Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Social movements – Great Britain »
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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Social movements – Great Britain"
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d'Anjou, Leo, et John Van Male. « Between Old and New : Social Movements and Cultural Change ». Mobilization : An International Quarterly 3, no 2 (1 octobre 1998) : 207–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.3.2.mv32162701623653.
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Social movement actors often challenge authorities on behalf of people whose needs and interests are not addressed. To do this, they must accomplish a contradictory task. They must frame their challenges in interpretive packages that are contrary to the dominant culture while at the same time struggle to make these contrary views part of the dominant culture. How do movement actors succeed in this seemingly impossible task? Our review of cultural studies of social movements points to two strategies: (1) linking controversial topics like abortion with generally accepted and valued notions like basic rights; (2) associating their interpretive package, such as protecting the ecology, with an existing theme, such as harmony with nature, that as an alternative cultural context may legitimate their package. We use a case study, the abolitionist movement in Great Britain, to test these propositions. The case material confirms their utility, but also illustrates a third strategy: relating the package to cultural themes that are becoming dominant. The role the changing cultural context in producing new meanings is indicated. The findings lead to a discussion about the role of movement actors, the cultural context, and the changes therein in the production of meaning.
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Yerokhin, Vladimir. « CELTIC FRINGES AND CENTRAL POWER IN GREAT BRITAIN : HISTORY AND MODERNITY ». Izvestia of Smolensk State University, no 1 (49) (26 mai 2020) : 226–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.35785/2072-9464-2020-49-1-226-244.
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The article deals with history of interrelations between political centre and Celtic fringes of Great Britain in modern and contemporary times. As soon as nationalist movements in Celtic fringes became more active from the mid 1960s, the need appeared to analyze the history of interrelations between central
power and Celtic regions in order to understand causes of Celtic people’s striving for obtaining more rights and even state independence. The article ascertains that attitude of central power to Celtic fringes was complicated by ethno-cultural differences between Englishmen and Celtic people, which resulted in discrimination of Scotland, Wales and Ireland by London's policy towards Celtic regions. Since British industrialization evolved the central power in Great Britain, it created conditions for balanced comprehensive
development of industrial economy only in English counties, whereas Celtic regions were permitted to develop only branches of economic activity which were non-competitive to English business. The level of people’s income in Celtic fringes was always lower than in English parts of Great Britain. There was an
established practice that English business dominated in Celtic regions and determined the economic development of Celtic regions. The English as distinct from Celts had prior opportunities to be engaged on more prestigious and highly paid positions. Celtic population’s devotion to preservation of their culture
and ethno-cultural identity found expression in religious sphere so that Nonconformity and Presbyterianism accordingly dominated among Welshmen and Scotsmen. Political movements in Celtic fringes put forward ethno-cultural demands
rather than social class ones in their activities.
During the first half of the XX century the opposition between Celtic fringes and central power in Great Britain showed that in parliamentary elections Celtic population gave their votes mainly for the members of Labour Party. From the mid-1960s nationalist movements in Celtic fringes became more active. They began to make slogans of political independence. The author of the
article comes to conclusion that interrelations of central power in Great Britain towards Celtic fringes can be adequately described by notions of I. Wallerstein’s world-system analysis and M. Hechter's model of internal colonialism.
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Williams, Dana M., et Matthew T. Lee. « Aiming to Overthrow the State (Without Using the State) : Political Opportunities for Anarchist Movements ». Comparative Sociology 11, no 4 (2012) : 558–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341236.
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Abstract The anarchist movement utilizes non-statist and anti-statist strategies for radical social transformation, thus indicating the limits of political opportunity theory and its emphasis upon the state. Using historical narratives from present-day anarchist movement literature, we note various events and phenomena in the last two centuries and their relevance to the mobilization and demobilization of anarchist movements throughout the world (Bolivia, Czech Republic, Great Britain, Greece, Japan, Venezuela). Labor movement allies, failing state socialism, and punk subculture have provided conditions conducive to anarchism, while state repression and Bolshevik success in the Soviet Union constrained success. This variation suggests that future work should attend more closely to the role of national context, and the interrelationship of political and non-political factors.
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Sigsworth, Michael, et Michael Worboys. « The public's view of public health in mid-Victorian Britain ». Urban History 21, no 2 (octobre 1994) : 237–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926800011044.
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What did the public think about public health reform in mid-Victorian Britain? Historians have had a lot to say about the sanitary mentality and actions of the middle class, yet have been strangely silent about the ideas and behaviour of the working class, who were the great majority of the public and the group whose health was mainly in question. Perhaps there is nothing to say. The working class were commonly referred to as ‘the Great Unwashed’, purportedly ignorant and indifferent on matters of personal hygiene, environmental sanitation and hence health. Indeed, the writings of reformers imply that the working class simply did not have a sanitary mentality. However, the views of sanitary campaigners should not be taken at face value. Often propaganda and always one class's perception of another, in the context of the social apartheid in Britain's cities in the mid-nineteenth century, sanitary campaigners' views probably reveal more about middle-class anxieties than the actual social and physical conditions of the poor. None the less many historians still use such material to portray working-class life, but few have gone on to ask how public health reform was seen and experienced ‘from below’. Historians of public health have tended to portray the urban working class as passive victims who were rescued by enlightened middle-class reformers. This seems to be borne out at the political level where, unlike with other popular movements of the 1840s and after, there is little evidence of working-class participation in, or support for, the public health movement.
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Inkin, V. V. « British Society in the reflection of the press : fascist sentiments among the World War I veterans in the 1930s ». Tambov University Review. Series : Humanities 29, no 2 (27 avril 2024) : 528–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2024-29-2-528-540.
