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1
Hawkins, Laurie, et University of Lethbridge Faculty of Education. « Education and society in Moscow : teachers' perceptions ». Thesis, Lethbridge, Alta. : University of Lethbridge, Faculty of Education, 1999, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10133/111.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Within the span of less than a decade, Russian teachers have lived through the collapse of the Soviet Union, the end of Communist rule, the emergence of a free market economy and levels of inflation which have pushed much of the population into poverty. Restrictive government poliies have been replaced with an infrastructure often described as corrupt and infeffective. New laws on education now allow for innovative curriculums and methodology, but economic restrictions have limited much possiblity for change. The purpose of this descriptive study is to examine the perceptions of Moscow educators regarding public educaion and society in Russia. Selected teachers were surveyed and interviewed about their perceptions of recent soical, political and economic changes within Russia; communism and the future of communism in Russia; democracy in Russia; schooling, students and teachers in general in Moscow; the creditation and training of educators in Russia; their responsibilities as educators in Russia; and the future of their individual professional lives. The study discusses the context of education and schooling in Moscow, provides data from a Likert type quesitonnaire and personal interviews, discusses the quantitative and qualitative data and uses a one way analysis of variance (ANOVA) with teachers' age as the variable. Major findings include teachers' perceptions that the political and economic changes in Russia are "inevitable." Teachers' lives continue to be restricted, however, that restriction is dictated by economics as opposed to political repression. The fall of the communist state is considered desirable and teachers are unsure if the communist party will ever again form the government of Russia. Teachers do not consider themselves to be "free" or Russia to be a true democracy, and most are undecided if Russia will become a true democracy in their lifetime. As well, the quality of public education is seen to have suffered since the end of the Soviet state with severe underfunding limiting the opportunities for innovative practice. Teachers, however, believe that educators in Russia are well-
prepared to be professional teachers in post-communist Russia. They also believe that teachers are responsible for fostering a sense of Russian nationalism and instilling proper values in students. They have an important role to play in shaping Russian society in the future and are optimistic about the future of the teaching profession and the role they will play in determing that future.1 v. (various pagings) ; 29 cm.
2
Atalay, Serap. « Property Relations From The Ussr To The Russian Federation : Continuity Or Change ? » Master's thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12606553/index.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study, by focusing on the economic reform attempts in the USSR and the privatization process in the Russian Federation, will question the scope of political change in Russia during the capitalist transformation process until the end of the Yeltsin period. It will be argued that the determination of the political processes on property relations during the time of the USSR persisted in the Yeltsin period since after the collapse of the USSR, main political actors of the Soviet system such as the Party and ministry officials and the enterprise managers maintained their dominant positions within the property relations. As will be shown in the thesis, this was ensured through their successful interventions in the privatization processes. Hence, people who had important positions in the former Soviet Union, became whether the new owners of state assets, or had the authority to determine the new owners.
3
Urs, Ion Social Sciences & International Studies Faculty of Arts & Social Sciences UNSW. « The empowerment of aggressive state ideology in two periods of Russian history ». Awarded by:University of New South Wales. Social Sciences & ; International Studies, 2007. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/40568.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The concepts of power and state - particularly embedded in the idea of the Great Power, with a geopolitical perspective and a profoundly aggressive character - are tantamount in importance to the Russia's elite political ideology. However, the existence of different emphases within such a political ideology, ranging from the active-obstructive to the passive stances, brings into question the factors of variation that might be responsible for the elite's level of determination to pursue these concepts over an internal or foreign policy development. In addressing this query, two tasks are set: descriptive - involving a survey of the content of Russian aggressive political ideology over different periods in history; and explanatory - determining circumstances that might account for the empowerment of one or other option of Russian aggressive political ideology. Therefore, the thesis includes a comparison of historical periods with similar relevance to the Russian state. The concern here is in relation to shifting factors of variations of aggressive political ideology acting in the space-frame of one state, but in different time-frame. Resting on these frames the thesis explores the shaping of the Russian elite's defining principles of state internal and foreign policy development and traces the factors of variation responsible for the empowerment of one or other particular form of the aggressive political ideology. The factors of variation discussed in the thesis are different in nature and intensity. The primary impetus for variation in the form that aggressive political ideology would take is determined by the factor of national distress. Other factors (regime volatility, political and economic motivations, information dissemination, and challenges within the international system) are responsible for the depth and extent to which aggressive ideology is going to resonate. No factor could create the variation by itself. The argument is that a specific set of factors is required to create the conditions for variations in the form the aggressive political ideology would take and to determine whether aggressive ideology would generate or not an obstructive political decision.
4
Perepechko, Alexander Sergeievich. « Spatial change and continuity in Russia's political party system : comparison of the constituent assembly election of 1917 and parliamentary election of 1995 / ». Thesis, Connect to this title online ; UW restricted, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/5654.
Texte intégral
5
Ortiz-Echevarria, Luis. « Narratives of Social Change in Rural Buryatia, Russia ». Digital Archive @ GSU, 2010. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/anthro_theses/36.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study explores postsocialist representations of modernity and identity through narratives of social change collected from individuals in rural communities of Buryatia, Russia. I begin with an examination of local conceptualizations of the past, present, and future and how they are imagined in places and spaces. Drawing on 65 days of fieldwork, in-depth interviews, informal discussion, and participant-observation, I elaborate on what I am calling a confrontation with physical triggers of self in connection to place, including imaginations of the countryside and village, sacred and ritual spaces, landscapes, and the environment. I also explore how the anxieties embedded in narratives of change are connected to aspiration for the future and nostalgia for the past.
