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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Social media – European Union countries »

Auteur : Grafiati
Publié le 10 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Social media – European Union countries"

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Adamus-Matuszyńska, Anna, Krystyna Doktorowicz et Piotr Dzik. « Logo as a Tool of European Union Countries’ Destination Branding ». Zarządzanie Mediami 9, no 4 (31 décembre 2021) : 597–626. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/23540214zm.21.033.14576.

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Developing a coherent and comprehensive brand of a country is of vital importance for a destination in the contemporary global world. There seems to be a recognizable gap in the literature regarding the application of visual signs practiced in country branding. The subject of the study: The research identifies the logos of the European Union countries used in place branding. The purpose of the study is the exploration of the logo content from the senders’ perspective, i.e., the structures and organizations responsible for the country branding. There are many reasons why logos are used in place branding practice. The authors decided to focus on the logo as a form of controlled and projected message communicated via media and ICT. Cognitive gap: The research conducted so far has focused on the reception of logos by the recipients. The presented research attempts to examine the visual message contained in logos from the senders’ perspective. Research methods and data collection techniques: The content analysis method was used to study the visual identity of the countries. The authors collected logos and scrutinised them using Beyrow and Vogt as well as Mollerup’s taxonomy. The results of the study illustrate how governmental institutions, which are responsible for country branding, portray countries using visual identity on the Internet, social media, and their own media.
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Bałandynowicz-Panfil, Katarzyna. « Media, informacja a szczepienia przeciw COVID-19 ». Media Biznes Kultura, no 2 (11) (22 décembre 2021) : 201–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/25442554.mbk.21.023.15164.

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The fourth wave of the COVID-19 pandemic is another significant confession for European societies. Despite extensive efforts, a safe level of population resilience has not been achieved in most countries. Previous actions and government programs aimed at persuading as many people as possible to accept vaccinations. Full availability of free vaccination has brought different levels of participation in fully vaccinated people across the European Union. This article presents the preliminary results of research on the role of the media in shaping pro-vaccination attitudes in Poland, based on a critical analysis of the literature on the subject, statistical data and an empirical research. The differences in attitudes towards vaccination against the SARS-CoV-2 virus in individual European Union countries have multifaceted conditions. These include factors of a social, political and cultural nature. Information plays an important role, shaping social attitudes in the discussed issue. One of the primary sources of this information is media – both traditional and digital. It is therefore worth defining the strength of media in the fight to build population resilience in the face of a pandemic.
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Milutinovic, Irina. « Media pluralism in competitive authoritarian regimes - a comparative study : Serbia and Hungary ». Sociologija 64, no 2 (2022) : 272–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc2202272m.

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This paper explores media pluralism in two European former communist countries, which have regressed to electoral authoritarianism in recent years, after a period of democratic transition and partial consolidation - the Republic of Hungary and the Republic of Serbia. The aim of the study is to describe similarities and differences in the media policies of these countries regarding media pluralism, and to explain social and political context that generates the growing risk for media pluralism. Descriptive comparative methods were used, based on the original set of data quantified within the annual national MPM reports. The reference time frame covers 2020 and 2017. The risk assessment indicators for media pluralism were compared in three areas: normative protection, political independence and media market plurality. The research finds that competitive authoritarian regimes? methods for free, independent and pluralistic media suppression have been intensively used in both countries regardless of membership status in the European Union.
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Hänska, Max, et Stefan Bauchowitz. « Can social media facilitate a European public sphere ? Transnational communication and the Europeanization of Twitter during the Eurozone crisis ». Social Media + Society 5, no 3 (juillet 2019) : 205630511985468. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2056305119854686.

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Asking whether social media can plausibly facilitate a European public sphere, this article provides the first operationalization and empirical examination of Europeanization of social media communications. It maps the geospatial structure of Twitter activity around Greece’s 2015 bailout negotiations. We find that Twitter activity showed clear signs of Europeanization. Twitter users across Europe tweeted about the bailout negotiations and coalesced around shared grievances. Furthermore, Twitter activity was remarkably transnational in orientation, as users interacted more often with users in other European Union (EU) countries than with domestic ones. As such, social media allowed users to communicate with one another unencumbered by national boundaries, to bring into existence an ad hoc, issue-based European public sphere.
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Jain, Rajendra K. « India, the European Union and Human Rights ». India Quarterly : A Journal of International Affairs 73, no 4 (8 novembre 2017) : 411–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928417731640.

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Growing media attention and international criticism about human rights violations in the wake of the resurgence of insurgency led India to make major policy changes in its attitude towards human rights and begin to discuss human rights with the European Union for the first time in 1990. This article critically examines Indian perceptions of the EU’s approach towards human rights since the 1990s to the present. It evaluates Indian responses to the inclusion of human rights provisions in trade agreements and criticism of the ‘one size fits all’ model of the Europeans for the promotion of human rights. It explores the sources of Indian scepticism about the international human rights regime and criticism of Western countries’ selectivity in enforcing human rights. In the ultimate analysis, the responsibility for initiating and implementing the multitude of structural, economic, social and political reforms necessary to improve human rights implementation must be taken by Indians themselves. External players can only play a supportive role and their capacities to bring about fundamental change are necessarily limited.
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Markovic, Daniel. « The youth in the European labour market. Is it lost generation ? » SHS Web of Conferences 51 (2018) : 01001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20185101001.

