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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Social movements – Colombia »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 10 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Social movements – Colombia"

Cortés Landázury, Raúl, et Mónica María Sinisterra Rodríguez. « Colombia : Social capital, social movements and sustainable development in Cauca ». CEPAL Review 2009, n^o 99 (29 décembre 2009) : 149–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.18356/72d76b09-en.

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Torres Carrillo, Alfonso. « Another social research is possible. From the collaboration between researchers and social movements ». International Journal of Action Research 16, n^o 1-2020 (20 avril 2020) : 23–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/ijar.v16i1.03.

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The article presents an overview of the relationships between higher education institutions, researchers, and social movements in Colombia. Based on a periodisation of the different modes of alignments or gaps between these 3 social actors, the study focuses on two significant experiences of collaborative research between researchers and social movements. First, an experience with peasant movements from the Atlantic Coast led by Orlando Fals Borda from La Rosca Foundation in the 1970s, and which originated Participatory Action Research. Then, a project conducted by the Subjects and New Narratives in Research and Teaching of the Social Sciences research group at the Universidad Pedagógica Nacional focused on the systematisation of practices with popular organisations and their inputs to the field of critialc research. Finally, a balance of the current situation of joint research between social movements and collectives of researchers linked to higher education institutions is presented.

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Specht, Doug, et Mirjam AF Ros-Tonen. « Gold, power, protest : Digital and social media and protests against large-scale mining projects in Colombia ». New Media & ; Society 19, n^o 12 (2 mai 2016) : 1907–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444816644567.

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Colombia’s Internet connectivity has increased immensely. Colombia has also ‘opened for business’, leading to an influx of extractive projects to which social movements object heavily. Studies on the role of digital media in political mobilisation in developing countries are still scarce. Using surveys, interviews, and reviews of literature, policy papers, website and social media content, this study examines the role of digital and social media in social movement organisations and asks how increased digital connectivity can help spread knowledge and mobilise mining protests. Results show that the use of new media in Colombia is hindered by socioeconomic constraints, fear of oppression, the constraints of keyboard activism and strong hierarchical power structures within social movements. Hence, effects on political mobilisation are still limited. Social media do not spontaneously produce non-hierarchical knowledge structures. Attention to both internal and external knowledge sharing is therefore conditional to optimising digital and social media use.

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Escobar, Arturo. « Whose Knowledge, Whose nature ? Biodiversity, Conservation, and the Political Ecology of Social Movements ». Journal of Political Ecology 5, n^o 1 (1 décembre 1998) : 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2458/v5i1.21397.

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This paper proposes a framework for rethinking the conservation and appropriation of biological diversity from the perspective of social movements. It argues that biodiversity, although with concrete biophysical referents, is a discourse of recent origin. This discourse fosters a complex network of diverse actors, from international organizations and NGOs to local communities and social movements. Four views of biodiversity produced by this network (centered on global resource management, national sovereignity, biodemocracy, and cultural autonomy, respectively) are discussed in the first part of the paper. The second part focuses on the cultural autonomy perspective developed by social movements. It examines in detail the rise and development of the social movement of black communities in the Pacific rainforest region of Colombia. This movement, it is argued, articulates through their practice an entire political ecology of sustainability and conservation. The main elements of this political ecology are discussed and presented as a viable alternative to dominant frameworks.Key words: political ecology, social movements, rainforest, biodiversity,afrocolombians, global networks.

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Levine, Daniel H. « Continuities in Colombia ». Journal of Latin American Studies 17, n^o 2 (novembre 1985) : 295–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00007902.

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Lately we have become accustomed to look for change in Latin American Catholicism. Indeed, expectations of innovation and change have largely replaced the norms of continuity which once governed both scholarly and popular outlooks on the Catholic Church in the region. Constant change is now commonly anticipated in the ideas and structures of the churches, in their relation to social movements, and in the form and content of the churches' projections into society and politics as a whole.

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Katz-Rosene, Joshua. « Protest Song and Countercultural Discourses of Resistance in 1960s Colombia ». Resonancias : Revista de investigación musical 24, n^o 47 (décembre 2020) : 13–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.7764/res.2020.47.3.

