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1
Speed, Ewen. « Irish Mental Health Social Movements : A Consideration of Movement Habitus ». Irish Journal of Sociology 11, no 1 (mai 2002) : 62–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/079160350201100104.
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There has been a lack of any concerted mental health service users‘ movement within the Republic of Ireland. Mental health service users’ movements elsewhere have a marked orientation towards strategies of empowerment and the provision of peer advocacy and support for mental health service users. Two potential user habituses (drawn from the literature) are expounded and discussed, in a context of transformations they have effected in the mental health field. Through an analysis of Department of Health and Children literature and literature offered by mental health service user groups (such as Schizophrenia Ireland and AWARE) service user habitus in Ireland are delineated and explored. A comparison between the habitus drawn from international literature and the Irish literature illustrates that the dominant Irish mental health social movement habitus is a consumer habitus. This analysis demonstrates that Irish governmental psychiatric policy is driven by a consumer model that in turn is adopted by mental health social movement organisations, resulting in a dominant consumer habitus.
2
Ward, Margaret. « Conflicting Interests : The British and Irish Suffrage Movements ». Feminist Review 50, no 1 (juillet 1995) : 127–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/fr.1995.27.
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This article uses a case-study of the relationship between the British suffrage organization, the Women's Social and Political Union, and its equivalent on the Irish side, the Irish Women's Franchise League, in order to illuminate some consequences of the colonial relationship between Britain and Ireland. As political power was located within the British state, and the British feminist movement enjoyed superior resources, the Irish movement was at a disadvantage. This was compounded by serious internal divisions within the Irish movement — a product of the dispute over Ireland's constitutional future — which prevented the Franchise League, sympathetic to the nationalist demand for independence — from establishing a strong presence in the North. The consequences of the British movement organizing in Ireland, in particular their initiation of a militant campaign in the North, are explored in some detail, using evidence provided by letters from the participants. British intervention was clearly motivated from British-inspired concerns rather than from any solidarity with the situation of women in Ireland, proving to be disastrous for the Irish, accentuating their deep-rooted divisions. The overall argument is that feminism cannot be viewed in isolation from other political considerations. This case-study isolates the repercussions of Britain's imperial role for both British and Irish movements: ostensibly with a common objective but in reality divided by their differing response to the constitutional arrangement between the two countries. For this reason, historians of Irish feminist movements must give consideration to the importance of the ‘national question’ and display a more critical attitude towards the role played by Britain in Irish affairs.
3
Cowell-Meyers, Kimberly B. « The Social Movement as Political Party : The Northern Ireland Women's Coalition and the Campaign for Inclusion ». Perspectives on Politics 12, no 1 (mars 2014) : 61–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s153759271300371x.
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For about 10 years beginning in the mid 1990s, Northern Ireland had its own women's political party. The Northern Ireland Women's Coalition (NIWC) was created by members of the women's movement to achieve “equitable and effective political participation” for women. Despite being small, marginal and short-lived, the party increased access for women in nearly all the other political parties in the system. I connect the scholarship on social movements with that on political parties by examining the impact a social movement can have through the venue of its own political party. I argue three main points. First, the success of the NIWC means political parties may be an under-employed tactic in the repertoires of contention used by social movements. Second, the way the movement had an effect as a party is under-theorized in the literature on social movements because it requires consideration of party-system variables such as competition and issue-space. Third, as an identity-based movement, the women's movement in NI construed its goal of access differently than social-movement literature typically does. This under-utilized and under-theorized tactic of movement qua party delivered gains with the potential for long-term influence over policy and cultural values. In short, the movement-party may be an effective mechanism for changing the patterns of democratic representation of marginalized groups.
4
Cox, Laurence. « Struggles from Below in the Twilight of Neoliberalism ». Counterfutures 6 (1 décembre 2018) : 151. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/cf.v6i0.6387.
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Laurence Cox grew up around social movements and has been involved, since the early 1980s, in many different movements across several countries. Cox co-founded and co-edits the activist/academic movement journal Interface, co-directed an MA on activism in Maynooth, and works with activist PhD students. He is a senior lecturer in sociology at the National University of Ireland Maynooth. His recent books include Why Social Movements Matter (2018) and, with Salar Mohandesi and Bjarke Risager, Voices of 1968 (2018). Most of his work is available free online via laurencecox.wordpress.com, academia.edu, and elsewhere. Here, Dylan Taylor talks to him about the tensions between activism and academia, the importance of Marxism in the study of social movements, and the decline of neoliberal hegemony.
5
Hepworth, Jack. « The Troubles in Northern Ireland and theories of social movements ». Irish Political Studies 33, no 1 (19 septembre 2017) : 160–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2017.1377855.
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McGovern, Maeve, Edel Burton, Liam Fanning, Gerard Killeen, Kathleen O'Sullivan, John O'Mullane, Anthony P. Fitzgerald, Michael Byrne et Patricia M. Kearney. « A qualitative study exploring experiences, attitudes, and wellbeing of university students of a period of restricted movement and self-testing during COVID-19 “Incoming Student Wellbeing and Benefits of Serial COVID-19 testing (ISWAB)” study ». HRB Open Research 6 (5 janvier 2023) : 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/hrbopenres.13648.1.
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Background: As part of Ireland’s response to the COVID-19 pandemic, travellers to Ireland were required to restrict movements on arrival. Worldwide compliance with measures such as quarantine and testing vary and are influenced by factors including an individual’s knowledge of trust in, and attitudes towards these measures. The aim of this study was to explore student experiences of restricted movements after entering Ireland from abroad and to assess the acceptability and feasibility of self-administered SARS-CoV-2 tests. Methods: The Incoming Student Wellbeing and the Acceptability and Benefits of serial COVID-19 testing (ISWAB) study recruited university students who travelled into Ireland and were required by national public health guidance to restrict their movements. As part of the study, students were provided with SARS-CoV-2 self-test kits. This qualitative study explored the students’ attitudes to self-testing and restricted movements using focus groups and interviews. Ethical approval was obtained. Interviews were conducted until data saturation was reached. Interview transcripts were thematically analysed. Results: Of 41 ISWAB participants, 32 agreed to participate in a follow-up qualitative study providing written consent. One focus group, two group interviews and three individual interviews were conducted in August 2021, on Microsoft Teams. Among the 11 (seven male, four female) students interviewed, self-testing was considered feasible and acceptable. Facilitators of adherence to restrictions included: support with grocery shopping and study periods coinciding with quarantine. Barriers to well-being included: living alone, being an individual who leads a social lifestyle, and the number of days of quarantine completed. Conclusions: This qualitative study demonstrated high levels of compliance with restriction of movement guidelines and self-testing, with limited impact on general well-being. Self-testing for SARS-CoV-2 was found to be practical and achievable for at home use by participants in this study. The findings of this study may inform future self-testing initiatives.