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Young people, school leavers, graduates and those who have not completed education, belong in many countries of European Union among the disadvantaged in the labour market. Because of that, they often face serious social situation. This paper focuses on the situation of young people in the labour market in the European Union, for whom the term lost generation is used in the media. It is investigated whether the concept of a Lost Generation is an adequate name for the situation or it is just journalistic hyperbole. The paper is a systematic review. It includes a meta-analysis component which involves using statistics. The methods of analysis of statistical data, synthesis of researched findings and monitoring of press and media are used.
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Balendr, Andrii V., Vasyl O. Korolov, Oleksandr V. Adamchuk, Anatolii V. Iakymchuk, Serhii V. Sinkevych et Ihor H. Bloshchynskyi. « BORDER GUARDS’ DISTANCE LEARNING DEVELOPMENT IN THE EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES ». Information Technologies and Learning Tools 71, no 3 (29 juin 2019) : 305. http://dx.doi.org/10.33407/itlt.v71i3.2749.

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The research reveals the peculiarities of the Distance Learning (DL) development in the framework of border guards training in the European Union (EU) countries. Theoretical and practical concepts, modern stage and peculiarities of border guards’ DL development were substantiated in the article. The special attention was paid to possibilities of educational web platforms, which are widely utilized in the training of personnel of the border guard agencies, namely: Web Platform Virtual Aula of the FRONTEX Agency; E-Net Web Platform of the CEPOL (The European Police College); EU Coast Guard Functions Training Portal (CGFTP); ILIAS Learning Platform of the EU Mission EUBAM (EU Border Assistance Mission to Moldova and Ukraine); Connect & Learn platform of the UNHCR (The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees); Global eLearning Program of the UNODC (United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime). The authors have also conducted the comparative analysis of DL courses of educational platforms with border guard components in the EU countries, which showed that the platform with the biggest number of border guard-oriented courses is Virtual Aula platform of FRONTEX Agency. Suggestions and proposals on DL development and prospective directions based on the experience gained during DL introduction into the system of the border guards’ training system supported by the survey results are given in the conclusion of this article in order to facilitate the improvement of border guards’ DL systems in the EU countries. The prospects of the border guards’ DL system development are based on 5 key factors: aligning all DL training courses to the Sectoral Qualification Framework and Common Core Curricular for border guarding: unification of the skills and knowledge of European border guards; enhanced use of the Internet and social media; introduction of common educational web-platforms; organizing specialized training for the specialists in DL use and management, and developing common eLearning tools and programs.
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Zvozdetska, Oksana. « Combating Disinformation in the European Union : Legal Aspects ». Mediaforum : Analytics, Forecasts, Information Management, no 9 (28 décembre 2021) : 245–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mediaforum.2021.9.245-262.

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Today, both Ukraine and European countries are subject to disinformation and foreign intervention in their domestic policies. Each democracy no matter its geography experiences its distinct vulnerabilities and respectively, reactions to foreign interference. It should be stated, the immediate responses to such challenges in most Western countries have been rare and sluggish, hampered by legal constraints and bureaucracy, and furthermore, they lacked a real political awareness of the problem or proof of its further impact. Foreign actors are increasingly using disinformation strategies to influence public debate, stir controversy and interfere in democratic decision-making. Responding to these new challenges, the European Commission has introduced a set of actions and tools to better regulate the digital ecosystem of the media and its participants, in particular, the formation and improvement of the legal framework to combat disinformation in the European information space. The researcher’s focus revolves around the European Union’s comprehensive approach to vigorous combating misinformation. The research data prove that since 2015, the EU has adopted a number of regulations to counter this information threat and the potential effects of foreign interference. In particular, in 2016 the EU adopted a document “Joint Framework on countering hybrid threats, a European Union response”, and “Action Plan against Disinformation”, respectively in 2018. These documents provide a baseline for understanding the diverse types of challenges other countries face and how they are addressing them. Consequently, a number of initiatives and projects of the European institutions, and the first worldwide self-regulatory “EU Code of Practice on Disinformation” issued in 2018 on a voluntary basis, have become main pillars of the EU. The Code identifies issues related to ensuring the transparency of political advertising, strengthening efforts to close active counterfeits. accounts, enabling users to report misinformation and access various news sources, while improving the visibility and reliability of authoritative content; enabling the research community to monitor disinformation on the Internet through access to these platforms, compatible with the confidentiality signed by the largest Internet platforms and social media (Google, Facebook, Twitter and Mozilla) in the framework of WMC self-regulation activities. It should be noted that the implementation of the “European Union Code of Practice on Countering Disinformation” has yielded ambiguous fruits. Self-regulation was the first logical and necessary step, but few stakeholders were fully satisfied with the process or its outcome, significant challenges remain for building trust through industry, governments, academia and civil society engagement.
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Stiopkin, Andrii. « Institutionalization of the Policy of Counteracting Disinformation in the European Union ». Mediaforum : Analytics, Forecasts, Information Management, no 10 (28 juillet 2022) : 196–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mediaforum.2022.10.196-208.

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The article analyzes the institutional processes of ensuring the counteraction to the disinformation influences of the Russian Federation in the European Union, starting from the beginning of the Crimea anexia in 2014. The information space of the EU countries is vulnerable, as the information component in democratic states is critical for functioning of the political system and adequate communication between society and the authorities. Having analyzed the institutional mechanisms and normative documents of the EU, as well as the reaction to the disinformation campaigns of certain countries, the EU has gradually formed intergovernmental institutions to combat disinformation. We note that the responsible civil position of social networks, providers and electronic media contributes to the fight against disinformation expressed in joint resolutions and acts of self-censorship and thorough check of news, advertisers. Public activists, experts and journalists on volunteer basis have created a backbone of the tools to counter disinformation, which confirms the advantages of democratic civil society.
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Qin, Bowen. « Chinese Citizens' Impression of India and the Influencing Factors : An Empirical Study Based on a Survey in 2020 ». Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences Studies 4, no 4 (12 octobre 2022) : 89–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/jhsss.2022.4.4.13.