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Importance. The topic of the threat of fascist ideas and movements at the present stage is increasingly being brought up in the framework of public and scientific discussions. The coverage of this problem of the history of Great Britain in the 1930s is connected with the need to study the development of the features of fascism in society and in the society of veterans of the World War I. The novelty of the work is to consider the strengthening of the right-wing sentiments of part of the community of British war veterans in the 1930s, while fascism in Great Britain has been studied most widely by historical science in relation to political organizations and parties. Revealing the connection of veterans with the fascist movement will reveal the essence of the state ideology and the contradiction in public sentiment.Materials and Methods. Within the framework of a historical and systematic approach, the Fascist movement in Great Britain was considered as one of the features of the development of public sentiment. The problem of fascization of British society was the duality of political attitudes. On the one hand, representatives of British fascism were marginals, and on the other, prominent figures of the largest veterans’ organization, the British Legion, were the exponents of the ideas of fascism. Using the prosopographic method, the social and political activities of the World War I veterans were investigated.Results and Discussion. Based on the analysis of the development of Great Britain in the 1930s, the specifics of public sentiment are described. The veteran movement in the country adhered to various ideologies. By the mid-1930s, opinions arose among veteran leaders about the possibility of uniting with the fascists. During this period, the veterans of the World War I themselves, with the assistance of politicians and the aristocracy, as well as the support of capitalist circles, created right-wing radical organizations that openly adopted nationalist, anti-Semitic, and racist positions. The possibility of veterans coming under the influence of fascist organizations actually existed, given the numerous contacts and joint activities both within the UK itself and with foreign organizations and politicians (in particular, with the leaders of the Third Reich and Italy).Conclusion. Prominent figures of the veteran movement (in particular, the British Legion) are responsible for the development of fascism in the UK and have contributed to the policy of appeasing the aggressor. Their activities in the process of unleashing the World War II were derived from the prevailing socio-economic system. In the 1930s, veterans and their leaders became instruments and sometimes representatives of the interests of competing groups of the economically dominant class in Great Britain. Dissatisfaction with the policies of the British governments and the rise of fascist sentiment was reflected in social protest and criticism in the press.
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Тетяна Коляда. « SOCIAL CONDITIONS FOR THE DEVELOPMENT OF SECONDARY EDUCATION IN GREAT BRITAIN ». Social work and social education, no 5 (23 décembre 2020) : 179–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.31499/2618-0715.5.2020.220814.
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The article considers the social conditions for the development of secondary education in Great Britain (XIX – first half of the XX century). It was founded that an important factor in the formation of the British education system was the influence of the ruling class of aristocrats (landlords) and the petty nobility. It was founded that education of the majority of the population depended on the area, financial status of the family and religion. It was emphasized that religion played a significant role in the field of mass education. It has been shown that in the early nineteenth century, English society was engulfed in a movement of evangelical revival, as a result of which the Anglican Church could not control all its faithful, unlike the Catholic Church in Europe. It is determined that industrialization, urbanization and democratization have created conditions for social, political and economic transformations that required educated personnel. As a result, a number of laws were passed initiating reforms in primary and secondary education.
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Hendley, Matthew. « Anti-Alienism and the Primrose League : The Externalization of the Postwar Crisis in Great Britain 1918-32 ». Albion 33, no 02 (2001) : 243–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0095139000067120.
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Anti-alienism has frequently been the dark underside of organized patriotic movements in twentieth-century Britain. Love of nation has all too frequently been accompanied by an abstract fear of foreigners or a concrete dislike of alien immigrants residing in Britain. Numerous patriotic leagues have used xenophobia and the supposed threat posed by aliens to define themselves and their Conservative creed. Aliens symbolized “the other,” which held values antithetical to members of the patriotic leagues. These currents have usually become even more pronounced in times of tension and crisis. From the end of the First World War through the 1920s, Britain suffered an enormous economic, social, and political crisis. British unemployment never fell below one million as traditional industries such as coal, iron and steel, shipbuilding, and textiles declined. Electoral reform in 1918 and 1928 quadrupled the size of the electorate, and the British party system fractured with the Liberals divided and Labour becoming the alternative party of government. Industrial unrest was rampant, culminating in the General Strike of 1926. The example of the Russian Revolution inspired many on the Left and appalled their opponents on the Right, while many British Conservatives felt that fundamental aspects of the existing system of capitalism and parliamentary democracy were under challenge.
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Moss, Dana M. « Voice After Exit : Explaining Diaspora Mobilization for the Arab Spring ». Social Forces 98, no 4 (18 juin 2019) : 1669–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sf/soz070.
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AbstractResearch demonstrates that diaspora movements play a powerful role in contentious politics and social change in their homelands under a range of conditions. However, few have systematically explained the conditions that facilitate diaspora movements’ “voice” after “exit” across cases or over time. The article addresses this shortcoming by explaining how and to what extent diaspora movements became auxiliary forces for anti-regime rebellions during the Arab Spring. Using data that include 239 original interviews on Libyan, Syrian, and Yemeni mobilization from the US and Great Britain, the analysis finds that only some diaspora groups played a sustained, full-spectrum role in their home-country’s rebellion by broadcasting their allies’ claims, remitting resources homeward, representing the rebellion to external audiences, brokering between parties, and volunteering on the front lines. The article then demonstrates how differences in (1) the rebellion’s needs, (2) geopolitical support, (3) activist resources, and (4) access to the front lines produced variation in auxiliary activism by national group, host-country, and over time. In so doing, the article contributes to theories of transnationalism, social movements, diaspora politics, and cross-border contentious politics more generally.
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Massiera, Bernard, Ben Mahmoud Imed et Long Thierry. « Comparison of Sporting Values in Europe : Effects of Social Institutionalization in Three European Territories ». Journal of Human Values 24, no 3 (19 juillet 2018) : 208–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971685818781242.
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This study examines the representations conveyed by sports practitioners and the ideologies that govern sports institutions in three European countries. Sports organizations seem to construct identitary references for practitioners through the values they convey and the forms of sociability that they develop. This international study compares the practices and representations of sport based on a questionnaire sent to a sample of practitioners in Cardiff, Great Britain; Nice, France; and Pitesti, Romania. The findings indicate some differences. In Great Britain, sports practices remain imbued with educational values, in line with the ideals that were at the origin of the sporting movement. In France, sports practices seem more rooted in an orthodoxy promoted by community supervision. In Romania, sport remains attached to a therapeutic vocation and social mobility in connection with the communist past.
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Tosko, Mike. « Book Review : Abolition and Antislavery : A Historical Encyclopedia of the American Mosaic ». Reference & ; User Services Quarterly 55, no 3 (25 mars 2016) : 248. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/rusq.55n3.248.
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This encyclopedia covers the rise and proliferation of abolitionist movements in the United States and the subsequent consequences of the emancipation of the former slaves. While outside international influences on American slavery existed—particularly Great Britain—the focus here is on both the Northern and Southern United States. Of course, banishing slavery did not lead to immediate social equality, and in fact many abolitionists did not ever desire this type of equality. This work also traces the subsequent controversial issues that emerged following abolition, such as new forms of labor exploitation, the right to own land and to vote, and the use of violence and intimidation to keep African Americans in inferior social and economic positions.