7
O’Ferrall, Fergus. « The Church of Ireland : a critical bibliography, 1536–1992 PartV : 1800–1870 ». Irish Historical Studies 28, no 112 (novembre 1993) : 369–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400011329.
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The ‘United Church of England and Ireland’, established by the Act of Union ‘for ever’ as ‘an essential and fundamental part of the Union’, survived less than seventy years. N. D. Emerson, in his 1933 essay on the church in this period, presented the history of the church in the first half of the nineteenth century as ‘the history of many separate interests and movements’; he suggested a thesis of fundamental importance in the historiography of the Church of Ireland: Beneath the externals of a worldly Establishment, and behind the pomp of a Protestant ascendancy, was the real Church of Ireland, possessed of a pure and reformed faith more consciously grasped as the century advanced and labouring to present its message in the face of apathy and discouragement, as well as of more active and hostile opposition.Recent historical work has begun to trace the ‘many separate interests and movements’ and to explore in detail both the ‘worldly Establishment’ and the increasingly predominant evangelical influence of the Church of Ireland during the post-union period. The main topics investigated have been the structure of the church, the political relationships of the church, the evangelical movement, the mentalities of various social groups (drawing upon literary sources), and local or regional studies. The numerous gaps in the research and in our knowledge which exist seem now all the starker given the high quality of so many recent studies concerning the Church of Ireland in this period.
8
Sapouna, Lydia, et Harry Gijbels. « Social movements in mental health : the case of the Critical Voices Network Ireland ». Critical and Radical Social Work 4, no 3 (18 novembre 2016) : 397–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/204986016x14721364317492.
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Cox, Laurence, et Liz Curry. « Revolution in the Air : Images of Winning in the Irish Anti-Capitalist Movement ». Irish Journal of Sociology 18, no 2 (novembre 2010) : 87–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/ijs.18.2.6.
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This article explores strategic conceptions within the alter-globalisation movement in Ireland. Based on action research carried out within the left-libertarian (‘Grassroots’) wing of the movement, it notes imbalances in participation in a very intensive form of political activity, and asks how activists understand winning. It finds substantial congruence between organisational practice and long-term goals, noting social justice and participatory democracy along with feminist, environmental and anti-war concerns as central. Using Wallerstein's proposed transition strategy for anti-systemic movements, it argues that Irish alter-globalisation activists are realistic about popular support and state power, and concerned to link short-term work around basic needs with the construction of alternative institutions and long-term struggles for a different social order.
10
Walter, Bronwen. « ‘Old Mobilities’ ? Transatlantic Women from the West of Ireland 1880s–1920s ». Irish Journal of Sociology 23, no 2 (novembre 2015) : 49–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/ijs.23.2.4.
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The ‘new mobilities paradigm’ set out by Sheller and Urry (2006) and others urges social scientists to centre many interlocking mobilities in their analyses of contemporary social change, challenging taken-for-granted sedentarism. Drawing on the example of Irish women's chain migration from small farms in the West of Ireland to the East coast of the USA in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, this paper explores a longer history of high levels of mobility. Whilst migration lay at the heart of the movement, it encompassed a much wider range of movements of people, information and material goods. The ‘moorings’ of women in the their workplace-homes on rural farms and in urban domestic service constituted a gendered immobility, but migration also opened up new opportunities for intra-urban moves, circulatory Transatlantic journeys and upward social mobility. The materiality of such ‘old’ mobility provides an early baseline against which to assess the huge scale of rapidly-changing hyper-mobility and instantaneous communication in the twenty-first century.
11
Byrne, Andrew W., James O’Keeffe, Christina D. Buesching et Chris Newman. « Push and pull factors driving movement in a social mammal : context dependent behavioral plasticity at the landscape scale ». Current Zoology 65, no 5 (28 novembre 2018) : 517–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cz/zoy081.
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Abstract Understanding how key parameters (e.g., density, range-size, and configuration) can affect animal movement remains a major goal of population ecology. This is particularly important for wildlife disease hosts, such as the European badger Meles meles, a reservoir of Mycobacterium bovis. Here we show how movements of 463 individuals among 223 inferred group territories across 755 km2 in Ireland were affected by sex, age, past-movement history, group composition, and group size index from 2009 to 2012. Females exhibited a greater probability of moving into groups with a male-biased composition, but male movements into groups were not associated with group composition. Male badgers were, however, more likely to make visits into territories than females. Animals that had immigrated into a territory previously were more likely to emigrate in the future. Animals exhibiting such “itinerant” movement patterns were more likely to belong to younger age classes. Inter-territorial movement propensity was negatively associated with group size, indicating that larger groups were more stable and less attractive (or permeable) to immigrants. Across the landscape, there was substantial variation in inferred territory-size and movement dynamics, which was related to group size. This represents behavioral plasticity previously only reported at the scale of the species’ biogeographical range. Our results highlight how a “one-size-fits-all” explanation of badger movement is likely to fail under varying ecological contexts and scales, with implications for bovine tuberculosis management.
12
O'Rourke, Bernadette. « Language Revitalisation Models in Minority Language Contexts ». Anthropological Journal of European Cultures 24, no 1 (1 mars 2015) : 63–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ajec.2015.240105.
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This article looks at the historicisation of the native speaker and ideologies of authenticity and anonymity in Europe's language revitalisation movements. It focuses specifically on the case of Irish in the Republic of Ireland and examines how the native speaker ideology and the opposing ideological constructs of authenticity and anonymity filter down to the belief systems and are discursively produced by social actors on the ground. For this I draw on data from ongoing fieldwork in the Republic of Ireland, drawing on interviews with a group of Irish language enthusiasts located outside the officially designated Irish-speaking Gaeltacht.
13
Ferguson, Neil, Shaun McDaid et James W. McAuley. « Social movements, structural violence, and conflict transformation in Northern Ireland : The role of loyalist paramilitaries. » Peace and Conflict : Journal of Peace Psychology 24, no 1 (février 2018) : 19–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/pac0000274.
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Feldman, David. « Global Movements, Internal Migration, and the Importance of Institutions ». International Review of Social History 52, no 1 (9 mars 2007) : 105–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859006002811.
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In May 1928 The Watling Resident, a local newspaper directed at a readership among the inhabitants of a working-class estate created by the London County Council on the north-western outskirts of the city, published its first issue. It took the opportunity to represent what it saw as its readers' urgent and existential difficulties: “We have been torn up by the roots and rudely transplanted to foreign soil.” According to the newspaper, these painful feelings of displacement were voiced “over and over again” by people living on the new estate. These migrants and their mouthpiece spoke and wrote in terms that prefigure the pioneering historical work of Oscar Handlin or suggest they were of one mind with the Chicago School of sociology. In this light it is remarkable that these migrants were not recent arrivals from Poland, or even from Ireland or Scotland; rather they had moved to the estate from inner London, and more than half had previously lived a few miles away in the north London boroughs of St Pancras, Islington, Finsbury, and Paddington.