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In Colombia, the tumultuous second half of the twentieth century kicked off with a fierce conflict between the Liberal and Conservative parties known as La Violencia (The Violence, ca. 1948-1958). Following a brief period of military rule (1953-1957), a bipartisan system of shared governance, the National Front (1958-1974), brought about some respite to the sectarian bloodshed. However, the exclusionary two-party system precipitated new lines of conflict between the state and communist guerrillas. Along with the political turmoil, the nation was also undergoing an era of profound cultural change. This essay examines three countercultural-oppositional movements that captivated a wide swath of youth in Colombia’s biggest cities during the 1960s: the canción protesta (protest song) movement, the rock and roll subculture denominated as nueva ola (new wave), and nadaísmo, a rabblerousing avantgarde literary movement. I analyze the correspondences and discontinuities in the ways adherents of these movements conceived of the ideal means to carry out social, cultural, and political resistance. While there were fundamental tensions between the “discourses of resistance” linked to these three countercultural streams, I argue that their convergence in the late 1960s facilitated the emergence of a commercial form of canción protesta.

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Lamus, Doris. « Resistencia contra-hegemónica y polisemia : conformación actual del movimiento de mujeres/feministas en Colombia ». La Manzana de la Discordia 3, n^o 1 (14 mars 2016) : 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.25100/lamanzanadeladiscordia.v3i1.1484.

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Resumen: El presente artículo pretende demostrar que en Colombia y en América Latina en general, se ha construido históricamente, tanto desde el punto de vista empírico como desde el discurso instaurado, un movimiento social de mujeres. Para ello, la autora describe brevemente el sustento teórico del tema, con el ánimo de aportar elementos a su argumentación. Seguidamente realiza una reseña histórica de la conformación y evolución de los movimientos sociales, especialmente de mujeres, en esta región y plantea algunas consideraciones a modo de conclusión acerca de los avances y limitaciones de la movilización y resistencia de las mujeres en el siglo XXI, y sobre el rumbo que deberían tomar de aquí en adelante.Palabras clave: movimiento social de mujeres, feminismo, Colombia, América Latina, siglo XXIAbstract: The present article proposes to show that a women’s social movement has been built historically in Colombia and Latin America in general, both from the empirical viewpoint and from that of discourse. The author describes the theoretical underpinning of this subject, in order to contribute elements to its argumentation. Then a historical review is carried out about the formation and evolution of social movements in this region, especially those of women. By way of conclusion, some considerations are posed about the progress and limitations of women’s mobilization and resistance in the XXI century, and about the direction they should take in the future.Key words: women’s social movement, feminism, Colombia, Latin America, XXI century

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López, Claudia Maria. « Contesting double displacement : internally displaced <i>campesinos</i> ; and the social production of urban territory in Medellín, Colombia ». Geographica Helvetica 74, n^o 3 (18 juillet 2019) : 249–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/gh-74-249-2019.

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Abstract. This article offers an empirical account of the emotionally charged processes involved in the social production of territory. I draw from ethnographic interviews with displaced leaders of socio-territorial movements in Medellín, Colombia, who are resisting what I call double displacement. First, they were displaced from the Colombian countryside due to conflict and now, decades later, they are again being displaced, this time from their informal settlements due to urban development. Founders of settlements are now leaders of social movements, who reside on the periphery of the city and make claims to their neighborhoods using the slogan that they have a “right to the territory”. I examine this case of double displacement to demonstrate the emotional and political aspects of re-territorialization by non-state actors at the urban scale. I argue that by applying a socio-territorial approach to examining the impact of double displacement, we recognize non-state territorialization as a realization and expansion of social power.

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Páez, Angela M., et Catalina Vallejo Piedrahíta. « Channeling Water Conflicts through the Legislative Branch in Colombia ». Water 13, n^o 9 (28 avril 2021) : 1214. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/w13091214.