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Impressions towards foreign countries increasingly play an important role in international relations. While much research has been conducted on other countries' impressions of China and China's impressions of European and American countries, little research has been conducted on Chinese citizens' impressions of India, which is also a mega-developing country. By exploring Chinese citizens' impressions and the influencing factors towards India, it is important to enrich both research and foreign policy formulation in the area of international trust. This study uses descriptive analysis and logistic regression modelling to investigate the factors influencing Chinese citizen's impressions of India through the framework of social identity, political efficacy, political participation, media socialisation, and intergroup contact, based on data from the India sub-subject of the public questionnaire survey conducted by the 2020 ‘Chinese View of the European Union (EU)’ project. The study's findings show that patriotic tendencies are the most influential factor in Chinese citizens' impressions of India. The study results show that variables such as patriotic tendencies, social satisfaction, frequency of internet use, and religious acceptance strongly influence Chinese citizens' impressions of India. In contrast, the hypotheses of some theoretical variables need to be further confirmed as Chinese citizens' impressions of India are slightly lower than those of other large countries such as the US, Japan, and Russia.
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Thèses sur le sujet "Social media – European Union countries"

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RUIZ, SOLER Javier. « Is Twitter the new coffee house ? : the contribution of the European political Twittersphere to the European public sphere and European demos ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/63305.

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Defence date: 12 June 2019
Examining Board: Prof. Alexander Trechsel, University of Lucerne (Supervisor); Prof. Giovanni Sartor, European University Institute; Prof. Luigi Curini, University of Milan; Prof. Anamaria Dutceac Segesten, Lund University
A Public Sphere and a demos are intrinsic key elements of any democratic society. The literature has pointed out that social media platforms can play an important role in developing direct interactions between users and creating a sense of community. Can Twitter contribute to the emergence of a transnational networked European Public Sphere and European demos? This thesis examines the contribution of the European Political Twittersphere to this question. I divide the question into three articles. In each I use a different theoretical framework and methodological approach to two datasets of two issue publics (the Schengen agreement and the transatlantic trade partnership, TTIP) collected through the public Twitter Streaming API from August 2016 to April 2017. In the first article I explore the actor level of the networks created from the Twitter data. I investigate whether these Twitter networks constitute networked publics where non-elite actors receive attention and play an important role by the number of mentions and retweets. In the second article I explore the question of the constitution of European transnational networks. To do so, I geolocate the accounts involved in the two networks to identify the type of interactions the users establish, whether national or transnational. In the third article I analyse the content of these networks by extracting what sentiments the users express for the topics, and whether they see themselves and the topics as national or European. The three articles capture three features of the European Political Twittersphere. First, the results indicate the presence of transnational European networks. Second, built from the bottom-up where non-elite actors receive most of the attention. And third, composed of a multilingual demoi where the users see themselves and the topics as European. However, although these mapped Twitter networks contribute to some extent to transnational interaction and a sense of community, the deliberative quality of these networks is low.
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Sandal, Onal Elif. « Social Representations Of European Union ». Master's thesis, METU, 2007. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12608946/index.pdf.

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The main aim of this study was to reveal the prevailing social representations of European Union. In order to fulfill the aim, first a semi-structured interview was conducted to 13 demographically different individuals and the content analysis of the interviews revealed five categories namely, Turkey&rsquo
s membership to EU, Problems of Turkey, Structure of EU, EU as Disadvantageous and EU as Advantageous. Second, in order to examine the media representation of EU, three newspapers representing different political views were qualitatively analyzed and the dimensions of EU as a must, EU as a threat, and EU as difficult were exposed. Finally, according to the thematic units and categories generated from the qualitative analyses
a &ldquo
Social Representations of EU&rdquo
scale was formed and applied to 243 university students. Four sub-scales, namely EU membership is disadvantageous, EU membership is advantageous, religious and cultural threats and EU membership is difficult were extracted from the scale with the reliability coefficients varying from .61 to .88. In order to investigate whether the different factors of social representations of EU are differing on particular dimensions as political view, exposure to media, newspapers read or SES levels, variance analyses were performed. On the other hand, for answering the question of whether the representations of EU could be predicted from life expectations, perceived political agenda or individual dimensions multiple regression analyses were held. Significant differences were found in EU membership is disadvantageous representation in terms of university (Gazi University-METU), gender, and political views of newspapers read. EU membership is advantageous representation differed along the levels of gender and newspapers read. Religious and cultural threats were to be differed along the levels of university, gender, political view, newspapers read and exposure to media. Finally significant differences in EU as difficult representation was found in terms of the ideology of the newspapers read. Feelings toward EU and evaluation of the membership dimensions were found to contribute to the prediction of EU as disadvantageous, EU as advantageous, religious and cultural threats, and EU as difficult representations. Moreover, religious and cultural threats representation is significantly predicted from political view and media exposure.
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FERNANDES, Daniel. « Governments, public opinion, and social policy : change in Western Europe ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/75046.