15
Murray, Thomas. « Contesting a World-Constitution ? Anti-Systemic Movements and Constitutional Forms in Ireland, 1848-2008 ». Journal of World-Systems Research 22, no 1 (22 mars 2016) : 77–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2016.603.
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Recent accounts of constitutional development have emphasised commonalities among diverse constitutions in terms of the transnational migration of legal institutions and ideas. World-systems analysis gives critical expression to this emergent intellectual trajectory. Since the late 18th century, successive, international waves of constitution-making have tended to correspond with decisive turning points in the contested formation of the historical capitalist world-system. The present article attempts to think through the nature of this correspondence in the Irish context. Changes to the Irish constitution, I suggest, owed to certain local manifestations of anti-systemic movements within the historical capitalist world-system and to constitution-makers’ attempts to contain – militarily, politically and ideologically – these movements’ democratic and egalitarian ideals and practices. Various configurations of the balance of power in Irish society between ‘national’ (core-peripheral) and ‘social’ (capital-labour/‘other’) forces crystallised in constitutional form. Thus far, conservative and nationalist constitutional projects have tended to either dominate or incorporate social democratic and radical ones, albeit a process continually contested at critical junctures by civil society and by the organised left, both old and new.
16
Sharp, Emily. « Research Perspectives on Students in Britain and Ireland, 1800-1945 ». CIAN-Revista de Historia de las Universidades 25, no 1 (7 juin 2022) : 122–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/cian.2022.6995.
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Historians of Britain and Ireland have long been interested in universities and students. They have acknowledged the importance of these institutions and individuals within the history of elites, the history of the state, intellectual history, the history of science, of social movements and of politics and political thought. Yet, for many years much of this research has centred around higher education institutions themselves rather than the student body that they cater for. Following the expansion of the higher education sector and the growth of the student movement in the 1960s the quantity and quality of literature on British and Irish students, rather than the institutions that they studied at, has grown substantially and has become a burgeoning historical field. This article surveys the development of this historiography and the key research perspectives on students in Britain and Ireland from 1800-1945, focusing on five thematic areas: student culture, student representation and politics, student life during war, students race and empire, and student women - to track the progress, development and connections between the different strands of this historiography over the past fifty years and to offer insights into potential avenues for further research.
17
Kim, Dong Jin. « Beyond identity lines : women building peace in Northern Ireland and the Korean peninsula ». Asia Europe Journal 18, no 4 (17 juin 2019) : 463–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10308-019-00551-5.
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Abstract This article explores the challenges and contributions of women in building and sustaining peace in protracted conflicts by conducting a comparative case study on Northern Ireland and Korea. Similarities in the histories of the conflicts and the concurrences in the peace processes have been attracting policy makers and researchers to share lessons between the Northern Ireland and Korean peace processes. However, the peacebuilding role of women and their transversal perspective have not yet received significant attention compared to the high-level agreements, signed predominantly by male politicians. This article identifies the similarities in the peacebuilding activities of women in Northern Ireland and Korea, in terms of their recognition of the interconnection between identity politics and patriarchy, building relationships across the divide through transversal dialogue, and initiating nonviolent peace movements against the militarism of their societies. The comparative case study also shows dissimilarities between the two cases, with regard to the freedom of women to move beyond boundaries, and being part of the official peace process. This article concludes the role of women in both contexts is a key element in sustainable peacebuilding; however, it appears that women’s peacebuilding would not be able to reach its full potential to break down violent structures in conflict-affected societies, as long as their transversal perspective remains at the level of social movement, not part of peacebuilding at all levels of societies, including high-level negotiations.
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Alimi, Eitan, Lorenzo Bosi et Chares Demetriou. « Relational Dynamics and Processes of Radicalization : A Comparative Framework ». Mobilization : An International Quarterly 17, no 1 (1 février 2012) : 7–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.17.1.u7rw348t8200174h.
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We propose an explanatory framework for the comparative study of radicalization that focuses on its "how" and "when" questions. We build on the relational tradition in the study of social movements and contentious politics by expanding on a mechanism-process research strategy. Attentive to similarities as well as to dissimilarities, our comparative framework traces processes of radicalization by delineating four key arenas of interaction—between movement and political environment, among movement actors, between movement activists and state security forces, and between the movement and a countermovement. Then, we analyze how four similar corresponding general mechanisms—opportunity/threat spirals, competition for power, outbidding, and object shift—combine differently to drive the process. Last, we identify a set of submechanisms for each general mechanism. The explanatory utility of our framework is demonstrated through the analysis of three ethnonational episodes of radicalization: the enosis-EOKA movement in Cyprus (1950-1959), the Provisional Irish Republican Army in Northern Ireland (1969-1972), and the Fatah-Tanzim in Palestine (1995-2001).
19
Belchem, John. « “Freedom and Friendship to Ireland” : Ribbonism in Early Nineteenth-Century Liverpool ». International Review of Social History 39, no 1 (avril 1994) : 33–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000112404.
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SummaryThe paper examines the role of “nationalist” secret societies among the rapidly growing Irish community in Britain in the 1830s and 1840s. The main port of entry, Liverpool occupied a pivotal role as the two main “Ribbon” societies developed secret networks to provide migrant members with political sanctuary and a range of “tramping” benefits. Through its welfare provision, offered irrespective of skill or trade, Ribbonism engendered a sense of identity wider than that of the familial and regional affiliations through which chain migration typically operated. A proactive influence among immigrant Irish Catholic workers, Ribbonism helped to construct a national or ethnic awareness, initiating the process by which ethnic-sectarian formations came to dominate popular politics in nineteenth-century Liverpool, the nation's second city. This ethnic associational culture was at least as functional, popular and inclusive as the class-based movements and party structures privileged in conventional British historiography.
20
Rains, Stephanie. « ‘Nauseous Tides of Seductive Debauchery’ : Irish Story Papers and the Anti-Vice Campaigns of the Early Twentieth Century ». Irish University Review 45, no 2 (novembre 2015) : 263–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/iur.2015.0176.
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This essay explores the relationship between anti-vice campaigns and the popular publishing industry of early-twentieth century Ireland. Specifically, it argues that there existed an informal but strongly symbiotic relationship between the two. The Irish anti-vice campaigns emphasised their objections to imported ‘pernicious literature’ in the form of British newspapers and story papers, thus allying themselves with both religious and nationalist movements of the time in Ireland. The Irish popular press, especially the story papers in direct and unequal competition with their large-scale British equivalents such as the Boys Own Paper, were able to use these moral attacks upon their competitors to position themselves as alternative leisure reading which was both wholesome and patriotic. This essay examines the ways in which Irish story papers such as the Emerald and Ireland's Own were able to use social purity rhetoric as a marketing technique against their British competitors. This occurred even though, as the essay outlines, in many cases the content of their stories was equally sensationalist and also had a strong emphasis upon violence, lurid plotlines and sometimes even sexually-suggestive advertising. Despite this, the anti-vice campaigns reserved their condemnations almost entirely for British publications, thus maintaining a co-operation with Irish publications which benefitted both parties.