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This paper answers the question: has the Colombian Congress been effective at addressing relevant water conflicts and making them visible? While courts and social movements have been key for the advancement of social rights in Latin America, the role of legislators remains unclear. We conduct content analysis of all water-related bills, proposed bills, and constitutional amendments filed in Colombia from 1991 to 2020; we also analyzed Congress hearings of political control related to water, and the statutes of political parties who hold majority of seats in Congress; we also conducted interviews with key actors on water governance in Colombia. We find that only three bills have passed in the 30-year time frame and that relevant water conflicts have not been addressed by Colombian legislators. We find that water conflicts are not reaching the political agenda of Congress, yet through political control hearings, it has given some late visibility to critical territorial conflicts in which water is a key element. We analyze our data in light of literature on legislative politics and legal mobilization in Latin America. This study adds to global research on the role of legislators in advancing the human right to water, particularly in Latin America.

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Quimbayo Ruiz, Germán A. « People and urban nature : the environmentalization of social movements in Bogotá ». Journal of Political Ecology 25, n^o 1 (3 novembre 2018) : 525. http://dx.doi.org/10.2458/v25i1.23096.

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Using research conducted in Bogotá, Colombia, I discuss in this article how urban nature has been used as a vehicle by social movements to contest urban commons. The article explores the "environmentalization" of strategies and repertoires of social movements in urban struggles dating back to the 1980s, which developed in parallel with public urban planning debates. In recent years these were nurtured in turn by environmental discourse in a quest to change the city's growth paradigm. I suggest that the legitimacy of knowledge and law about urban nature advocacy is co-created by communities confronting institutions that are supposed to represent state power. This case study analyses conceptualizations of urban nature in and from Latin America, and shows that urban politics and environmental issues are part of a process in which political mobilization is a key element to overcome socio-ecological inequalities.Key words: urban social movements; political ecology of urbanization; situated knowledge; socio-ecological inequalities; Latin America

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Thèses sur le sujet "Social movements – Colombia"

Schneider, Julia Drey. « A shift in policy, a shift in peace Colombian civil society peace initiatives (1997-2008) / ». Diss., [La Jolla] : University of California, San Diego, 2009. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p1464902.

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Thesis (M.A.)--University of California, San Diego, 2009.
Title from first page of PDF file (viewed July 9, 2009). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Includes bibliographical references (p. 86-90).

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Cortes, Pedro. « Indian social movements : a case study in Cauca, Colombia, from a Marxist perspective / ». The Ohio State University, 1988. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487586889189109.

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Cruz, Rodríguez Edwin. « The disagreement between protests and elections in Colombia (2010-2015) ». Politai, 2017. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/92467.

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Between 2010 and 2015, the most important protest cycle in the history of Colombia takes place, organized by leftist social organizations. At the same time, the Polo Democrático Alternativo, the main leftist party, experiences an electoral decline and the fragmentation of its internal tendencies. Consequently, the Colombian left fails to translate the discontent of social protest into electoral results. This article analyzes the disagreement between protests and elections, arguing that it is a result, on the one hand, of structural constraints characteristic of a political system in which electoral politics is not separated from violence and, on the other hand, the inability of the left to generate frameworks of collective action capable of challenging voters beyond the identities that exclude their different tendencies.
Entre 2010 y 2015 tiene lugar el ciclo de protestas más importante en la historia reciente de Colombia, agenciado por organizaciones sociales de izquierda. Al mismo tiempo, el Polo Democrático Alternativo, el principal partido de izquierda, experimenta un declive electoral y la fragmentación entre sus tendencias internas. Por consiguiente, la izquierda colombiana no consigue traducir el descontento de la protesta social en resultados electorales. Este artículo analiza el desencuentro entre protestas y elecciones, planteando que es resultado, por una parte, de constricciones estructurales propias de un sistema político en donde la política electoral no está desligada de la violencia y, por otra, de la incapacidad de la izquierda para generar marcos de acción colectiva capaces de interpelar votantes más allá de las identidades excluyentes de sus distintas tendencias.

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Escobar, Cristina. « Clientelism, mobilization and citizenship : peasant politics in Sucre, Colombia / ». Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 1998. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p9901446.

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Peñaranda, Daniel Ricardo. « Résistance et reconstruction Identitaire dans les Andes Colombiennes. : Le mouvement Armé Quintin Lame ». Thesis, Paris 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA030040.