Thèses sur le sujet "Social movements – Great Britain"
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Mello, Brian Jason. « Evaluating social movement impacts : labor and the politics of state-society relations / ». Thesis, Connect to this title online ; UW restricted, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10711.
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Lacey, Anita (Anita Nicole) 1974. « Networks of protest, communities of resistance : autonomous activism in contemporary Britain ». Monash University, Centre for European Studies, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/8628.
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Elliot-Cooper, Adam. « The struggle that has no name : race, space and policing in post-Duggan Britain ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:7efad2ea-75e2-4a54-a479-b3b2b265e827.
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State violence, and policing in particular, continue to shape the black British experience, racialising geographical areas associated with African and African-Caribbean communities. The history of black struggles in the UK has often centred on spaces of racial violence and resistance to it. But black-led social movements of previous decades have, for the most part, seen a decline in both political mobilisations, and the militant anti-racist slogans and discourses that accompanied them. Neoliberalism, through securitisation, resource reallocation, privatisation of space and the de-racialising of language, has made radical black activism an increasingly difficult endeavour. But this does not mean that black struggle against policing has disappeared. What it does mean, however, is that there have been significant changes in how anti-racist activism against policing is articulated and carried out. Three high-profile black deaths at the hands of police in 2011 led to widespread protest and civil unrest. These movements of resistance were strengthened when the Black Lives Matter movement in the United States mobilised hundreds of young people in solidarity actions in England. In this thesis, I argue that, over time, racist metonyms used to describe places racialised as black (Handsworth, Brixton etc.) and people racialised as black (Stephen Lawrence, Mark Duggan etc.), have led to the rise of metonymic anti-racism. While metonymic anti-racism was used alongside more overt anti-racist language in the period between the 1950s and early 1990s, I argue that such overt anti-racist language is becoming rarer in the post-2011 period, particularly in radical black grassroots organisations that address policing. Intersecting with metonymic anti-racism are gender dynamics brought to the surface by female-led campaigns against police violence, and forms of resistance which target spaces of post-industrial consumer capitalism. Understanding how police racism, and resistance to it, are being reconceptualised through language, and reconfigured through different forms of activism, provides a fresh understanding of grassroots black struggle in Britain.
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Hancock, Rosemary Joy. « Muslims Going Green : Islamic Environmental Activism in the United States and Great Britain ». Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/14655.
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This thesis examines Muslim environmental activism in the United States and Great Britain, utilising a theoretical framework of social movement theory. Through interviews with Muslim environmentalists, supported by textual data produced by Islamic environmental organisations, the thesis analyses the way Muslim environmentalists frame environmental crises, how they motivate and sustain their activism through emotion and identity work, and their use of ‘moderate’ forms of activism. Islamic environmentalism has not received due academic attention from social movement theorists or Islamic studies scholars. The thesis contributes to the literature on social movements by testing the theory in new ground: Islamic environmental activism is simultaneously a religious movement and a secular movement, and this offers interesting avenues for theorising on the role of religion in social movements. The thesis also contributes to Islamic studies literature: although there is a very small body of academic work on Islamic environmentalism, none apply social movement theory to this area. The thesis argues Muslim environmentalists are drawn into activism through (i) affective ties to friends, romantic partners, and charismatic leaders, and (ii) due to a strong sense of religious duty that stems from a very particular, environmental understanding of Islamic scripture and practice. Secondly, the thesis demonstrates the importance of ‘group culture’ for attracting and retaining committed activists. Finally, the thesis contends that Muslim environmentalists demonstrate a synthesis of political activism and religious practice. Religious ritual, symbolism, and narrative are incorporated into political action in such a way that activism becomes religious practice.
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Smitley, Megan K. « 'Woman's mission' : the temperance and women's suffrage movements in Scotland, c.1870-1914 ». Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2002. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/1488/.
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This thesis discusses the connections that bound together the late-nineteenth-century women’s temperance and suffrage movements in Scotland. The importance of women’s temperance reform in the women’s movement has been discussed in other Anglophone contexts, however there has been little scholarly analysis of these links in British historiography. This study aims to fill some of this gap. Moreover, by focusing on the Scottish case, this investigation adds a more ‘Britannic’ perspective to discussions of Victorian and Edwardian feminism, and thereby reveals regional variation and diversity. My exploration of the women’s suffrage movement focuses on constitutional societies, and offers a fresh perspective to balance the concentration on militancy in the only major monograph on Scottish suffragism – Leah Leneman’s A Guid Cause: The Women’s Suffrage Movement in Scotland. This analysis takes a flexible approach to constitutionalism and argues that the women’s single-sex temperance society, the Scottish Christian Union (SCU) was an element of constitutional suffragism. Likewise, the Scottish Women’s Liberal Federation – peripheral to the historiography of British suffragism – is given a prominent place as a constitutionalist organisation. This study uses women’s roles in social reform and suffragism to examine the public lives of middle-class women. The ideology of ‘separate spheres’ is a leitmotif of much of women’s history, and discussions of the ‘public’ and ‘private’ spheres are often linked to social class. My discussion of a ‘feminine public sphere’ is designed to reveal the ways in which women negotiated Victorian gender roles in order to participate in the civic life that was intrinsic to an urban middle-class identity. Thus, this thesis seeks to place suffragism and temperature in the context of middle-class women’s public world.
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Reynolds, Teddy. « Pulling back the curtain : an examination of the English Defence League and their use of Facebook ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/6927.
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As social media becomes an integral part of our daily lives, and groups seek to utilize this medium to facilitate activism, understanding the nature of these communications and the impact of the content on the individual user becomes a valid area of interest. When one then considers that extremist and terrorist groups have found social media to be an inexpensive and effective means for communication, radicalization, recruitment and member mobilization, the need for this understanding becomes critical. This research seeks to provide just such an understanding in its examination of Far-Right English Defence League and their use of Facebook during a period of increased activism and online growth. Important elements of this work include an understanding of the legal and ethical issues surrounding the collection of online content, particularly in extremist environments; the role of traditional media in their coverage of the group and whether the comments of the members reflect the group's mission statement of the characterization of traditional media; the ability to enhance data segregation and analysis through the development and use of specialized software; and most importantly the findings from the data analysis. Contained within these findings is an understanding of the intricacies of online participation in extremist social media. These include insights into overall traffic generation, the use of links within communications and their impact on the member traffic, and how the group narrative put forth by the administrator is reflected in the dialogue of the users. The most important finding was an understanding of individual user participation within the group and how, even with such an inexpensive and pervasive media outlet, activist groups still struggle to overcome the problem of participation. That this knowledge can be applied in a meaningful way in counter extremist and counter terrorism efforts was an interesting and satisfying development.