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Defence date: 21 November 2022
Examining Board: Prof. Ellen Immergut (EUI, Supervisor); Prof. Anton Hemerijck (EUI); Prof. Christoffer Green-Pedersen (Aarhus University); Prof. Evelyne Hübscher (Central European University)
This dissertation investigates how public opinion and government partisanship affect social policy. It brings an innovative perspective that links the idea of democratic representation to debates about the welfare state. The general claim made here is that social policy is a function of public and government preferences. This claim hinges on two critical premises. The first relates to the general mechanisms that underlie government representation. Politicians have electoral incentives to align their actions with what citizens want. They may respond to public opinion indirectly by updating their party agendas, which can serve as the basis for social policy decisions in case they get elected. They may also respond directly by introducing welfare reforms that react to shifts in public opinion during their mandates. The second premise concerns how citizens and politicians structure their preferences over welfare. These preferences fall alongside two dimensions. First, general attitudes about how much should the state intervene in the economy to reduce inequality and promote economic well-being (how much policy). Second, the specific preferences about which social programmes should get better funding (what kind of policy). The empirical analysis is split into three empirical chapters. Each explores different aspects of government representation in Western European welfare states. The first empirical chapter (Chapter 4) asks how governments shape social policy when facing severe pressures to decrease spending. It argues that governments strategically reduce spending on programmes that offer less visible and indirect benefits, as they are less likely to trigger an electoral backlash. The experience of the Great Recession is consistent with this claim. Countries that faced the most challenging financial constraints cut down social investment and services. Except for Greece, they all preserved consumption schemes. The second empirical chapter (Chapter 5) explores how public opinion affects government spending priorities in different welfare programmes. It expects government responsiveness to depend on public mood for more or less government activity and the most salient social issues at the time. Empirical evidence from old-age, healthcare and education issue-policy areas supports these claims. Higher policy mood and issue saliency is positively associated with increasing spending efforts. Public opinion does not appear to affect unemployment policies. vii The third empirical chapter (Chapter 6) examines how party preferences affect spending priorities in unemployment programmes. It claims that preferences on economic intervention in the economy and welfare recalibration affect different components of unemployment policy. Evidence from the past 20 years bodes well with these expectations. The generosity of compensatory schemes depends on economic preferences. The left invests more than the right. The funding of active labour-market policies depends on both preference dimensions. Among conventional parties, their funding follows the same patterns as compensatory schemes. Among recalibration parties, parties across the economic spectrum present comparable spending patterns.
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Zhang, Lu. « Is the EU a social union ? :the function of common social policy for European integration ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554777.

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Noordijk, Peter Andrew. « Building Bridges with Social Capital in the European Union ». PDXScholar, 2013. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1091.

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A culture of accommodation and tolerance is a necessary part of establishing and preserving a functional multi-national and multi-ethnic European Union. Civil society organizations and their associated social capital have been shown to foster civic capacity and achievement of public policy goals. However, social capital that is based on group identity can also contribute to a sense of intolerance towards out-groups, undermining the stated tolerance objectives of the social pillar of the European Union. States with a strong presence alongside civil society are expected to be curb the development of the exclusionary bonding form of social capital in favor of bridging social capital which will improve progress toward policy goals. This study tests the link between government capacity, social capital and tolerance using data from the 1990-2009 waves of the World Values Survey and European Values Study. Using path analysis and multi-level models of the relationships between political capacity, social capital and intolerance, the model establishes that government capacity enhances bridging social capital and which increases social tolerance. The study fills a gap in understanding how government capacity and policy can result in improved social capital even with greater diversity. A proposed relationship between political capacity and bonding forms of social capital was not supported.
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Li, Xin. « European identity, a case study ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2009. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555548.

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Steinfeld, Martin Henry. « Free movement of persons and social constructivism ? : a social constructivist perspective on the emergence of the concept of EU citizenship prior to its formal establishment in the Treaty on European Union ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.709133.

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Dihel, Nora Carina. « Temporary movements of services providers from Central and Eastern European Countries into the European Union / ». [Bucureşti] : Ed. DBH, 2005. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=013195171&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.

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Finck, Michèle. « Above and below the surface : two models of subnational autonomies in EU law ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:60c9f0ae-3f2a-4701-a096-e8f9ce38b5f0.

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This thesis examines the relation between subnational autonomies, that is to say regional and local authorities and the norms they create, and European Union law. The existence of local and regional autonomies within the various Member States of the EU is a factual truth. We know that they exist and co-exist with other levels of public authority, themselves generating norms. Yet, on its surface European Union law does not devise any substantive understanding of such autonomies. This stands in stark contrast to the relation between the Member States and the EU, which is governed by a complex catalogue of Treaty rules. As a consequence of European integration, however, subnational autonomies and EU law do interact, so that the latter cannot simply ignore the existence of the former. This thesis sets out to determine the contours of their mutual relation through an analysis of EU procedural and substantive law. It uncovers that the relation between subnational autonomies and EU law is multifarious and diverges depending on whether we look at the surface of EU law, that is to say the Treaties, or whether we look below its surface, at the Court of Justice's rich case law or soft law instruments of the Commission. I map this conclusion through a modelling approach, relying on what I term the 'Insider Model' and the 'Outsider Model' respectively. These models underline that, in some areas of EU law, SNAs are seen to be outsiders to the project of European integration whereas other areas recognise SNAs and especially their norms to be the insiders of that project. The coexistence of both models forces us intellectually to rearrange things. It challenges our 'constitutional imagination'. The key to understanding the coexistence of both models can be found in the evolution of EU law itself. While the Outsider Model remains attached to the public international law origins of the EU Treaties, the Insider Model captures the reality that not only States and citizens, but also SNAs, are integrated into the EU legal order.
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Edquist, Kristin Alisa. « Authorizing affluence : European Union social policy and promotion of the commerce society : a critical theoretical analysis / ». Thesis, Connect to this title online ; UW restricted, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10717.

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Livres sur le sujet "Social media – European Union countries"

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Understanding media policies : A European perspective. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire : Palgrave Macmillan, 2012.

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Erik, Fossum John, et Schlesinger Philip 1948-, dir. The European Union and the public sphere : A communicative space in the making ? Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon : Routledge, 2007.

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Social policy in the smaller European Union states. New York : Berghahn Books, 2012.

