mexico ». Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/3161.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis explicates the translocal ruling relations embedded in the process that a Canadian corporation used to acquire collectively held land for a mine in Mexico. Using Institutional Ethnography, I begin from a disjuncture between the corporation’s statements that the mine holds “local support” and the contesting claims of an opposition movement. I contextualize this disjuncture by referring to the institutional discourse of “corporate social responsibility” in mining. I make visible the hierarchy of texts activated by the corporation to acquire land and produce the claim of “local support.” I overlay this problematic with a reconstruction of the legal disputes between the corporation and its opposition, indicating where the process is hooked into legislation that organizes multinational investment in mining. The inquiry illuminates the workings of power, illustrating how provisions for foreign investment enshrined in multilateral institutions and upheld in Mexican legislation hold primacy over provisions for “local support.”