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Blakestad, Nancy Lynn. « King's College of Household and Social Science and the household science movement in English higher education, c. 1908-1939 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:ab86830a-8703-4d12-ac88-c3020a9eb7ef.
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This thesis is an account of the 'household and social science' course opened at King's College for Women in 1908 and its evolution up to 1939. The course was a significant departure for women's higher education in England as it was the first attempt to define a special university discipline based upon women's 'domestic' roles. However, historical accounts of women's higher education have either ignored or dismissed it, largely because of the predominance of'separate spheres' analyses in the historiography of women's higher education of the 1970s and early 1980s. Such accounts have presented the household science course in a negative light because of its 'domestic' image. This thesis thus offers a reassessment of the household science movement and those who supported it. The 'household science' concept owed its origin to the American 'home economies' movement which originated in the mid-nineteenth century. Chapter 1 provides a history of the home economics movement in America, tracing its evolution in the context of women's higher education until 1914. Initially home economics was seen as a 'vocational homemaking' course aiming to train women for home life. At the turn of the century, however, a 'scientific' model was developed by women scientists in order to promote research into social problems connected with the domestic sphere. These two models~the vocation and the scientific, have developed in tandem in American home economics. Chapters 2 and 3 consider the origins and early evolution of the 'household science' course in England, which was largely influenced by the American 'scientific' model. Chapter 2 first considers the concept of domestic education in the history of women's education and factors that precluded the development of a 'vocational homemaking' course in English higher education. The rest of the chapter analyses the origins of the household science movement in its social and intellectual context, in particular its connection with Edwardian preoccupations with 'physical deterioration' and infant mortality. Like their American counterparts, the founders of the course saw household science as a reform movement which aimed to promote research into domestic problems such as hygiene and nutrition, as well as to create a more useful and relevant university discipline for women's domestic roles, whether as housewife/mother or in 'municipal housekeeping' roles. Chapter 3 discusses the household science course from a disciplinary standpoint, looking at how the syllabus was constructed, the contemporary educational controversies it engendered, and its evolution up to 1920 when the B.Sc. degree was granted. Chapters 4, 5, and 6 examine the main factors which ultimately undermined the success of household science as a discipline. Chapter 4 evaluates career trends amongst KCHSS students from 1910-49, analysing to what extent the KCHSS administration was able to create a professional career structure for the household science discipline. The interplay between administrative policy, career trends, and professionalization is analyzed in relation to three career fields-social welfare, laboratory research, and dietetics. Chapters considers the professional conflicts between KCHSS and the domestic subjects teaching profession. Chapter 6 analyses KCHSS's failure to carve out a unique academic 'territory' or expertise and the various factors that affected this. The final chapter assesses how successful KCHSS was as an institution, looking at how students themselves experienced the course, their motivations for taking it, and its impact on their lives. Although household science was unsuccessful as a discipline, the course did give students a wide choice of career options, creating openings in less conventional spheres for women who did not want to teach and providing opportunities for the less-able student to follow a scientific career. The conclusion considers how the social climate of the interwar period affected the working out of the original household science ideals.
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Foggo, Anthony. « The radical experiment in Liverpool and its influence on the reform movement in the early Victorian period ». Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2015. http://livrepository.liverpool.ac.uk/2012339/.
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This thesis investigates the development of radical politics in Liverpool in the first half of the nineteenth century and argues that distinctive events and trends in Liverpool exercised an important influence on the activities of the Reform Movement nationally between 1848 and 1854. It addresses two important but largely neglected areas of historiography: first, the political history of Liverpool in the years between the abolition of the slave trade and the mass influx of Irish refugees in mid-century, during which time the town rose to commercial pre-eminence; secondly, the influence of major provincial centres such as Liverpool on politics at the national level. The origins of Liverpool’s reformist Town Council of 1835-1841 are traced and show a continuity of thought and personalities over several decades against a backdrop of Tory paternalism and institutionalised corruption. The new reformist administration is seen as laying the foundations of a modern society through good governance, financial economy, civil liberty and innovation. On the Corn Laws issue, Liverpool’s reformers were reluctant to follow Manchester’s lead, preferring to pursue free trade on a broad front. This study follows their progress and shows how, ultimately, their thinking on financial reform influenced Cobden’s “National Budget” and remained an ever-present stimulus for several decades. The most prominent of Liverpool’s radical reformers was Sir Joshua Walmsley, whose achievements in both municipal and national politics have received much less attention from historians than they have merited. This study details the influences and experiences in his early career and then traces how, through political dexterity, he pushed parliamentary reform to the forefront of the national political agenda and established the National Parliamentary and Financial Reform Association in 1849. The influence exerted by his Liverpool background on both his political development and style of campaigning may be seen throughout his parliamentary career.
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Weeks, Douglas M. « Radicals and reactionaries : the polarisation of community and government in the name of public safety and security ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3416.
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The contemporary threat of terrorism has changed the ways in which government and the public view the world. Unlike the existential threat from nation states in previous centuries, today, government and the public spend much of their effort looking for the inward threat. Brought about by high profile events such as 9/11, 7/7, and 3/11, and exacerbated by globalisation, hyper-connected social spheres, and the media, the threats from within are reinforced daily. In the UK, government has taken bold steps to foment public safety and public security but has also been criticised by some who argue that government actions have labelled Muslims as the ‘suspect other'. This thesis explores the counter-terrorism environment in London at the community/government interface, how the Metropolitan Police Service and London Fire Brigade deliver counter-terrorism policy, and how individuals and groups are reacting. It specifically explores the realities of the lived experience of those who make up London's ‘suspect community' and whether or not counter-terrorism policy can be linked to further marginalisation, radicalism, and extremism. By engaging with those that range from London's Metropolitan Police Service's Counterterrorism Command (SO15) to those that make up the radical fringe, an ethnographic portrait is developed. Through that ethnographic portrait the ‘ground truth' and complexities of the lived experience are made clear and add significant contrast to the aseptic policy environment.