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Law of the European Union social chapter. Oxford : Hart Publishing, 1998.

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Mark, Baimbridge, et Mullen Andrew, dir. The political economy of the European social model. New York : Routledge, 2012.

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Maria, Jepsen, et Serrano Pascual Amparo, dir. Unwrapping the European social model. Bristol : Policy Press, 2006.

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The European Union : Economy, society and polity. Oxford : Oxford University Press, 2002.

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Social policy in the European Union. 2e éd. Houndmills : Macmillan Press Ltd., 2000.

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Social policy in the European Union. 3e éd. New York : Palgrave Macmillan, 2007.

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Hantrais, Linda. Social policy in the European Union. New York : St. Martin's Press, 1995.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Social media – European Union countries"

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Bakir, Vian, et Andrew McStay. « Defending the Civic Body from False Information Online ». Dans Optimising Emotions, Incubating Falsehoods, 205–46. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-13551-4_8.

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AbstractWe have established that false information online harms the civic body, driven by the economics of emotion and the politics of emotion. What should be done about this? Multi-stakeholder solutions have been proffered by various countries’ governmental inquiries into disinformation and fake news, and by supranational bodies including the United Nations, European Union and Commonwealth. This chapter assesses seven solution areas: namely, (1) coercive and non-coercive government action, (2) cybersecurity, (3) digital intermediaries/platforms, (4) advertisers, (5) professional political persuaders and public relations, (6) media organisations and (7) education. As well as being intrinsically difficult areas to solve individually, let alone in concert, the chapter concludes that such solutions merely tinker at the edges as they do not address a fundamental incubator for false information online: namely, the business model for social media platforms built on the economics of emotion.
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Guiraudon, Virginie. « Mobilization, Social Movements and the Media ». Dans Sociology of the European Union, 128–49. London : Macmillan Education UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-230-34390-0_6.

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Caiani, Manuela, et Alena Kluknavská. « Extreme Right, the Internet and European Politics in CEE Countries : The Cases of Slovakia and the Czech Republic ». Dans Social Media and European Politics, 167–92. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-59890-5_8.

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Kustec, Simona, et Simon Ličen. « Sport and welfare in Central and Eastern European countries ». Dans Sport, Welfare and Social Policy in the European Union, 132–42. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2020. | : Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351118064-12.

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Balcerzak, Adam P., et Michał Bernard Pietrzak. « Relations Among Social and Economic Order in European Union Countries ». Dans Eurasian Studies in Business and Economics, 385–96. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-67916-7_25.

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Kapounek, Svatopluk. « Long-Run Heterogeneity Across the EU Countries ». Dans Competitiveness, Social Inclusion and Sustainability in a Diverse European Union, 37–46. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-17299-6_3.

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Etchart, Nicole, et Loïc Comolli. « Trade-offs between Regulation and Fostering of Social Enterprise : The Case of European Union Policies ». Dans Social Enterprise in Emerging Market Countries, 35–57. New York : Palgrave Macmillan US, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137342102_3.

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Charapabidis, Yannis, Euripidis Loukis, Yannis Koulizakis, David Mekkaoui et Antonis Ramfos. « Leveraging European Union Policy Community through Advanced Exploitation of Social Media ». Dans Advanced Information Systems Engineering, 13–25. Berlin, Heidelberg : Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-44914-1_2.

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Brosig, Magnus, et Karl Hinrichs. « The “Great Recession” and Pension Policy Change in European Countries ». Dans International Impacts on Social Policy, 385–98. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-86645-7_30.

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AbstractIn the wake of the “Great Recession” and its severe fiscal implications, many European countries enacted significant pension reforms aimed at reducing public spending and limiting contribution rates. Unlike most changes carried out before, they were implemented swiftly and without building a broad political and social consensus, usually being suggested or even mandated by inter- and supranational organisations such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) or the European Union (EU). While some of these cuts were at least partly revoked during the following years of economic recovery, European welfare states still tend to face lower “pension burdens” in the upcoming decades than had been expected during the 2000s. Financial sustainability, however, puts adequacy at risk for present and future retirees, many of whom no longer achieve sufficient working careers anyway.
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Rozmahel, Petr, Ladislava Issever Grochová et Marek Litzman. « The Competitiveness of the EU Countries : A Multi-dimensional Cluster Analysis Approach ». Dans Competitiveness, Social Inclusion and Sustainability in a Diverse European Union, 13–36. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-17299-6_2.

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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Social media – European Union countries"

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Marinescu, Roxana. « USING NEW MEDIA AND TECHNOLOGIES IN FOREIGN LANGUAGE EDUCATION FOR PLURILINGUAL COMMUNICATION AND DEMOCRATIC CITIZENSHIP ». Dans eLSE 2013. Carol I National Defence University Publishing House, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.12753/2066-026x-13-267.

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This paper focuses on outlining some effects that the use of new media and technologies in foreign language education has on both plurilingual communication and on democratic citizenship. At the moment in the European Union there are 27 member states and 23 officially acknowledged languages. With increasingly mobile European citizens and a growing number of immigrants from non-European countries, Europe faces the challenge of providing equal opportunities to all citizens and, at the same time, ensuring that their linguistic and cultural heritage will be preserved. This paper starts from the necessity stated in some European documents that the European citizen should learn at least two foreign languages, English being in practice one of those, for better or worse. Also foreign language education is viewed in connection with citizenship rights and intercultural communication, for a European citizen fully equipped for flexible work contexts in a time of increased mobility. With 'language rights' viewed as part of 'human rights' and with Europe a multilingual area, the plurilingual European citizens should be able to make effective use of all their educational strategies in order to enhance their chances in social and economic life. European educational policies should thus take into consideration the inclusion of new media and technologies in formal education, as well as the impact they have on the informal education of European citizens, and should evaluate the extent to which the use of these e-tools affects language learning in the context of multilingualism. This paper also briefly presents an overview of the results of a small scale survey conducted within the Bucharest University of Economic Studies among first-year students by means of a questionnaire and informal discussions. The survey focuses on how they use the new media in formal and informal language learning, especially English language learning.
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Glaser-Opitzová, Helena, et Mária Vojtková. « THE INFLUENCE OF SELECTED FACTORS ON THE AT-RISK-OF-POVERTY RATE OF SLOVAK HOUSEHOLDS ». Dans Fourth International Scientific Conference ITEMA Recent Advances in Information Technology, Tourism, Economics, Management and Agriculture. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/itema.s.p.2020.107.