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L' essentiel de ce travail se situe dans l`intersection entre le déroulement des mouvements sociaux ruraux et les expériences révolutionnaires armées, en partant d`un cas spécifique dans lequel un mouvement communautaire, ayant une forte base ethnique, a dû faire face à une situation de violence généralisée à cause de la présence simultanée d`un conflit social en évolution et d`acteurs insurgés armés qui se disputaient le territoire et la population. Il s`agit du Mouvement Armé Quintín Lame, organisation ayant agi entre 1985 et 1991 dans le nord du département du Cauca, au sud-ouest de la Colombie. Dans ce territoire d`environ 250.000 habitants (21% de la population indienne nationale) se trouve la deuxième grande concentration indienne du pays. Depuis les années soixante-dix, ce scénario est l`épicentre de la plus grande mobilisation armée de la Colombie qui, quarante ans après, obtiendra des réussites indiscutables dans sa lutte pour l`autonomie, la récupération de la terre au bénéfice des communautés indiens et de précieux éléments culturels qui ont permis de consolider un processus réussi de recomposition identitaire
This work lies in the intersection between the process of rural social movements and the armed revolutionary experiences, starting from a specific case in which a community movement, with a strong ethnic base, had to cope with widespread violence because of the simultaneous presence of the social conflict and insurgents armed who disputed the territory and population. This is the Quintin Lame Armed Movement, an organization that acted between 1985 and 1991 in northern Cauca, southwest Colombia. This territory of about 250,000 inhabitants (21% of the national Indian population) is the second largest concentration of native country. Since the seventies, this scenario is the epicenter of the largest social mobilization of Colombia who, forty years later, obtain indisputable successes in its fight for autonomy, the recovery of land for the benefit of Indian communities and valuable cultural elements that have helped to consolidate a successful process of reconstruction of identity

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Burke, Brian J. « "Para que cambiemos" / "So we can (ex)change" : Economic activism and socio-cultural change in the barter systems of Medellín, Colombia ». Diss., The University of Arizona, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/228438.

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This dissertation examines the work of alternative economies activists who have spent the last 18 years constructing barter systems and local currencies in Medellín, Colombia. Through barter, these activists hope to spark an ethical re-evaluation of production, exchange, and consumption, and to create an economy that serves Medellín's middle-class professionals, rural peasants, urban workers, students and the chronically under-employed. They also see barter as an important social and political project to repair a social fabric torn by decades of violence and economic exploitation. For these activists barter is a counter to capitalism, violence, and social fragmentation; it is a new proposal rooted in cooperation, collective well-being, and the development of local capacities. Previous researchers have thoroughly examined the emergence, organization, and impacts of these types of alternative economies, but they have neglected what many activists consider to be the greatest challenge: to cultivate the new social relations and subjectivities necessary to enact and maintain those models. In the words of Colombia's barter organizers, the goal is to "change the chip" and "clean out the cucarachas" of our capitalist mindsets in order to "create a new culture of solidarity." This research is located at precisely that sticking point. Drawing on 12 months of ethnographic research, I examine the nature and impacts of barter and the challenges that barter activists face as they try to recreate economies, social relations, and subjectivities. Medellín's barter projects, I conclude, offer extremely important opportunities for cross-class and cross-generational interaction in a city that is violently divided. They also provide material and social supports for traders who are seeking to develop alternative subjectivities, and they help active traders gain control over the means of production and the conditions of their work. However, their counter-hegemonic potential is significantly limited by three tensions within organizers' strategies: a tendency to prioritize socio-cultural forms of activism at the expense of economic ones, a focus on conscious and moral aspects of subjectivity rather than material and embodied aspects, and a stridently anti-capitalist stance that discourages economic articulations and thereby reinforces the material and socio-cultural power of capitalism.

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Tovar, Cortés Adriana. « Disputas Territoriales, Movimientos Étnicos y Estado : El caso de las comunidades negras de Jiguamiandó y Curvaradó en Colombia ». Thesis, Stockholm University, Institute of Latin American Studies, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-30557.