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Banks-Conney, Diana Elisabeth. « Political culture and the labour movement : a comparison between Poplar and West Ham, 1889-1914 ». Thesis, University of Greenwich, 2005. http://gala.gre.ac.uk/5797/.
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This thesis compares two areas of East London, Poplar and West Ham,that ultimately became strongholds of the Labour Party. The thesis attemptsto answer the crucial question of why, prior to 1914, it seemed as if Labour had succeeded in South West Ham but had failed to achieve similar representation in Poplar. This thesis considers that although contemporaries had identified similar social and economic problems in both Poplar and West Ham in the early twentieth century, more detailed analysis reveals differences as well as similarities in the underlying economic and social structure, which had implications for political outcomes. The difference in attitude of local trade unionists and councillors was crucial as was the behaviour of the political leadership. The reason for this, it will be shown, lay in the characters of the individuals who led their respective activists, as well as in the social and economic structure of the two boroughs. Using the theoretical model of social movements and political parties it is hoped that an understanding may be reached as to why socialist politics in these two boroughs, apparently so similar, achieved different outcomes in the years prior to 1914. The initial chapters outline the social and economic conditions in the boroughs and the national attitudes to their problems. Chapters Three and Four consider the left wing activists and their leaders, exploring their differing attitudes to the social and economic problems and their different styles ofpolitical activity. Chapter Five discusses the difficulties experienced by activists in achieving local and national representation so as to effect social and political change. Chapters Six, Seven and Eight, by considering the issue of unemployment, the campaign for women' s suffrage and the history of the Great Unrest, exemplify the main argument of this thesis. Thus by assessing economic factors, employment patterns and trade unionism, problems with the franchise and elector registration, the quality of local party organisation and the different attitudes and aspirations of the local activists, this thesis will test the hypothesis that the reason for the difference in political fortunes in these two boroughs was that left wing activity in Poplar was more characteristic of a social movement and that of West Ham was more representative of a political party.
Livres sur le sujet "Social movements – Great Britain"
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Drakeford, Mark. Social movements and their supporters : The Green Shirts in England. Sous la direction de Campling Jo. New York : St. Martin's Press, 1997.
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Nulman, Eugene. Climate change and social movements : Civil society and the development of national climate change policy. Basingstoke, Hampshire : Palgrave Macmillan, 2015.
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Tilly, Charles. Popular contention in Great Britain, 1758-1834. Cambridge, Mass : Harvard University Press, 1995.
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Pugh, Martin. Women and the women's movement in Britain, 1914-1959. New York, NY : Paragon House, 1992.
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Pollard, Sidney. Labour history and the labour movement in Britain. Brookfield, Vt : Ashgate, 1999.
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Pugh, Martin. Women and the women's movement in Britain, 1914-1999. New York, N.Y : St. Martin's Press, 2000.
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Pereiro, James. Ethos and the Oxford Movement : At the heart of Tractarianism. Oxford : Oxford University Press Inc., 2008.
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Fowler, David. Youth culture in modern Britain, c.1920-c.1970 : From ivory tower to global movement--a new history. New York : Palgrave Macmillan, 2008.
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Byrne, Paul. Social Movements in Britain. Taylor & Francis Group, 2013.
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Byrne, Paul. Social Movements in Britain. Taylor & Francis Group, 2013.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Social movements – Great Britain"
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Soper, J. Christopher. « The Future of Evangelical Social Movements ». Dans Evangelical Christianity in the United States and Great Britain, 161–64. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230379305_7.
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Soper, J. Christopher. « Theories of Social Movement Mobilization ». Dans Evangelical Christianity in the United States and Great Britain, 7–35. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230379305_2.
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Morris, William Dale. « The Rise of the Modern Socialist Movement in Great Britain ». Dans The Christian Origins of Social Revolt, 217–24. London : Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003188322-13.
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Nehring, Holger. « The Growth of Social Movements ». Dans A Companion to Contemporary Britain 1939-2000, 389–406. Oxford, UK : Blackwell Publishing Ltd, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9780470996195.ch23.
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Likin, Max. « The Great War ». Dans Palgrave Studies in the History of Social Movements, 31–53. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-05198-2_3.
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Lewicki, Aleksandra. « Institutionalized Consultations with Muslims in Great Britain ». Dans Social Justice through Citizenship ?, 90–120. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137436634_5.
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Kuepper, William G., G. Lynne Lackey et E. Nelson Swinerton. « Ugandan Asians-In Two Communities : A Social Profile ». Dans Ugandan Asians in Great Britain, 99–116. London : Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003334040-7.
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Peace, Timothy. « Muslim Political Participation and Mobilisation in Britain and France ». Dans European Social Movements and Muslim Activism, 33–55. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137464002_3.
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Sawkins, John W., et Valerie A. Dickie. « Great Britain : England and Wales, and Scotland ». Dans Social Policies and Private Sector Participation in Water Supply, 70–102. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230582880_3.
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Massoumi, Narzanin. « Background : Muslim Political Mobilizations in Britain ». Dans Muslim Women, Social Movements and the ‘War on Terror’, 36–50. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137355652_3.
Texte intégralActes de conférences sur le sujet "Social movements – Great Britain"
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Lytkin, Vladimir. « Cultural And Theatrical Trends Of Post-War Great Britain And The Ussr ». Dans SCTCMG 2019 - Social and Cultural Transformations in the Context of Modern Globalism. Cognitive-Crcs, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2019.12.04.271.
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Sergeeva, Irina. « TWITTER AS PHENOMENON OF MASS CULTURE : COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS BETWEEN RUSSIA AND GREAT BRITAIN ». Dans 2nd International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conference on Social Sciences and Arts SGEM2015. Stef92 Technology, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2015/b31/s8.029.
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Mikaelyan, Maria. « POST-WAR HOUSING IN GREAT BRITAIN : HISTORICAL PREMISES, GOVERNMENTAL POLICIES AND CULTURAL TENDENCIES ». Dans 4th International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conference on Social Sciences and Arts SGEM2017. Stef92 Technology, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2017/hb51/s17.026.
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Chatterton, T. J., et J. H. Barnes. « A social and spatial analysis of emissions from private vehicle use in Great Britain ». Dans AIR POLLUTION 2016. Southampton UK : WIT Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.2495/air160101.