21
Kurban, Dilek. « An Intimate Yet Anglo-Centric Account of a Renaissance Human Rights Man ». Israel Law Review 54, no 1 (14 janvier 2021) : 120–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223720000242.
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In his well-researched biography, Mike Chinoy chronicles Kevin Boyle's life and career as a scholar, activist and lawyer, bringing to light his under-appreciated role in the civil rights movement in Northern Ireland and the efforts to find a peaceful solution to the conflict, as well as his contributions to human rights movements in the United Kingdom, Europe and the world. Are You With Me? is an important contribution to the literature on the actors who have shaped the norms, institutions and operations of human rights. In its efforts to shed light on one man, the book offers a fresh alternative to state-centric accounts of the origins of human rights. The book offers a portrait of a social movement actor turned legal scholar who used the law to contest the social inequalities against the minority community to which he belonged and to push for a solution to the underlying political conflict, as well as revelations of the complex power dynamics between human rights lawyers and the social movements they represent. In these respects Are You With Me? also provides valuable insights for socio-legal scholars, especially those focusing on legal mobilisation. At the same time the book could have provided a fuller and more complex biographical account had Chinoy been geographically and linguistically comprehensive in selecting his interviewees. The exclusion of Kurdish lawyers and human rights advocates is noticeable, particularly in light of the inclusion of Boyle's local partners in other contexts, such as South Africa.
22
Dháibhéid, Caoimhe Nic, Shahmima Akhtar, Dónal Hassett, Kevin Kenny, Laura McAtackney, Ian McBride, Timothy G. McMahon et Jane Ohlmeyer. « Round table : Decolonising Irish history ? Possibilities, challenges, practices ». Irish Historical Studies 45, no 168 (novembre 2021) : 303–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2021.57.
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AbstractThe nature of Ireland's place within the British Empire continues to attract significant public and scholarly attention. While historians of Ireland have long accepted the complexity of Ireland's imperial past as both colonised and coloniser, the broader public debate has grown more heated in recent months, buffeted by Brexit, the Decade of Centenaries and global events. At the same time, the imperatives of social movements such as Black Lives Matter and Decolonising the Curriculum have asked us to reflect on the assumptions, hierarchies and norms underpinning the structures of society, including the production of knowledge and the higher education system. This round table brings together scholars from diverse disciplinary and methodological backgrounds to examine the prospects, possibilities and challenges of what decolonising Irish history might mean for our field. It sets these discussions within broader frameworks, considering both the relationship of Irish historical writing to postcolonial theory and the developments in the latter field in the last twenty years. It also reflects on the sociology of our discipline and makes suggestions for future research agendas.
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Silva, Célia Taborda. « Protests in Europe in Times of Crisis -The Case of Greece, Ireland and Portugal ». European Journal of Social Sciences 5, no 2 (1 octobre 2022) : 97–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/eujss-2022-0019.
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Abstract The year 2008 was marked by a financial crisis that started in the United States but quickly spread to the rest of the world. Subprime-related, this crisis was linked to property speculation, leveraged by the banking sector. This crisis quickly spread to Europe due to exposure of European economies to international markets. To avoid economic collapse the States decided to intervene in the banking sector, nationalizing some banks and injecting capital in others. Some European countries not to enter bankruptcy had to ask for external financial support between 2010-11, was the case of Greece, Ireland and Portugal. The aid granted by the Troika (European Union, European Central Bank, International Monetary Fund) to European countries referenced advocated a drastic austerity plan. Faced with such a scenario of crisis, austerity, unemployment and precariousness, Europeans came to the streets to demonstrate their discontent with the crisis but also with politicians and policies implemented to solve the economic problems. Throughout Europe there were large protests, especially in the countries that received international aid. From a corpus taken from newspapers and from a theoretical framework of social movements we intend to verify if there was a direct relationship between crisis and contestation in the three countries that had external aid and if this crisis returned the centrality to materials on European social movements.
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Moore, Oliver. « Understanding postorganic fresh fruit and vegetable consumers at participatory farmers' markets in Ireland : reflexivity, trust and social movements ». International Journal of Consumer Studies 30, no 5 (septembre 2006) : 416–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1470-6431.2006.00537.x.
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Maney, Gregory, Michael McCarthy et Grace Yukich. « Explaining Political Violence Against Civilians in Northern Ireland : A Contention-Oriented Approach ». Mobilization : An International Quarterly 17, no 1 (1 février 2012) : 27–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.17.1.k074707202065h35.
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In contrast to prevalent theories of terrorism, this study develops a contention-oriented approach where levels and forms of political violence against civilians depend upon: (1) the strategies of combatants; (2) the means of contention; (3) the locations of allies and opponents; (4) the collective identities of combatants; and (5) the dynamics of contention, including whether or not representatives of paramilitary organizations are included in formal peace processes. Quantitative analyses of a multi-source database of civilian deaths taking place in Northern Ireland between 1966 and 2006 offer preliminary support for this approach. The study underscores the insights provided by theories and methods used in the fields of social movements research and peace and conflict studies.
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Acheson, Nicholas, et Carl Milofsky. « Peace Building and Participation in Northern Ireland : Local Social Movements and the Policy Process since the “Good Friday” Agreement ». Ethnopolitics 7, no 1 (mars 2008) : 63–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17449050701858548.
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Ellis, Steven G. « Nationalist historiography and the English and Gaelic worlds in the late middle ages ». Irish Historical Studies 25, no 97 (mai 1986) : 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002112140002530x.
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Much more so than in modern times, sharp cultural and social differences distinguished the various peoples inhabiting the British Isles in the later middle ages. Not surprisingly these differences and the interaction between medieval forms of culture and society have attracted considerable attention by historians. By comparison with other fields of research, we know much about the impact of the Westminster government on the various regions of the English polity, about the interaction between highland and lowland Scotland and about the similarities and differences between English and Gaelic Ireland. Yet the historical coverage of these questions has been uneven, and what at first glance might appear obvious and promising lines of inquiry have been largely neglected — for example the relationship between Gaelic Ireland and Gaelic Scotland, or between Wales, the north of England and the lordship of Ireland as borderlands of the English polity. No doubt the nature and extent of the surviving evidence is an important factor in explaining this unevenness, but in fact studies of interaction between different cultures seem to reflect not so much their intrinsic importance for our understanding of different late medieval societies as their perceived significance for the future development of movements culminating in the present.
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McGinnity, Fran, Aisling Murray et Merike Darmody. « Academic achievement of immigrant children in Irish primary schools : the role of capitals and school context ». Eesti Haridusteaduste Ajakiri. Estonian Journal of Education 10, no 2 (1 novembre 2022) : 129–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/eha.2022.10.2.05b.