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El interés de este estudio es examinar las relaciones entre movimientos étnicos y estado en torno a una disputa territorial. En América Latina, los derechos colectivos territoriales étnicos inscritos en las nuevas constituciones abrieron un nuevo marco legal e institucional. El análisis se centra en tratar de entender si el terreno legal e institucional derivado del multiculturalismo facilita la resolución de los conflictos territoriales. Para esto se observa cómo la interacción entre estado y movimientos étnicos guía la elección de las estrategias. Desde esta perspectiva, se estudia el caso de la relación entre el estado colombiano y las comunidades negras de Jiguamiandó y Curvaradó. La información sobre el caso se recolectó a través de entrevistas semi-estructuradas y del análisis de documentos. En 2001, las comunidades huyeron de sus territorios colectivos debido al conflicto armado interno, los cuales fueron ocupados ilegalmente por empresas de palma africana. Por medio de las instituciones del estado, las comunidades han buscado la restitución de sus territorios. En un contexto legal e institucional marcado por alianzas entre grupos paramilitares y élites locales y nacionales, la resolución del conflicto territorial deviene un proceso complejo. Para el análisis del caso se hacen preguntas sobre la influencia de las reformas multiculturales y del terreno legal e institucional estatal sobre las estrategias legales de las comunidades de Jiguamiandó y Curvaradó. También se analiza la intervención de Organizaciones No Gubernamentales (ONG) en la relación entre el estado colombiano y las comunidades. En el estudio se concluye que el complejo contexto legal e institucional limita el margen de acción nacional de las comunidades pero también las provee de estrategias legales que combinan diferentes niveles (local, nacional y transnacional). Las ONG tienen un rol primordial en el planteamiento de tales estrategias que traspasan las fronteras del Estado-Nación, así como en la consolidación a nivel local de la identidad colectiva del movimiento étnico.

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Guevara, Erica. « "Si tu veux du sang et des balles, tu n'as qu'à zapper sur une autre radio" : émergence, institutionnalisation et formes d'appropriation des radios communautaires en Colombie, 1948-2010 ». Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013IEPP0052.

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Alors que la Colombie traverse une période de violence intense au début des années 1990, une forme de média en apparence nouvelle se diffuse dans tout le territoire et est légalisée par l’Etat: celle des radios communautaires. Associées à de multiples fonctions, elles sont censées être politiquement neutres, donner la voix aux sans voix, pacifier, reconstruire le tissu social déchiré… Comment expliquer la diffusion et l'institutionnalisation d'un média marginal dans un contexte aussi difficile ? A partir d'une démarche généalogique et comparative sur cinq régions colombiennes, cette thèse montre que la radio communautaire peut être comprise comme une forme d’action collective dont les origines remontent à la fin des années 1940. Retracer l’histoire de la catégorie met en évidence l’existence de groupes militants aux intérêts multiples qui luttent pour la « cause des médias ». Loin de l’image du média petit, pur et isolé, les radios communautaires se sont développées dans un espace médiactiviste multisectoriel, à l’intersection de plusieurs sphères d’activité. Si les radios communautaires ont été légalisées en Colombie, c’est parce que ces militants multi-positionnés, acteurs intermédiaires entre ces sphères, cadrent l’objet en des termes compatibles avec l’action de l’Etat. Le média est alors redéfini et donne lieu à des appropriations diversifiées sur les territoires, en fonction des configurations d’acteurs à différentes échelles. Loin de leur image « apolitique », les radios communautaires peuvent être comprises comme des lieux de renégociation des frontières de la « communauté imaginée » dans un pays habituellement décrit comme un territoire fragmenté
While Colombia was experiencing a period of intense violence at the beginning of the 1990s, an apparently new media form, the community radio, spread throughout the entire territory, and was legalized by the state. Designated with multiple functionalities, community radios are constructed as politically neutral, giving voice to those who are marginalised, pacifying, and rebuilding broken social tissues... How can we explain the diffusion and institutionalization of what is considered a marginal media in such a hard context? Through a genealogic and comparative analysis of five Colombian regions, this thesis shows that the community radio can be understood as a collective means of action whose origins can be tracked to the late 1940s. An analysis of the history of the category draws attention to the existence of militant groups with multiples interests who fight for « the media cause ». Far from the image of what is considered a small media, pure and isolated, community radios were developed in a “mediactivized” multisectorial space, at the crossroads of several spheres of activity. That the Ccommunity radios were legalized in Colombia , is because its multi-positioned militants, acting as intermediaries between different spheres, adapted them on compatible terms with the state activities. The media wasis then redefined and give accorded a place withto in a diversified appropriation of the territories, according to actors at different geographical scales. Far from their « apolitical » figure, the community radios can be understood as a place site of renegotiation of the frontiers of the « imagined community » in a country usually described as a fragmented territory

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Zulver, Julia Margaret. « High risk feminism in Colombia : women's mobilisation in violent contexts ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2018. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:3fc50c53-d6f5-49c9-a3ba-ca68570a78a3.