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Since the goal of any advanced society is to reduce poverty and improve the social status of the population, it is important to know the causes of its emergence. In connection with Slovakia's membership in the European Union, we have taken over European legislation in this area. The Europe 2020 strategy is currently in force in the countries of the European Union, while one of its five main objectives is "Fight against poverty and social exclusion". Poverty research is undoubtedly a topical, multidimensional problem. One of the issues it focuses on is the so-called income poverty. The poverty line is considered to be 60% of the median national equivalent disposable household income. In order for assistance to those at risk to be truly targeted at those who need it most, it is necessary to map the situation in detail and identify the factors that have the greatest impact on the incidence of poverty. In our paper, the subject of analysis will be the quantification of the influence of selected factors from The European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions (EU-SILC) database on the at-risk-of-poverty rate in Slovak households. The at-risk-of-poverty rate represents the proportion of people (in percent) in the whole population, whose equivalent disposable income is below the at-risk-of-poverty line. We will verify the impact of selected factors on the at-risk-of-poverty rate using a logistic regression model in the SAS Enterprise Guide statistical tool.
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ZAWOJSKA, Aldona. « THE PROS AND CONS OF THE EU COMMON AGRICULTURAL POLICY ». Dans RURAL DEVELOPMENT. Aleksandras Stulginskis University, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.15544/rd.2017.158.

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The Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) of the European Union has generated a great deal of attention and controversy among research community, practitioners and the wider population. The aim of this study is to overview and to discuss the thoughts and comments on the CAP which have been addressed by both its proponents and its opponents in the scientific publications, political commentaries, official reports, pubic opinion surveys and social-media-based public forums. While on the one hand, recent public opinion poll (Eurobarometer 2016) indicated broad support among EU citizens for the CAP; on the other hand, other sources give some strong arguments in favour of reducing or even scrapping the CAP. The CAP supporters (including European Commission itself) highlight, among others, the benefits of this policy (environmental; cultural; social vitality; food variety, quality and security; maintaining of rural employment, etc.) for all European citizens and not only for farmers, while CAP opponents stress its unfairness both to non-farmers (e.g. huge financial costs of its policy for taxpayers) and small farmers (large farmers benefit most), heavy administrative burden for farmers as well as the CAP’s destructing impact both on the EU states’ agriculture systems and developing countries’ agricultural markets. The CAP is basically the same for all EU member states but the EU countries differ considerably in terms of their rural development. According to some views, the CAP does not fit the Central and Eastern European countries. It represents a failure of the EU to adjust adequately from an exclusively Western European institution into a proper pan-European organization.
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Albu, Angela. « CORRELATION BETWEEN INNOVATION AND COMPETITIVENESS IN EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES ». Dans 5th International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conferences on SOCIAL SCIENCES and ARTS SGEM2018. STEF92 Technology, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2018/1.3/s04.066.

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Bir iakova, Na a., Jana Stavkova et Veronika Anto ova. « Income Poverty in Selected Countries of the European Union ». Dans 2013 International Conference on the Modern Development of Humanities and Social Science. Paris, France : Atlantis Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/mdhss-13.2013.124.

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Maj-Waśniowska, Katarzyna, Agnieszka Wałęga et Grzegorz Wałęga. « SILVER ECONOMY, POVERTY AND SOCIAL EXCLUSION IN THE EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES ». Dans 10th Economics & Finance Conference, Rome. International Institute of Social and Economic Sciences, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.20472/efc.2018.010.023.

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Chudy-Laskowska, Katarzyna. « DELIMITATION OF THE EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES DUE TO THE TRANSPORT INFRASTRUCTURE ». Dans 5th SGEM International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conferences on SOCIAL SCIENCES and ARTS SGEM2018. STEF92 Technology, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2018/1.5/s05.032.

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Maruszewska, Ewa Wanda. « ACCOUNTING CERTIFICATION IN POLAND VERSUS SELECTED EUROPEAN COUNTRIES � A CALL FOR EUROPEAN UNION STANDARIZATION ». Dans 4th International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conference on Social Sciences and Arts SGEM2017. Stef92 Technology, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2017/hb11/s03.065.

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Babich, Irina. « INTENSIFICATION OF CANADA FOREIGN TRADE WITH THE COUNTRIES OF THE EUROPEAN UNION ». Dans 5th SGEM International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conferences on SOCIAL SCIENCES and ARTS SGEM2018. STEF92 Technology, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2018h/11/s12.089.

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Emerling, Izabela. « Health care financing in the European Union countries versus the gross domestic product ». Dans The 4th Human and Social Sciences at the Common Conference. Publishing Society, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.18638/hassacc.2016.4.1.216.

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Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Social media – European Union countries"

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Bourrier, Mathilde, Michael Deml et Farnaz Mahdavian. Comparative report of the COVID-19 Pandemic Responses in Norway, Sweden, Germany, Switzerland and the United Kingdom. University of Stavanger, novembre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31265/usps.254.