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Educational achievement is one of the key indicators of labour market success, yet previous research shows that in many countries, children from immigrant backgrounds struggle to match their native peers in terms of achievement. Despite high educational aspirations, migrant parents may struggle to "convert" their social and cultural capital to support their children’s achievement in their country of destination. Ireland is an interesting case study as there was substantial and rapid immigration of a diverse group of migrants, many of whom were European, to a school system that was predominantly White, Catholic, Irish and English-speaking. Drawing on the extensive literature on academic achievement of immigrant children and youth, this paper explores the academic achievement of 9-year-old immigrant children in a ‘new immigration country’, just after the peak of inward migration. The results show that unlike in many ‘old’ immigrant-receiving countries, the immigrant "penalty" in achievement in Ireland is modest, with social and cultural capital playing a salient role in English reading achievement, particularly for East Europeans, for whom the gap is greatest. Understanding the patterns of linguistic integration for recent migrant children may help us understand these processes in the case of subsequent movements of children and their families in Europe.
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Lash, Ryan. « Enchantments of stone : Confronting other-than-human agency in Irish pilgrimage practices ». Journal of Social Archaeology 18, no 3 (octobre 2018) : 284–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1469605318762816.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In contemporary Ireland, mountains, holy wells, and islands attract people from various geographic and religious backgrounds to participate in annual pilgrimages. Scholars and participants continue to debate the historical links of these events to 19th-century turas, “journey” traditions, early medieval penitential liturgies, and even prehistoric veneration of natural phenomena. Drawing from recent participant observation at Croagh Patrick mountain and excavations on Inishark Island, I analyze how modern and medieval pilgrimage practices generated “enchantments” through movements and embodied encounters with stones that materialize both past human action and other-than-human agency. Rather than products of timeless continuity of experience, such enchantments have varied widely across time. Viewing pilgrimage movements and materials in their taskscape settings highlights the articulation between the embodied affects and political and ideological effects of pilgrims’ engagement with stones in particular historic contexts. Questioning simple narratives of continuity, this study demonstrates how a relational approach can enhance analyses of pilgrimage as scenes of social reproduction, ideological controversy, and political contest.
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Walsh, Rachael, et Lorna Fox O’Mahony. « Land law, property ideologies and the British–Irish relationship ». Common Law World Review 47, no 1 (mars 2018) : 7–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1473779518773641.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article examines the role of property ideologies, and the local contexts in which they were articulated and applied, in shaping English and Irish land law. Despite their shared histories and influences – from the transplant of the common law system to Ireland to traditions of training Irish lawyers and judges in English universities – the politics of property led Irish and English land law down distinct, and sometimes oppositional, ideological paths in the twentieth century. The politics and practices of land tenure, competing economic and property ideologies, and their direct links to the evolution of national identity and statehood in each jurisdiction, shaped the foundational commitments of English and Irish land law. The article traces the complexities of lived experience in regulating the use and ownership of land, as well as the role of global and local forces – from world-system movements (for example, the influence of European political developments in 1937 on the Irish Constitution) or bi-lateral relationships (for example, the impact of the Irish land wars on the English land reform movement, or the ongoing trade dependency between Britain and Ireland into the twentieth century). Our analysis reveals the multiple competing, and at times overlapping, property ideologies that shape property systems; and the powerful role of events and externalities in contextualising the practical, political, social and symbolic meaning and content of the law as it has evolved in local contexts, and in determining whether, and when, the status quo prevails, or a tipping point for law reform is reached.
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Van Til, Jon. « From Liberal Democracy to the Cosmopolitan Canopy ». Cosmopolitan Civil Societies : An Interdisciplinary Journal 7, no 1 (19 mars 2015) : 35–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v7i1.4303.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Liberalism is that ideology, that worldview, which values, in an ever-evolving set of intelligently intermingled thoughts: democracy, freedom (liberty), equality (justice), fraternity (solidarity), the pursuit of happiness, pluralism (diversity), and human rights--and explores the ever-open ever-possible futures of their rediscovery and advance. The study of ways in which social movements relate to Third sector/nonprofit or voluntary organizations can be structured, if we choose, as a liberal endeavor. That is the message I receive from Antonin Wagner’s (2012) telling of the emergence of a field that focuses its study and developmental energies on place of intermediate associational life in modern society, from Adalbert Evers’ efforts to sustain the welfare state in an era of untrammeled capitalism (2013), and from Roger Lohmann’s (1992) comprehensive vision of a social commons capable of assuring the values of liberal society.This paper sets the theory of liberal democracy in a contemporary cosmopolitan context, drawing on case material from Hungary, Northern Ireland, and the United States.
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Anderson, Miriam J., et Jamie Gillies. « There for the moment : extra-legislative windows of opportunity for women’s social movements in politics, a comparison of Canada and Northern Ireland ». Commonwealth & ; Comparative Politics 56, no 2 (21 février 2018) : 157–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662043.2017.1389846.
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Palamarchuk, Anastasia A., et Sergey E. Fyodorov. « Сontemporary Approaches to the Medieval Historical Writing ». Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 66, no 4 (2021) : 1392–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2021.420.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The perception of insular historiography for a long time has been determined by the view outlined in the fundamental work by Antonia Gransden in the 1970s–1980s. Historiography as a whole, its distinct schools and movements are regarded as “passive” participants, whose functions were related to reflection of historical events. An opposing approach, which shifts the attention from the content of the narrative to its formal structure, is represented by such outstanding scholars as M. Clanchy and B. Guenée. They focused on the mechanisms of creating narratives, their genre specificity, inner structure, the role of historiography within intellectual space and its social functions. The collection “Medieval Historical Writing. Britain and Ireland, 500–1500” to a large extent follows the tradition of studying perceptions of the past across long historical periods, combining it with innovative approaches of participants of the projects. The novelty of the collection lies in the pan-British context of its approach to historiography. Thus “Medieval Historical Writing. Britain and Ireland, 500–1500” continues the contemporary trend of viewing the British Isles as a distinct historical and cultural region within which the combination of disintegrating factors (diversity of political forms, ethnic and linguistic heterogeneity, irregularity of continental influences) and unifying factors (ethnogenetic and dynastic myths, the concept of pan-British leadership, means of social and power interactions) determined the specificity of the development compared to the continental variant. The rejection of Anglocentric model of approaching the history and culture of the British Isles leads to the reconsideration of the British periphery.