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Against all odds, in uncertain and violent times, Colombian women are mobilising for gender justice. They do so even when they face ongoing violence and personal threats from a variety of armed actors. The questions arise: how and why do women mobilise in contexts of high violence and insecurity? Despite a well-established tradition of studying women's social movements in times of conflict, and of high risk collective action more generally, there is a lacuna when it comes to analysing feminism as a mobilisation strategy. My research uses the case studies of the Liga de las Mujeres Desplazadas (League of Displaced Women, LMD), and AFROMUPAZ (Afro-Colombian Women for Peace) to illustrate the utility of an original framework - High Risk Feminism - to explain how and why women chose to act collectively, despite the real and threatened dangers that this implies. The thesis further looks to a similar setting (an invaded neighbourhood in Riohacha, La Guajira) where displaced women do not mobilise, in order to strengthen the parameters of the HRF framework. In all, it posits that we will see a specifically feminist type of mobilisation emerge when a leader is able to form a charismatic bond with participants by framing participation as 'worth it' in a domain of losses, despite the risks this incurs.

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Kersjes, Elizabeth Anna. « Local Media Representations of the Colombian Women’s Peace Movement La Ruta Pacífica De Las Mujeres ». FIU Digital Commons, 2013. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1028.

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The purpose of this research is to analyze how the media in Colombia covers the events and campaigns of the pacifist women’s movement La Ruta Pacífica de las Mujeres. The movement was formed in 1996 to draw attention to violence against women and to call for a negotiated end to Colombia’s internal armed conflict through peaceful demonstrations. The study uses a series of semi-structured interviews with members of the movement and a content analysis of major print media stories about the movement to analyze press coverage and forms of representation. The analysis finds that large, powerful media outlets based in the country’s principal cities largely ignore the movement, while smaller, local media outlets based in provincial regions and alternative media outlets cover the movement’s activities and campaigns. La Ruta Pacífica has developed media strategies to foster friendly media relations when possible and to work without any media attention when necessary.

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Livres sur le sujet "Social movements – Colombia"

Gente muy rebelde : Protesta popular y modernización capitalista en Colombia (1909-1929). Bogotá, Colombia : Ediciones Pensamiento Crítico, 2002.

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Mauricio, Archila, et Pardo Mauricio, dir. Movimientos sociales, Estado y democracia en Colombia. [Colombia] : Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Centro de Estudios Sociales, 2001.

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Ramos, César Mendoza. Colombia : Inercias y cambios, 1780-1850. Barranquilla, Colombia : Editorial Antillas, 1992.

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R, Pedro Santana. Los movimientos sociales en Colombia. Bogotá : Ediciones Foro Nacional por Colombia, 1989.

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Alfredo, Rangel Suárez, Borrero Mansilla Armando, Ramírez Tobón W, Jaramillo Ayerbe Lucía, Escuela Superior de Administración Pública (Colombia). Facultad de Investigaciones. et Fundación Buen Gobierno (Colombia), dir. Conflictividad territorial en Colombia. Bogotá : ESAP, 2004.

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Archila, Mauricio. Idas y venidas, vueltas y revueltas : Protestas sociales en Colombia, 1958-1990. Bogotá, D.C : Instituto Colombiano de Antropología e Historia, 2003.

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R, Leopoldo Múnera. Rupturas y continuidades : Poder y movimiento popular en Colombia, 1968-1988. Santa Fe de Bogotá, D.C : Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Faculatad de Derecho, Ciencias Políticas y Sociales, 1998.

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Alberto, Arias Barrero Luis, et Fundación Universitaria Monserrate. Facultad de Ciencias Económicas y Sociales., dir. Organización y participación social en Colombia : Aportes desde la investigación. [Bogotá, Colombia?] : Fundación Universitaria Monserrate, Facultad de Ciencias Económicas y Sociales, 2004.