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The purpose of this report is to compare the risk communication strategies and public health mitigation measures implemented by Germany, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom (UK) in 2020 in response to the COVID-19 pandemic based on publicly available documents. The report compares the country responses both in relation to one another and to the recommendations and guidance of the World Health Organization where available. The comparative report is an output of Work Package 1 from the research project PAN-FIGHT (Fighting pandemics with enhanced risk communication: Messages, compliance and vulnerability during the COVID-19 outbreak), which is financially supported by the Norwegian Research Council's extraordinary programme for corona research. PAN-FIGHT adopts a comparative approach which follows a “most different systems” variation as a logic of comparison guiding the research (Przeworski & Teune, 1970). The countries in this study include two EU member States (Sweden, Germany), one which was engaged in an exit process from the EU membership (the UK), and two non-European Union states, but both members of the European Free Trade Association (EFTA): Norway and Switzerland. Furthermore, Germany and Switzerland govern by the Continental European Federal administrative model, with a relatively weak central bureaucracy and strong subnational, decentralised institutions. Norway and Sweden adhere to the Scandinavian model—a unitary but fairly decentralised system with power bestowed to the local authorities. The United Kingdom applies the Anglo-Saxon model, characterized by New Public Management (NPM) and decentralised managerial practices (Einhorn & Logue, 2003; Kuhlmann & Wollmann, 2014; Petridou et al., 2019). In total, PAN-FIGHT is comprised of 5 Work Packages (WPs), which are research-, recommendation-, and practice-oriented. The WPs seek to respond to the following research questions and accomplish the following: WP1: What are the characteristics of governmental and public health authorities’ risk communication strategies in five European countries, both in comparison to each other and in relation to the official strategies proposed by WHO? WP2: To what extent and how does the general public’s understanding, induced by national risk communication, vary across five countries, in relation to factors such as social capital, age, gender, socio-economic status and household composition? WP3: Based on data generated in WP1 and WP2, what is the significance of being male or female in terms of individual susceptibility to risk communication and subsequent vulnerability during the COVID-19 outbreak? WP4: Based on insight and knowledge generated in WPs 1 and 2, what recommendations can we offer national and local governments and health institutions on enhancing their risk communication strategies to curb pandemic outbreaks? WP5: Enhance health risk communication strategies across five European countries based upon the knowledge and recommendations generated by WPs 1-4. Pre-pandemic preparedness characteristics All five countries had pandemic plans developed prior to 2020, which generally were specific to influenza pandemics but not to coronaviruses. All plans had been updated following the H1N1 pandemic (2009-2010). During the SARS (2003) and MERS (2012) outbreaks, both of which are coronaviruses, all five countries experienced few cases, with notably smaller impacts than the H1N1 epidemic (2009-2010). The UK had conducted several exercises (Exercise Cygnet in 2016, Exercise Cygnus in 2016, and Exercise Iris in 2018) to check their preparedness plans; the reports from these exercises concluded that there were gaps in preparedness for epidemic outbreaks. Germany also simulated an influenza pandemic exercise in 2007 called LÜKEX 07, to train cross-state and cross-department crisis management (Bundesanstalt Technisches Hilfswerk, 2007). In 2017 within the context of the G20, Germany ran a health emergency simulation exercise with WHO and World Bank representatives to prepare for potential future pandemics (Federal Ministry of Health et al., 2017). Prior to COVID-19, only the UK had expert groups, notably the Scientific Advisory Group for Emergencies (SAGE), that was tasked with providing advice during emergencies. It had been used in previous emergency events (not exclusively limited to health). In contrast, none of the other countries had a similar expert advisory group in place prior to the pandemic. COVID-19 waves in 2020 All five countries experienced two waves of infection in 2020. The first wave occurred during the first half of the year and peaked after March 2020. The second wave arrived during the final quarter. Norway consistently had the lowest number of SARS-CoV-2 infections per million. Germany’s counts were neither the lowest nor the highest. Sweden, Switzerland and the UK alternated in having the highest numbers per million throughout 2020. Implementation of measures to control the spread of infection In Germany, Switzerland and the UK, health policy is the responsibility of regional states, (Länders, cantons and nations, respectively). However, there was a strong initial centralized response in all five countries to mitigate the spread of infection. Later on, country responses varied in the degree to which they were centralized or decentralized. Risk communication In all countries, a large variety of communication channels were used (press briefings, websites, social media, interviews). Digital communication channels were used extensively. Artificial intelligence was used, for example chatbots and decision support systems. Dashboards were used to provide access to and communicate data.
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Domínguez, Roberto. Perceptions of the European Union in Latin America. Fundación Carolina, janvier 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.33960/issn-e.1885-9119.dt76en.

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This working paper examines the puzzle of the gaps between the images that the EU projects, voluntarily and involuntarily, and the perceptions of the EU in Latin America. After reviewing some of the debates related to the role of perceptions in public policy and EU Public Diplomacy (EUPD), the paper analyzes some critical developments in global perceptions of the EU based on the study Update of the 2015 Analysis of the Perception of the EU and EU Policies Abroad (2021 Update Study), which assessed the attitudes of the EU in 13 countries. The third section examines some studies on the attitudes of the EU in Latin America, including some contributions from Latinobarometer. The fourth section offers comparative cases of EU perception in Brazil, Mexico, and Colombia based on the findings of the 2021 Update Study. The analysis of each country relies on the interpretation of surveys with some references to the press analysis and interview methods provided in the 2021 Update Study. Each case discusses specific trends in the following areas: visibility, primary descriptors, global economics, and international leadership. Also, it identifies some patterns in perceptions of the EU in social development, climate change, research/technology, development assistance, culture, the case of the critical juncture in the survey (pandemic), and the EU as a normative setter. The final section offers some general trends in the perceptions of the EU in Latin America.
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Giraldo-Luque, S., I. Villegas-Simón et R. Carniel Bugs. Are parliaments using social media ? A comparative and longitudinal study applied in American and European countries (2010, 2105 and 2017). Revista Latina de Comunicación Social, novembre 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4185/rlcs-2017-1219en.