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Bosi, Lorenzo, et Donagh Davis. « WHAT IS TO BE DONE ? AGENCY AND THE CAUSATION OF TRANSFORMATIVE EVENTS IN IRELAND'S 1916 RISING AND 1969 LONG MARCH* ». Mobilization : An International Quarterly 22, no 2 (1 juin 2017) : 223–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-22-2-223.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article investigates the role of agency in the causation of transformative events by looking at the competition between rival strands within social movements. The creative activity involved in the elaboration and execution of rival strategies is used as a proxy for agency. We present a paired comparison of two very different transformative events in twentieth-century Ireland—the Easter Rising of 1916 and the Long March from Belfast to Derry in 1969—and the strategic interactions preceding them. The comparison shows how agency and structure can interact around transformative events. High levels of agency were instrumental in making the events, and in turn these events catalyzed powerful social forces. These forces were structural—that is, they reflected divisions, tensions, and power relations that were deeply engrained in the social structure over the long term. However, these structural forces could have remained dormant had it not been for the bursts of agency that brought about the transformative events in question. We also see in these cases that the balance between structure and agency is dynamic, sometimes shifting from one moment to another rather than remaining constant.
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González Chacón, María del Mar. « Theatre That Speaks to Its Moment : Melt (2017) by Shane Mac an Bhaird ». Estudios Irlandeses, no 17 (17 mars 2022) : 16–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.24162/ei2022-10705.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In Melt (2017), by Shane Mac an Bhaird, two Irish scientists struggle in the Antarctic to reach glory from their research while Veba, a female creature found in the subglacial lake, questions the reality or fantasy of the episode. The study carried out in this article considers, first, the context of creation of the play through the presentation of the concept of new Irish theatres in the millennium, which involves the appearance of companies and social activism movements that challenge the notion of what theatre means. This is followed by an analysis of Ireland and the Anthropocene, to contextualise the play themes and include other social justice activisms, in the form of cultural projects, which encourage the reduction of the environmental impact and provide a backdrop against which Melt emerged. The approach to the play from these perspectives will lead to the conclusions, which aim to show why Mac an Bhaird’s work offers and confirms new perspectives in contemporary Irish theatre. Furthermore, the study aims to contribute to the deserving scholarship for this play, which has not yet received much critical attention.
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Houston, Kenneth. « Formalised Church-State Dialogue in Ireland : A Critique of Concept ». Volume 3 Issue 1 (2011) 3, no 1 (1 janvier 2011) : 47–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.33178/ijpp.3.1.4.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In February 2007, then Taoiseach Bertie Ahern established a provision for formalised dialogue between the political institutions of the state (chiefly the Department of an Taoiseach) and religious bodies. This provision for dialogue was consciously modelled on Article 17.3 of the Functioning of the Lisbon Treaty. It was couched in terms of mutual respect and a need for a mature acceptance and recognition of contemporary socio-cultural pluralism. This official discourse reflected the ideals of deliberative democracy, the politics of recognition and identity, and the predominant norm of consensus-building. A conventional critique of the dialogue provision through the prism of deliberative democratic theory is presented, and the Irish instance is subsequently utilised as a point of departure for a reflective examination of the normative ideal. We argue that ideals of deliberation do not readily overcome embedded realities of power asymmetries and structural domination. As a result, public policy initiatives that seek to address the demands of various social movements for greater equality remain vulnerable to the interests and preferences of those religious bodies opposed to such reform. While recent revelations concerning the Catholic Church’s historical role within Ireland have gone some way to highlighting the need for a recalibration of the state’s relationship with corporate religion, the new dialogue provision entrenches a neo-corporate-style of interest representation. While this dialogue initiative has an expanded number of interlocutors, it is still substantially closed in practice to wider interested and affected parties. The deliberative modality is absent, replaced instead – as in EU praxis – with generally bilateral modes of state-religious engagement that lacks real deliberation and transparency. The Irish example exemplifies significant challenges to the realisation of deliberative democracy beyond the experimental level.
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FRENCH, BRIGITTINE M. « Linguistic science and nationalist revolution : Expert knowledge and the making of sameness in pre-independence Ireland ». Language in Society 38, no 5 (novembre 2009) : 607–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404509990455.
Texte intégralRésumé :
ABSTRACTThis article examines the linguistic ideological work entailed in the analyses of Irish by the “revolutionary scholar” and cofounder of the Gaelic League, Eoin MacNeill. It does so to discern one central way in which the essentialized link between the Irish language and a unified Irish people became an efficacious political construction during the armed struggle for independence in the early 20th century. It shows how MacNeill used authoritative linguistic science to engender nationalist sentiment around Irish through semiotic processes even as he challenged a dominant conception of language prevalent in European nationalist movements and social thought. The essay argues that MacNeill wrote against the unilateral valorization of codified linguistic homogeneity and embraced the heterogeneous variation of spoken discourse even as he sought to consolidate Irish national identity through sameness claims. This critical examination suggests that scholars of nationalism reconsider the taken-for-granted homogenizing efforts of nationalist endeavors that are ubiquitously presumed to negatively sanction linguistic variation. (Nationalism, linguistic ideology, Ireland, semiotics, heterogeneity, Eoin MacNeill, Gaelic League, Europe, scientific knowledge)
38
O’Brien, Shauna. « “Divided by a Common Language” : The Use of Verbatim in Carol Ann Duffy and Rufus Norris’ My Country ; A Work in Progress ». Humanities 8, no 1 (22 mars 2019) : 58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/h8010058.
Texte intégralRésumé :
‘My Country; A Work in Progress’ written and arranged by the poet Carol Ann Duffy is a verbatim play that uses interviews conducted with people from various regions in England, Wales, Scotland, and Northern Ireland to explore the causes of the EU referendum result. With the recent rise of populism across Europe, Britain, and America, an increased scepticism of established news media organisations, and a widespread disillusionment with the so-called political elite class, verbatim theatre’s “claim to veracity” and use of real-life testimonies seems to provide an attractive forum for both playwrights and audiences to investigate the underlying causes prompting these political and social movements. This paper examines how Duffy’s highly-fragmented arrangement of My Country’s verbatim voices in tandem with their re-citation and reterritorialization in the bodies of the performers on the stage ironically undermines the “claim to veracity” that its verbatim approach implies.
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Beatty, Aidan. « The Gaelic League and the spatial logics of Irish nationalism ». Irish Historical Studies 43, no 163 (mai 2019) : 55–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2019.4.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractThe Gaelic League was founded in 1893 with the aim of reviving the Irish language, as well as promoting home-grown industries and social reform. By the turn of the century, it had become one of the most important cultural organisations in Ireland. This article studies a central element of the league's ideology and praxis, albeit one that has thus far received little attention: its promotion of a specifically nationalist understanding of Irish space. ‘Space’ was a key trope for the Gaelic League and was linked to a number of other dominant nationalist concerns: state sovereignty, race, gender and modernity. Moreover, this article argues that a focus on ‘space’ allows for a better comparative understanding of Irish nationalism, since similar spatial logics were at play in other late-nineteenth and early-twentieth century national movements both in Europe and in the (post)colonial world.