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Mauricio, Archila, et Centro de Investigación y Educación Popular., dir. 25 años de luchas sociales en Colombia, 1975-2000. Bogotá : CINEP, 2003.

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Movimiento por la paz en Colombia. 1978-2003. Bogotá : UNDP Colombia, 2006.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Social movements – Colombia"

Said-Hung, Elias, et David Luquetta-Cediel. « Social Networks, Cyberdemocracy and Social Conflict in Colombia ». Dans Networks, Movements and Technopolitics in Latin America, 133–45. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-65560-4_7.

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Velasco, Marcela. « Social Movement Contention in Colombia, 1958–2014 ». Dans Handbook of Social Movements across Latin America, 291–300. Dordrecht : Springer Netherlands, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-9912-6_20.

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Ramírez, Esther Parra, et Eduardo Guevara Cobos. « Political Representation and Social Movements in Colombia (2002–2016) ». Dans Civil Society and Political Representation in Latin America (2010-2015), 73–94. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-67801-6_4.

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Loeffler, Martin. « The Holistic Social Business Movement in Caldas (HSBM), Colombia ». Dans Social Business, 45–61. Berlin, Heidelberg : Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-45275-8_3.

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Cárdenas, Roosbelinda. « Multicultural Politics for Afro-Colombians ». Dans Black Social Movements in Latin America, 113–33. New York : Palgrave Macmillan US, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137031433_7.

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Oslender, Ulrich. « The Quest for a Counter-Space in the Colombian Pacific Coast Region ». Dans Black Social Movements in Latin America, 95–112. New York : Palgrave Macmillan US, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137031433_6.

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Uribe, Consuelo. « Education among Indigenous Peoples from Colombia and Peru : Social Movement or Public Policy ? » Dans Education as Social Action, 132–58. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230505605_6.

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Gagliardi, Isabella. « Le vestigia dei gesuati ». Dans Le vestigia dei gesuati, 13–38. Florence : Firenze University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-5518-228-7.04.

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The essay traces the salient historical steps of the Jesuat congregation, highlighting its genesis and development up to the year of its suppression (1668). The focus is on the dynamics triggered by the born of the Jesuat congregation, who grew on the border between the “church of the religious” and the “church of the laity”, and on the use of intellectual energies of the Jesuat friars, because they were directed towards defining and safeguarding their own religious identity. The latter had two focal points: the example of Giovanni Colombini, its first “father”, and, at the same time, the defence of the autonomy necessary to move interstitially between institutions, groups and movements. The historical parable of the Jesuats, in fact, clearly shows the importance assumed by the network of social relations for the constitution of the movement and for its progressive normalisation.

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Milani, Raquel, Ana Carolina Carolina Faustino, Lessandra Marcelly Sousa da Silva, Débora Vieira de Souza Carneiro, Jeimy Marcela Cortés Suaréz et Reginaldo Ramos de Britto. « 6. Aspects of Democracy in Different Contexts of Mathematics Classes ». Dans Landscapes of Investigation, 95–114. Cambridge, UK : Open Book Publishers, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.11647/obp.0316.06.

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This article aims to discuss relations between aspects of democracy and different mathematics classrooms with the potential to become landscapes of investigation. The theoretical framework is based on the concepts of mathemacy, dialogue, representativeness, equity, inclusion, collaboration and criticism, which are essential for the maintenance and promotion of democracy. Three episodes of different mathematics classrooms are reflected upon: a class on functions in Brazilian higher education, high-school students visiting a quilombola community, and a mathematics class with Colombian adolescents. The likelihood for the three episodes to move into landscapes of investigation is discussed. Aspects that could have led these classes away from the path of landscapes of investigation are highlighted: these include the demand of the school institutions for teachers to follow a specific teaching material and/or regulate class time, students’ movements to reinforce the culture of exercises, and the failure of education managers to legitimise work aimed at the development of democracy. The analysis of the episodes showed the presence of aspects that could contribute to the promotion and maintenance of democracy: the dialogical posture of the teacher, and both teachers and students’ opportunities to discuss social, cultural, political and ethnic issues in mathematics classes.