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Morsy, Ahmed. Towards a renewed local social and political covenant in Libya, Syria and Yemen. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, décembre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/ofgn2229.

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This SIPRI Insights Paper examines the domestic and external factors at play in Libya, Syria and Yemen and their impact on negotiating post-war peaceful settlements and shaping prospective social contracts.The paper’s argument is two-fold. Firstly, policymaking must move beyond a static approach to understanding these conflicts. Despite apparent stalemates, the three countries should be approached as ever-evolving simmering conflicts. Secondly, policymakers have to move below the national level in order to achieve various forms of localized social peace. Given the nature of these conflicts and the varied sub-national segmentation, the analysis concludes that community-level social and political covenants may offer a first building block towards nationwide social contracts and sustainable conflict resolution.The role of external actors, particularly the European Union (EU), is critical in paving the way for these local-level dialogues and negotiations in Libya, Syria and Yemen. In short, external powers, including the EU, should adopt policies that push for long-term resolution to achieve post-conflict stabilization rather than the opportunistic taking of sides.
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Martin, Matthew. The Crisis of Extreme Inequality in SADC : Fighting austerity and the pandemic. Oxfam, Development Finance International, Norwegian Church Aid, mai 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.21201/2022.8793.

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The COVID-19 pandemic has worsened the extreme inequality in Southern African Development Community (SADC) countries, and pushed millions into poverty. The economic crisis continues due to the obscene global vaccine inequality. As of end March 2022, a dismal 14% of SADC citizens had been fully vaccinated against COVID-19, compared with 65.5% in the United States and 73% in the European Union. In 2021, with infections rising in SADC, the critical health, social protection and economic programmes put in place by most governments in 2020 were rolled back and replaced with austerity, in the context of growing debt burdens and lack of external support for country budgets. Such austerity has been built into IMF programmes in the region. Recovering from the pandemic, however, offers SADC governments a once-in-a-generation opportunity to do what their citizens want: increase taxes on the wealthy and large corporations, boost public spending (especially on healthcare, education and social protection), and increase workers’ rights as well as tackling joblessness and precarious work. With external support, including through debt relief and aid, they could reduce inequality drastically and eliminate extreme poverty by 2030.
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Martin, Matthew. The Crisis of Extreme Inequality in SADC : Fighting austerity and the pandemic. Oxfam, Development Finance International, Norwegian Church Aid, mai 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.21201/2022.8793.

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The COVID-19 pandemic has worsened the extreme inequality in Southern African Development Community (SADC) countries, and pushed millions into poverty. The economic crisis continues due to the obscene global vaccine inequality. As of end March 2022, a dismal 14% of SADC citizens had been fully vaccinated against COVID-19, compared with 65.5% in the United States and 73% in the European Union. In 2021, with infections rising in SADC, the critical health, social protection and economic programmes put in place by most governments in 2020 were rolled back and replaced with austerity, in the context of growing debt burdens and lack of external support for country budgets. Such austerity has been built into IMF programmes in the region. Recovering from the pandemic, however, offers SADC governments a once-in-a-generation opportunity to do what their citizens want: increase taxes on the wealthy and large corporations, boost public spending (especially on healthcare, education and social protection), and increase workers’ rights as well as tackling joblessness and precarious work. With external support, including through debt relief and aid, they could reduce inequality drastically and eliminate extreme poverty by 2030.
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Zhytaryuk, Marian. Ukraine in the international press in 1930 (on the materials of the Lviv newspaper «Dilo»). Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, février 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2022.51.11413.

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In the article of Professor Maryan Zhytaryuk, it is implemented the systematization of publications in the international press of 1930 about Ukraine on the materials of the Lviv newspaper «Dilo». Important political issues, in particular: Bolshevism in Soviet Ukraine, the massacre of the Ukrainian intelligentsia (Union for the Liberation of Ukraine), the interpretation of the «Ukrainian political problem» in European countries were singled out and generalized. The topicality of the article subject follows from the need to supplement the materials on the study of the «Ukrainian question», from the understanding that the interwar period, mainly in the 30s of the twentieth century, is a concentrated historical and political period, that is represented on newspaper and magazine columns. During the decade (30s of the twentieth century) – there were thousands of them. For example, in the newspaper «Dilo» only in the first three months of 1930 we can find more than 100 publications on international subjects. Therefore, the author narrowed the research materials to translated materials in the genres of press round-up, review, digest of publications in the foreign press. The purpose of the article is to focus on Ukrainian issues in the international press based on translations and comments on foreign publications in the newspaper «Dilo» in 1930. The task of the publication is to comprehend the identified texts in the context of geopolitical construction on the eve of World War II; to supplement the history of Ukrainian and foreign journalism and its source base. In the article the author uses the method of scientific study of primary sources found in the special funds of the Scientific Library of LNU. I. Franko, in particular, the bundles of the newspaper «Dilo» for 1930. 252 publications were processed, some of which - in several submissions. Based on scientific summarizing, 15 publications on political issues with the keyword «Ukraine» were selected on the basis of translated sources from foreign media (scientific research method). Actually with the purpose of understanding the raised issues (conceptual analysis) and of preparing some certain conclusions and generalizations (methods of synthesis, induction and deduction) the problem-thematic analysis was used.
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