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Vasilenko, Ludmila A. « Sociology of Information Processes : Modern Сulture of Scientific Research and Citation in Russia and in Great Britain ». Dans Culture and Education : Social Transformations and Multicultural Communication. RUDN University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/09669-2019-527-533.
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Havrylenko, N. N., et T. M. Moiseeva. « Great Britain as a strategic partner of Ukraine in the conditions of a full-scale Russian-Ukrainian war ». Dans TOPICAL ISSUES OF SOCIAL SCIENCE UNDER MARTIAL LAW IN UKRAINE. Baltija Publishing, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/978-9934-26-428-3-12.
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Яблонская, О. В. « British Migrant Children : From Deported Street Children to the Builders of "Great Britain" ». Dans Конференция памяти профессора С.Б. Семёнова ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ ЗАРУБЕЖНОЙ ИСТОРИИ. Crossref, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55000/semconf.2023.3.3.019.
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Статья посвящена миграции несовершеннолетних детей из Англии в Канаду, Австралию, Южную Африку. Анализируются причины, указаны основные этапы детской миграции, рассмотрены цели и задачи, которые преследовали организаторы программ переселения, миссии, которые возлагались на юных британцев вне метрополии. Автор приходит к выводу, что выезд был обусловлен потребностями детей и потребностями Великобритании, как метрополии, так и ее заокеанских владений. Начиная с XVII века, несовершеннолетних отправляли в колонии в качестве работников. Депортация из Англии являлась также альтернативой тюремному заключению. В XIX веке прекращается организованный ввоз преступников в колонии. Миграция позволяла сэкономить социальные расходы британского правительства. Филантропы разрабатывали планы массового переселения детей за океан с целью их спасения от голода и преступлений, на которые они были обречены в нищих кварталах британских городов. Доминионы предоставляли большие возможности для повышения социального статуса детей бедняков. Со второй половины XIX века в юных мигрантах начинают видеть большой имперский потенциал. Они рассматривались строителями империи «Великая Британия». Несовершеннолетние работники помогали фермерам осваивать земли. Миграция увеличивала «белое» население колоний и доминионов. Дети укрепляли политические связи между отдельными странами, распространяли политические и культурные ценности европейцев. На них возлагались задачи создания глобальной британской нации, физического и нравственного оздоровления британцев. Потомки британских «домашних детей» составляют значительный процент населения современной Канады и Австралии. The article is devoted to the migration of minors from England to Canada, Australia, South Africa. The reasons are analyzed, the main stages of child migration are indicated, the goals and objectives pursued by the organizers of resettlement programs, the missions assigned to young Britons outside the metropolis are considered. The author comes to the conclusion that the departure reasons were the needs of children and the needs of Great Britain, both the metropolis and its overseas possessions. Since the XVIIth century, minors were sent to colonies as workers. Deportation from England was also an alternative to imprisonment. In the XIX-th century, the organized deportation of criminals into the colonies stopped. Migration allowed saving the social expenses of the British government. Philanthropists developed plans for the mass relocation of children overseas in order to save them from hunger and crimes to which they were doomed in the impoverished quarters of British cities. The dominions provided great opportunities to improve the social status of the children of the poor. Since the second half of the XIXth century, young migrants began to see great imperial potential. They were considered as the builders of the empire "Great Britain". Underage workers helped farmers develop land. Migration increased the "white" population of colonies and dominions. Children strengthened political ties between countries, spread European political and cultural values. They were entrusted with the task of creating a global British nation, physical and moral recovery of the British. Descendants of British "home children" make up a significant percentage of the population of modern Canada and Australia.
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Grishchenko, Nataliia. « COMMERCIAL AND ECONOMIC RELATIONS OF RUSSIA AND ENGLAND / GREAT BRITAIN AS THE MOTIVATIONAL DRIVERS TO THE RUSSIAN LANGUAGE LEARNING ». Dans 5th SGEM International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conferences on SOCIAL SCIENCES and ARTS SGEM2018. STEF92 Technology, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2018/3.6/s14.013.
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Higgsmith, Melissa, Jemima Stockton, Paulo Anciaes, Shaun Scholes et Jennifer S. Mindell. « OP78 Community severance and health – a novel approach to measuring community severance and examining its impact on the health of adults in great britain ». Dans Society for Social Medicine Annual Scientific Meeting Abstracts. BMJ Publishing Group Ltd, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/jech-2021-ssmabstracts.78.
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Жолудов, М. В. « The Liberal Party in the Political System of the Great Britain in the XIXth Century : Forms and Features of Development ». Dans Конференция памяти профессора С.Б. Семёнова ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ ЗАРУБЕЖНОЙ ИСТОРИИ. Crossref, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55000/semconf.2023.3.3.020.
Texte intégralRésumé :
В статье рассматриваются особенности развития Либеральной партии Великобритании в XIX в. В своем развитии она преодолела несколько этапов, каждый из которых обнаруживал тесную связь с общеисторическими изменениями в Великобритании. В работе утверждается, что способность правящей элиты страны вовремя перейти к политике либеральных преобразований позволила ей преодолеть серьезный социально-политический кризис и спасти Великобританию от революции. Особое внимание уделено исследованию влияния парламентской реформы 1832 г. на формирование структуры партии. Заслугой либералов было то, что они сумели адаптировать плавным, эволюционно-реформистским путем, не затрагивая самих основ общественного порядка, государственно-правовые институты Великобритании к новым историческим условиям, возникшим в результате промышленного переворота. Используя гибкие компромиссные методы управления и проведения социальной политики в отношениях как с землевладельческой аристократией, так и со средними и низшими слоями британского общества, либералы смогли поддерживать достаточно высокую стабильность общества, сглаживать социальные конфликты, столь частые в других странах Западной Европы XIX в. Автор подчеркивает, что к концу XIX в. британским либералам удалось создать массовую политическую партию современного типа. The article examines the features of the development of the Liberal Party of Great Britain in the XIXth century. In its development, the Liberal Party was going through several stages, each of which revealed a close connection with general historical changes in Great Britain. The paper argues that the ability of the country's ruling elite to switch to a policy of liberal transformations in time allowed it to overcome a serious socio-political crisis and save Great Britain from revolution. Particular attention is paid to the study of the influence of the parliamentary reform of 1832 on the formation of the party structure. The merit of the liberals was that they were able to adapt in a smooth, evolutionary-reformist way, without affecting the very foundations of public order, the state-legal institutions of Great Britain to the new historical conditions that arose as a result of the industrial revolution. Using flexible compromise methods of management and social policy in relations both with the landowning aristocracy and with the middle and lower strata of the British society, the liberals managed to maintain a fairly high stability of society, smooth out social conflicts that are so frequent in other countries of Western Europe of the XIXth century. The author emphasizes that by the end of the XIXth century, the British liberals managed to create a mass political party of the modern type.
Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Social movements – Great Britain"
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Tymoshyk, Mykola. LONDON MAGAZINE «LIBERATION WAY» AND ITS PLACE IN THE HISTORY OF UKRAINIAN JOURNALISM ABROAD. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, février 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.49.11057.
Texte intégralRésumé :
One of the leading Western Ukrainian diaspora journals – London «Liberation Way», founded in January 1949, has become the subject of the study for the first time in journalism. Archival documents and materials of the Ukrainian Publishing Union in London and the British National Library (British Library) were also observed. The peculiarities of the magazine’s formation and the specifics of the editorial policy, founders and publishers are clarified. A group of OUN members who survived Hitler’s concentration camps and ended up in Great Britain after the end of World War II initiated the foundation of the magazine. Until April 1951, including issue 42, the Board of Foreign Parts of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists were the publishers of the magazine. From 1951 to the beginning of 2000 it was a socio-political monthly of the Ukrainian Publishing Union. From the mid-60’s of the twentieth century – a socio-political and scientific-literary monthly. In analyzing the programmatic principles of the magazine, the most acute issues of the Ukrainian national liberation movement, which have long separated the forces of Ukrainian emigration and from which the founders and publishers of the magazine from the beginning had clearly defined positions, namely: ideology of Ukrainian nationalism, the idea of unity of Ukraine and Ukrainians, internal inter-party struggle among Ukrainian emigrants have been singled out. The review and systematization of the thematic palette of the magazine’s publications makes it possible to distinguish the following main semantic accents: the formation of the nationalist movement in exile; historical Ukrainian themes; the situation in sub-Soviet Ukraine; the problem of the unity of Ukrainians in the Western diaspora; mission and tasks of Ukrainian emigration in the context of its responsibilities to the Motherland. It also particularizes the peculiarities of the formation of the author’s assets of the magazine and its place in the history of Ukrainian national journalism.
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Hilbrecht, Margo, David Baxter, Alexander V. Graham et Maha Sohail. Research Expertise and the Framework of Harms : Social Network Analysis, Phase One. GREO, décembre 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.33684/2020.006.
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In 2019, the Gambling Commission announced a National Strategy to Reduce Gambling Harms. Underlying the strategy is the Framework of Harms, outlined in Measuring gambling-related harms: A framework for action. "The Framework" adopts a public health approach to address gambling-related harm in Great Britain across multiple levels of measurement. It comprises three primary factors and nine related subfactors. To advance the National Strategy, all componentsneed to be supported by a strong evidence base. This report examines existing research expertise relevant to the Framework amongacademics based in the UK. The aim is to understand the extent to which the Framework factors and subfactors have been studied in order to identify gaps in expertise and provide evidence for decision making thatisrelevant to gambling harms research priorities. A social network analysis identified coauthor networks and alignment of research output with the Framework. The search strategy was limited to peer-reviewed items and covered the 12-year period from 2008 to 2019. Articles were selected using a Web of Science search. Of the 1417 records identified in the search, the dataset was refined to include only those articles that could be assigned to at least one Framework factor (n = 279). The primary factors and subfactors are: Resources:Work and Employment, Money and Debt, Crime;Relationships:Partners, Families and Friends, Community; and Health:Physical Health, Psychological Distress, and Mental Health. We used Gephi software to create visualisations reflecting degree centrality (number of coauthor networks) so that each factor and subfactor could be assessed for the density of research expertise and patterns of collaboration among coauthors. The findings show considerable variation by framework factor in the number of authors and collaborations, suggesting a need to develop additional research capacity to address under-researched areas. The Health factor subcategory of Mental Health comprised almost three-quarters of all citations, with the Resources factor subcategory of Money and Debt a distant second at 12% of all articles. The Relationships factor, comprised of two subfactors, accounted for less than 10%of total articles. Network density varied too. Although there were few collaborative networks in subfactors such as Community or Work and Employment, all Health subfactors showed strong levels of collaboration. Further, some subfactors with a limited number of researchers such as Partners, Families, and Friends and Money and debt had several active collaborations. Some researchers’ had publications that spanned multiple Framework factors. These multiple-factor researchers usually had a wide range of coauthors when compared to those who specialised (with the exception of Mental Health).Others’ collaborations spanned subfactors within a factor area. This was especially notable forHealth. The visualisations suggest that gambling harms research expertise in the UK has considerable room to grow in order to supporta more comprehensive, locally contextualised evidence base for the Framework. To do so, priority harms and funding opportunities will need further consideration. This will require multi-sector and multidisciplinary collaboration consistent with the public health approach underlying the Framework. Future research related to the present analysis will explore the geographic distribution of research activity within the UK, and research collaborations with harms experts internationally.
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Smirnov, Serhii. FACTS IN THEORIES OF TRUTH. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, mars 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2024.54-55.12151.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article describes the theoretical understanding of the fact from the point of view of the main theories of truth, and also shows a different understanding of the facts and its consequences in real life using a real example. The theoretical part analyzes the correspondence, coherent, conventional and pragmatic theories of truth and what each of them defines as truth (fact) and as untruth (fake). The result is that truth (fact) is defined differently in each of the theories of truth, and therefore the same thing will vary depending on the system we will use. Correspondent “What is” can become “what is not” in another system, because “it is not considered or accepted” (in the conventional system), “not to give the desired result” in the pragmatic system and “violate” the established (coherent) system. The main object of the practical part was to understand the fact of the Budapest Memorandum, which was signed by Ukraine, the Russian Federation, the USA and Great Britain in 1994 as a guarantee of Ukraine’s security in exchange for its relinquishment of its nuclear weapons. The research methodology was a search in open sources of publications, news and statements of the leaders of the signatory countries, analysis of these statements, comparison and classification of facts. The result was that each of the signatory countries created its own reality (based on what it considered to be a fact) that differed from the reality of the others. This was shown even more clearly by the situation after the second, large-scale military attack of the Russian Federation on Ukraine. At the same time, the Russian Federation insists that it did not violate the agreement, and the USA and Britain still had to provide assistance to Ukraine to protect and return its territory, an obligation they previously denied. The significant conclusions of the study are that the understanding of truth and deception, fact and fake and the system in which they are applied is important because it allows in information wars to classify the created realities, and therefore to identify the main fakes or denied facts in order to fight against them. , aiming to destroy the constructed reality itself, and not only its signs in the form of separate, multiplying fakes. Keywords: Social communications, fact, theories of truth, constructed realities, factcheking, information wars.