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« Prologue : Black Communities in Colombia and the Constitution of 1991 ». Dans The Geographies of Social Movements, 1–6. Duke University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780822374404-003.

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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Social movements – Colombia"

Suvimali., E. A. S. S., et M. Herath. « GROWING URBAN GREEN MOVEMENT : EVALUATE THE REINFORCEMENT OF COMMUNITY GARDEN FOR RENEWAL COMMUNITY ». Dans Beyond sustainability reflections across spaces. Faculty of Architecture Research Unit, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31705/faru.2021.2.

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As per the United Nations’ 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) “Sustainable cities & Communities” is vital for the healthy planet by 2030. Because nontackle population growth at city level causing to deforestation and it is outstripping for unsustainable cities as such for better livability. Since, 1990s, the decrement of non-built-up areas due to rapid urbanization directly cause for interrupting socio- ecological interaction & social ties among community in Sri Lanka. Recently, there is an emerging tendency on continuing community based agricultural sites as a social space for community gathering and interacting with variety of active physical activities as well to increase the urban fabric. The aim of the research is to investigate reinforcement of community garden for renewal community by studying diverse social and physical factors, evaluating functioning community garden in Colombo. The methodology of the study was comprised with onsite observations and in-depth interview and the data were qualitatively analyzed by using NVvio software. Accordingly derived 15 different social and 9 different physical factors from the community perceptions. Particularly, respondents having a desire to create a village and sense of place within the urban setting as SDGs rely.

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Rajapaksha, I., et R. G. P. Sandamini. « APPRAISING INDOOR THERMAL PERCEPTION OF ELDERLY IN HOT CLIMATES : An experimental investigation of free-running residential aged care homes in Colombo ». Dans Beyond sustainability reflections across spaces. Faculty of Architecture Research Unit, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31705/faru.2021.23.

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Rapid demographic transition with higher growth in ageing population demonstrate a major societal challenge in South Asia and Sri Lankans will age faster than other developing economies in the region. Climate shocks of people living in economically deprived countries will increase in future and elders are more vulnerable to the adverse effects of temperature extremes. The study experimentally investigated free-running residential care homes in hot climate of Colombo performing simultaneous personal monitoring and questionnaire surveys. Results explicitly prove overheated indoors with less air flow. Majority of elders confirmed thermally unacceptable interiors with warm thermal sensations and low air velocities of 0.1 to 0.29 m/s with predominant preference of more air movement proves inadequate passive airflow. A significant relationship between wind preference and presence of openings of their place of stay were evident. Staying away from a window or door instigated to practice a behavioural adaptation of moving towards transitional areas such as corridors, verandas, and outdoor spaces for more wind sensation. Since ageing is associated with physical inabilities and elders spend their life mostly in indoors, findings emphasize the importance of enhancing passive airflow and application of appropriate design strategies to ensure optimum air velocities and dispersion of airflow within interiors.

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Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Social movements – Colombia"

Bull, Benedicte. A Social compromise for the Anthropocene ? Elite reactions to the Escazú Agreement and the prospects for a Latin American transformative green state. Fundación Carolina, octobre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.33960/issn-e.1885-9119.dtfo07en.

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The world is urgently facing the need for a “green transformation”, involving not only a transition towards the use renewable energy and reduction of biodiversity loss, but a deep social change towards social justice and sustainability. Such action requires social compromises between elites and popular sectors that allow the building of strong institutions to implement changes. Latin America is faced with huge tasks to increase equality, justice and sustainability, but it also plays a pivotal role in the global green transformation. The region is further characterized by both strong elites, strong socio-environmental movements and deep environmental conflicts making social compromises difficult. This Working Paper discusses elite reactions to the most advanced regional agreement on environmental regulation and conflict resolution, the Escazù Agreement. In many countries, elites opposed it vehemently referring to national sovereignty, but particularly rejecting the institutional implications of the agreement involving a stronger compromise to allow popular participation. This was opposed by economic elites in democratic countries (Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica and Peru) as well as governmental elites in authoritarian countries (El Salvador and Venezuela). However, in various cases, elite opposition was overcome after popular mobilization and dialogue. The paper discusses what we can learn from elite reactions to the Escazú Agreement of importance for future social compromises as a basis for the emergence for transformative states in Latin America.

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