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O'Toole, Tina. « Cé Leis Tú ? Queering Irish Migrant Literature ». Irish University Review 43, no 1 (mai 2013) : 131–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/iur.2013.0060.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Irish lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) writers have almost all had personal experience of migration, and register the profound effect of those migrant experiences in their literary writing. Yet, to date, these voices have been silent in dominant accounts of the Irish diaspora. Focusing on queer subjects in migrant literature by women writers, this essay sets out to examine the links between LGBT and diasporic identities, and to explore the ways in which kinship and migrant affinities unsettle the fixities of family and place in the culture. Reading across the diasporic literary space carved out by Kate O'Brien, Emma Donoghue, and Shani Mootoo, the essay shows how their work resists, rejects, and questions the dominant culture, whether ‘at home’ or in the diaspora. Queer kinship, which intentionally appropriates relationships and values from the bio/genetic sphere but introduces elements of choice and agency to these connections, provides a useful framework within which we might read this literature. By the end of the twentieth century, queer kinship networks were in evidence across the Irish diaspora. In Ireland, ensuing transnational exchanges had a profound impact on grassroots social activism and theory. For instance, I argue that feminist theory and literature, often transmitted along axes of queer kinship, was key to the shaping of the women's and LGBT movements in Ireland. While we have yet to see the wide-scale effect of emerging immigrant writers on existing cultural forms in Ireland, it is only a matter of time before LGBT writers from immigrant communities begin to have an impact on the culture. While anticipating such work, we must continue to question how the space of Irish literature, and indeed of the Irish diaspora, has been constituted – and resisted – thus far.
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Becker, Julia C., David A. Butz, Chris G. Sibley, Fiona Kate Barlow, Lisa M. Bitacola, Oliver Christ, Sammyh S. Khan et al. « What Do National Flags Stand for ? An Exploration of Associations Across 11 Countries ». Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology 48, no 3 (12 janvier 2017) : 335–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022022116687851.
Texte intégralRésumé :
We examined the concepts and emotions people associate with their national flag, and how these associations are related to nationalism and patriotism across 11 countries. Factor analyses indicated that the structures of associations differed across countries in ways that reflect their idiosyncratic historical developments. Positive emotions and egalitarian concepts were associated with national flags across countries. However, notable differences between countries were found due to historical politics. In societies known for being peaceful and open-minded (e.g., Canada, Scotland), egalitarianism was separable from honor-related concepts and associated with the flag; in countries that were currently involved in struggles for independence (e.g., Scotland) and countries with an imperialist past (the United Kingdom), the flag was strongly associated with power-related concepts; in countries with a negative past (e.g., Germany), the primary association was sports; in countries with disruption due to separatist or extremist movements (e.g., Northern Ireland, Turkey), associations referring to aggression were not fully rejected; in collectivist societies (India, Singapore), obedience was linked to positive associations and strongly associated with the flag. In addition, the more strongly individuals endorsed nationalism and patriotism, the more they associated positive emotions and egalitarian concepts with their flag. Implications of these findings are discussed.
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BROUGHAN, J. M., J. JUDGE, E. ELY, R. J. DELAHAY, G. WILSON, R. S. CLIFTON-HADLEY, A. V. GOODCHILD, H. BISHOP, J. E. PARRY et S. H. DOWNS. « A review of risk factors for bovine tuberculosis infection in cattle in the UK and Ireland ». Epidemiology and Infection 144, no 14 (25 juillet 2016) : 2899–926. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s095026881600131x.
Texte intégralRésumé :
SUMMARYBovine tuberculosis (bTB) is an important disease of cattle caused by infection withMycobacterium bovis, a pathogen that may be extremely difficult to eradicate in the presence of a true wildlife reservoir. Our objective was to identify and review relevant literature and provide a succinct summary of current knowledge of risk factors for transmission of infection of cattle. Search strings were developed to identify publications from electronic databases to February 2015. Abstracts of 4255 papers identified were reviewed by three reviewers to determine whether the entire article was likely to contain relevant information. Risk factors could be broadly grouped as follows: animal (including nutrition and genetics), herd (including bTB and testing history), environment, wildlife and social factors. Many risk factors are inter-related and study designs often do not enable differentiation between cause and consequence of infection. Despite differences in study design and location, some risk factors are consistently identified, e.g. herd size, bTB history, presence of infected wildlife, whereas the evidence for others is less consistent and coherent, e.g. nutrition, local cattle movements. We have identified knowledge gaps where further research may result in an improved understanding of bTB transmission dynamics. The application of targeted, multifactorial disease control regimens that address a range of risk factors simultaneously is likely to be a key to effective, evidence-informed control strategies.
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Acheson, Nicholas V. « Book Review : Patrick G. Coy, Consensus Decision Making, Northern Ireland and Indigenous Movements, Research in Social Movements, Conflicts and Change vol. 24, JAI Press, London and New York, 2003, 432 pp., notes, bibliography, $86 (hbk) ». VOLUNTAS : International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations 15, no 1 (mars 2004) : 84–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/b:volu.0000023903.45235.a8.
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Leonard, Liam, et Paula Kenny. « The Restorative Justice Movement in Ireland : Building Bridges to Social Justice through Civil Society ». Irish Journal of Sociology 18, no 2 (novembre 2010) : 38–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/ijs.18.2.4.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article examines the emergence and influence of the restorative justice movement as a bridge between communities, civil society and the state in Ireland. It focuses on the Republic of Ireland, but also examines restorative conferencing in Northern Ireland. Separate sections reflect the emergence of a movement dedicated to the promotion of restorative justice as a vehicle for a holistic form of community-based justice in Ireland. The article covers the history, scope and philosophical-political background of the restorative justice movement, providing specific examples of the interchange between this restorative justice movement and civil society in Ireland, Northern Ireland, and the United States. The wider potential of the restorative justice movement is highlighted. This potential is demonstrated in the restorative movement's challenge to understandings of failed punitive approaches and through its socially redemptive alternative, which emphasises collective responsibility for crime amongst all of the community. The article examines the international background to restorative justice, and its theoretical understandings, with a focus on key theorists such as Strang and Braithwaite amongst others. It examines salient issues that underpin social justice and social control in Ireland, including the potential impacts of restorative justice policy and practice for the wider community and the state.
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BAILEY, CATHY, TIMOTHY G. FORAN, CLIODHNA NI SCANAILL et BEN DROMEY. « Older adults, falls and technologies for independent living : a life space approach ». Ageing and Society 31, no 5 (16 mai 2011) : 829–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0144686x10001170.