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Drury, J., S. Arias, T. Au-Yeung, D. Barr, L. Bell, T. Butler, H. Carter et al. Public behaviour in response to perceived hostile threats : an evidence base and guide for practitioners and policymakers. University of Sussex, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.20919/vjvt7448.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Background: Public behaviour and the new hostile threats • Civil contingencies planning and preparedness for hostile threats requires accurate and up to date knowledge about how the public might behave in relation to such incidents. Inaccurate understandings of public behaviour can lead to dangerous and counterproductive practices and policies. • There is consistent evidence across both hostile threats and other kinds of emergencies and disasters that significant numbers of those affected give each other support, cooperate, and otherwise interact socially within the incident itself. • In emergency incidents, competition among those affected occurs in only limited situations, and loss of behavioural control is rare. • Spontaneous cooperation among the public in emergency incidents, based on either social capital or emergent social identity, is a crucial part of civil contingencies planning. • There has been relatively little research on public behaviour in response to the new hostile threats of the past ten years, however. • The programme of work summarized in this briefing document came about in response to a wave of false alarm flight incidents in the 2010s, linked to the new hostile threats (i.e., marauding terrorist attacks). • By using a combination of archive data for incidents in Great Britain 2010-2019, interviews, video data analysis, and controlled experiments using virtual reality technology, we were able to examine experiences, measure behaviour, and test hypotheses about underlying psychological mechanisms in both false alarms and public interventions against a hostile threat. Re-visiting the relationship between false alarms and crowd disasters • The Bethnal Green tube disaster of 1943, in which 173 people died, has historically been used to suggest that (mis)perceived hostile threats can lead to uncontrolled ‘stampedes’. • Re-analysis of witness statements suggests that public fears of Germany bombs were realistic rather than unreasonable, and that flight behaviour was socially structured rather than uncontrolled. • Evidence for a causal link between the flight of the crowd and the fatal crowd collapse is weak at best. • Altogether, the analysis suggests the importance of examining people’s beliefs about context to understand when they might interpret ambiguous signals as a hostile threat, and that. Tthe concepts of norms and relationships offer better ways to explain such incidents than ‘mass panic’. Why false alarms occur • The wider context of terrorist threat provides a framing for the public’s perception of signals as evidence of hostile threats. In particular, the magnitude of recent psychologically relevant terrorist attacks predicts likelihood of false alarm flight incidents. • False alarms in Great Britain are more likely to occur in those towns and cities that have seen genuine terrorist incidents. • False alarms in Great Britain are more likely to occur in the types of location where terrorist attacks happen, such as shopping areass, transport hubs, and other crowded places. • The urgent or flight behaviour of other people (including the emergency services) influences public perceptions that there is a hostile threat, particularly in situations of greater ambiguity, and particularly when these other people are ingroup. • High profile tweets suggesting a hostile threat, including from the police, have been associated with the size and scale of false alarm responses. • In most cases, it is a combination of factors – context, others’ behaviour, communications – that leads people to flee. A false alarm tends not to be sudden or impulsive, and often follows an initial phase of discounting threat – as with many genuine emergencies. 2.4 How the public behave in false alarm flight incidents • Even in those false alarm incidents where there is urgent flight, there are also other behaviours than running, including ignoring the ‘threat’, and walking away. • Injuries occur but recorded injuries are relatively uncommon. • Hiding is a common behaviour. In our evidence, this was facilitated by orders from police and offers from people staff in shops and other premises. • Supportive behaviours are common, including informational and emotional support. • Members of the public often cooperate with the emergency services and comply with their orders but also question instructions when the rationale is unclear. • Pushing, trampling and other competitive behaviour can occur,s but only in restricted situations and briefly. • At the Oxford Street Black Friday 2017 false alarm, rather than an overall sense of unity across the crowd, camaraderie existed only in pockets. This was likely due to the lack of a sense of common fate or reference point across the incident; the fragmented experience would have hindered the development of a shared social identity across the crowd. • Large and high profile false alarm incidents may be associated with significant levels of distress and even humiliation among those members of the public affected, both at the time and in the aftermath, as the rest of society reflects and comments on the incident. Public behaviour in response to visible marauding attackers • Spontaneous, coordinated public responses to marauding bladed attacks have been observed on a number of occasions. • Close examination of marauding bladed attacks suggests that members of the public engage in a wide variety of behaviours, not just flight. • Members of the public responding to marauding bladed attacks adopt a variety of complementary roles. These, that may include defending, communicating, first aid, recruiting others, marshalling, negotiating, risk assessment, and evidence gathering. Recommendations for practitioners and policymakers • Embed the psychology of public behaviour in emergencies in your training and guidance. • Continue to inform the public and promote public awareness where there is an increased threat. • Build long-term relations with the public to achieve trust and influence in emergency preparedness. • Use a unifying language and supportive forms of communication to enhance unity both within the crowd and between the crowd and the authorities. • Authorities and responders should take a reflexive approach to their responses to possible hostile threats, by reflecting upon how their actions might be perceived by the public and impact (positively and negatively) upon public behaviour. • To give emotional support, prioritize informative and actionable risk and crisis communication over emotional reassurances. • Provide first aid kits in transport infrastructures to enable some members of the public more effectively to act as zero responders.
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Social Inclusion Trust Fund Annual Report 2005 : Summary Report 2003-2005. Inter-American Development Bank, janvier 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0005722.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Social Inclusion Trust Fund (the Fund), created in 2003 with support from the Royal Norwegian Foreign Ministry and Great Britain (DFID), is compelled at the end of its first three-year period, to review its accomplishments and the remaining challenges to the promotion of social inclusion both within the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) and in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC). This report is comprised of both an annual report reviewing activities and projects supported in 2003-2005 and a cumulative review of the advances made and challenges being faced by the Fund in carrying out its objectives. Also included are lessons learned from raising awareness and experiences in the region.