Texte intégralRésumé :
ABSTRACTThis paper draws attention to the need for further understanding of the fine details of routine and taken-for-granted daily activities and mobility. It argues that such understanding is critical if technologies designed to mitigate the negative impacts of falls and fear-of-falling are to provide unobtrusive support for independent living. The reported research was part of a large, multidisciplinary, multi-site research programme into responses to population ageing in Ireland, Technologies for Independent Living (TRIL). A small, exploratory, qualitative life-space diary study was conducted. Working with eight community-dwelling older adults with different experiences of falls or of fear-of-falls, data were collected through weekly life-space diaries, daily-activity logs, two-dimensional house plans and a pedometer. For some participants, self-recording of their daily activities and movements revealed routine, potentially risky behaviour about which they had been unaware, which may have implications for falls-prevention advice. The findings are presented and discussed around four key themes: ‘being pragmatic’, ‘not just a faller’, ‘heightened awareness and blind spots’ and ‘working with technology’. The findings suggest a need to think creatively about how technological and other solutions best fit with people's everyday challenges and needs and of critical importance, that their installation does not reduce an older adult to ‘just a faller’ or a person with a fear-of-falls.
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Kapaló, James A., Joseph Ruane, Ingrid Holme, Esayas Bekele Geleta, John Lowe et Rebecca King O'Riain. « Book Reviews : Ireland's New Religious Movements, a Comparison of the Social, Religious, and Gender Roles of Catholic and Protestant Women in the Republic of Ireland : Twenty-First Century Ireland from a Woman's Perspective, Global Politics of Health, Transforming Participation ? The Politics of Development in Malawi and Ireland, Student Activism and Curricular Change in Higher Education, Childhood and Migration in Europe : Portraits of Mobility, Identity and Belonging in Contemporary Ireland ». Irish Journal of Sociology 19, no 2 (novembre 2011) : 188–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/ijs.19.2.12.
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Yerokhin, Vladimir. « CELTIC FRINGES AND CENTRAL POWER IN GREAT BRITAIN : HISTORY AND MODERNITY ». Izvestia of Smolensk State University, no 1 (49) (26 mai 2020) : 226–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.35785/2072-9464-2020-49-1-226-244.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article deals with history of interrelations between political centre and Celtic fringes of Great Britain in modern and contemporary times. As soon as nationalist movements in Celtic fringes became more active from the mid 1960s, the need appeared to analyze the history of interrelations between central
power and Celtic regions in order to understand causes of Celtic people’s striving for obtaining more rights and even state independence. The article ascertains that attitude of central power to Celtic fringes was complicated by ethno-cultural differences between Englishmen and Celtic people, which resulted in discrimination of Scotland, Wales and Ireland by London's policy towards Celtic regions. Since British industrialization evolved the central power in Great Britain, it created conditions for balanced comprehensive
development of industrial economy only in English counties, whereas Celtic regions were permitted to develop only branches of economic activity which were non-competitive to English business. The level of people’s income in Celtic fringes was always lower than in English parts of Great Britain. There was an
established practice that English business dominated in Celtic regions and determined the economic development of Celtic regions. The English as distinct from Celts had prior opportunities to be engaged on more prestigious and highly paid positions. Celtic population’s devotion to preservation of their culture
and ethno-cultural identity found expression in religious sphere so that Nonconformity and Presbyterianism accordingly dominated among Welshmen and Scotsmen. Political movements in Celtic fringes put forward ethno-cultural demands
rather than social class ones in their activities.
During the first half of the XX century the opposition between Celtic fringes and central power in Great Britain showed that in parliamentary elections Celtic population gave their votes mainly for the members of Labour Party. From the mid-1960s nationalist movements in Celtic fringes became more active. They began to make slogans of political independence. The author of the
article comes to conclusion that interrelations of central power in Great Britain towards Celtic fringes can be adequately described by notions of I. Wallerstein’s world-system analysis and M. Hechter's model of internal colonialism.
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Hearne, Rory. « Achieving a Right to the City in Practice : Reflections on Community Struggles in Dublin ». Human Geography 7, no 3 (novembre 2014) : 14–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/194277861400700302.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The concept of the right city is strongly contested within urban theory and practice. Debate centres on what rights this entails, who the rights are for, and how the right to the city can be achieved in practice. Exploited and alienated urban inhabitants and social movements have drawn on the right to the city to challenge the impacts of financial crisis, austerity and deepening neoliberal urbanism. At the elite institutional level, UN agencies, development NGOs, and local and national governments have been critiqued for diluting and co-opting the emancipatory potential of the right to the city and using it to legitimise on-going processes of neoliberal governance. This paper draws on evidence gathered from struggles against austerity and neoliberal urbanism at a grassroots community level in Dublin, Ireland, to develop understandings of what it means to achieve the right to the city in practice. It makes the case for a greater focus on actually existing struggles (particularly of marginalised communities) rather than institutional frameworks. It also presents evidence of positive outcomes from human rights based approaches. This highlights the potential for community struggles to achieve the right to the city in practice. However the paper also shows that major challenges face marginalised communities in finding the resources and energy required to create and sustain city wide alliances.
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Leonard, Liam. « Contesting the Irish Countryside : Rural Sentiment, Public Space, and Identity ». Nature and Culture 4, no 2 (1 juin 2009) : 123–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/nc.2009.040202.
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This article examines the nature and trajectory of various conservationist campaigns in Ireland that have focused on the integrity of the landscape and the protection of public space. “Issue histories” of disputes over Ireland's natural and built heritage such as protests at the historic Viking site at Woodquay in Dublin and at the ancient site of the High Kings at Tara are used to show how conservation advocacy is part of a much wider movement that contests dominant notions of development. This paper conceptualizes “rural sentiment” as a reflexive form of conservation, which has shaped many heritage campaigns in a changing Ireland where rapid economic growth and unchecked property development have threatened the integrity of many rural and urban environments.
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Agyapong, V., M. Migone et B. Marckey. « Perception of Primary School Teachers About Asperger’s Syndrome ». European Psychiatry 24, S1 (janvier 2009) : 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0924-9338(09)71117-4.
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Objectives:To assess the knowledge and perception of primary school teachers about Asperger's Syndrome (AS).Methods:Structured questionnaires about AS were posted to 90 primary school principals for them to distribute to teachers in their schools.Results:343 completed questionnaires were returned by 54 principals giving a response rate of 60%. Of these, 49% of the teachers reported that recognition and management of emotional and behavioural disorders was covered in their undergraduate training whilst 58% said they had ever taught a child with AS. 90% said intense absorption in certain subjects was a feature of AS, 84% recognised lack of empathy and poor social interaction whilst 58%, 64% and 69.7% respectively recognised pedantic repetitive speech, clumsy or ill-coordinated movements or odd postures and poor non-verbal communication as features of AS. 71% said children with Asperger's Syndrome should be taught in mainstream classes. However, only 10.5% of the teachers believed that main stream schools in Ireland are adequately resourced to cater for children with AS. 87.2% said they saw the need for a closer collaboration between schools and psychiatric services in the management of children with AS whilst 96.2% said they would like to receive in-service training on the management of children with AS.Conclusion:Most primary school teachers recognise the features of AS and want schools to have greater collaboration with psychiatric services regarding management of AS. An in-service training for teachers on the management of AS might be of benefit to children with AS.