6
Flynn, Moya. « Global frameworks, local realities : migrant resettlement in the Russian Federation ». Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2001. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1399/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The thesis explores the 'return' migration and resettlement experience of members of ethnic Russian and Russian speaking migrant populations who over the period 1991-2000 left their homes in the former republics of the Soviet Union to resettle on the territory of the Russian Federation, their 'historical homeland'. The study focuses upon individual experiences of resettlement in two regions of the Russian Federation, but locates these experiences within the context of the wider regional, national and global migration regimes. The thesis traces the development of the institutions and legislation of the Russian federal and regional migration regimes over the period 1995-2001. The study demonstrates that the way in which the migration process (the migration movement and subsequent resettlement) and the space of 'return' are constructed, through political and non-political discourse and practice, often conflicts with migrant experiences of the same process and their expectations of 'return'. It charts how migrants, despite displacement and the often constraining features of the surrounding migration environment, begin to re-construct their own sense of 'home' at the site of settlement. The study concludes that rather than the migration process of the Russian populations from the former republics being a 'return' to a 'homeland', for the individual migrant the process represents an attempt to re-create an immediate 'home', that is primarily achieved through a reliance upon personal networks of family and friends.
7
Kalashnyk, Leonid. « Environmental Decision-making in the Pskov Region of the Russian Federation ». Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2003. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-2345.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The break-up of the Soviet Union handed down the Russian Federation a number of Soviet environmental legacies ranging from contaminated areas to the old bureaucratic procedures and outdated practices. In the post-Soviet years of transition to a free-market economy Russia began to face increasingly acute tension between environmental security and economic development, and the state’s ability to effectively pursue environmental policies deteriorated. Current environmental policy-makers are faced with a multitude of challenges that range from complicated environmental systems to the inconsistent legislative framework and resource deficiencies. Although researchers have paid some attention to these problems, environmental decision-making remains a poorly illuminated area and constitutes a theoretically challenging problem. This paper addresses the regional environmental decision-making process in the Russian Federation. Using the Pskov region on the border with Byelorussia and the two future EU members Estonia and Latvia as a case study, this paper seeks to supply a better understanding of how environmental decisions are made on the regional and local levels with a special focus on constraints affecting environmental policy-making. The study attempts to explain the environmental decision-making process in light of the two competing theories of decision- making, incrementalism and the bureaucratic politics model. It is primarily based on interviews made in the Pskov region in the autumn of 2002.
8
Unsal, Duygu. « Migration Trends And Policies In Post-soviet Russia ». Master's thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12610056/index.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis seeks to examine the internal and external migration trends in the Russian Federation. The thesis also examines the internal migration trends in the Soviet Union as well as Soviet emigration and migration policies. The thesis focuses mainly on the migration policy of the Russian Federation. The main argument of the thesis is that although ethnic dynamics, armed conflicts and nationalist clashes play important roles in Russia&rsquos migration trends, the main force of Russia&rsquo
s internal and external migration trends are economic. The thesis has four main chapters. After the introduction the first chapter examines migration in the Soviet Union. The second chapter explores migration policy of Russia. The third chapter deals with internal migration in the Russian Federation. The last main chapter discusses external migration in the Russian Federation.
9
Gunay, Mehmet Zeki. « Parties Of Power In Post-soviet Russia (1991-2008) ». Master's thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12610281/index.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis seeks to examine the &lsquoparties of power&rsquo
in the Russian Federation between 1991 and 2008. The thesis also discusses the political party system and political party development in post-Soviet Russia. The thesis focuses mainly on the United Russia party and compares it with the former &lsquo
parties of power&rsquo
in the Russian Federation. The main argument of the thesis is that as compared to the previous &lsquo
parties of power&rsquo
, which were affiliated mainly with the prime ministers without achieving party consolidation, the United Russia party has been successful in consolidating its party development and achieved a central status in the Russian political system. The thesis has seven chapters. The introductory first chapter is followed by the second chapter that examines &lsquo
parties of power&rsquo
in post-Soviet Russia, along with the political party system and the stages of political party development in the Russian Federation. The third chapter explores Russia&rsquo
s Choice party. The fourth chapter deals with Our Home Is Russia party. The fifth chapter focuses on the United Russia party. The sixth chapter discusses the new role of the United Russia in Russian political system after 2007 State Duma elections. The last chapter is the conclusion of the thesis.
10
Vasilyeva, Oxana. « Independent art, politics and social change : A case study of Russia and Serbia ». Thesis, Griffith University, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/417683.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This PhD research examines independent art with a focus on the Russian Federation and the Republic of Serbia. Its aim is to analyse the state of independent art in Russia and Serbia in the twenty-first century. I argue that both countries pursue their political interests by supporting or forbidding certain art. Art that supports values opposite to the official political agenda is labelled as bad, blasphemous or untalented, and is often censored. Both states intervene in the cultural field through censorship and limiting free artistic expression. Against the background of a difficult political climate in both Russia and Serbia, I see the position and significance of art as one of the most important factors capable of influencing the current socio-political situation. I believe culture and art have the potential to help people become both more aware and more involved in the ongoing political discourse, to feel the power of their voice and to make their grievances heard.
Theoretical frameworks of transgression, dissensus and the carnivalesque are employed in this study. Artworks and other artistic initiatives are analysed and discussed in terms of their significance as a form of opposition to strict socio-political structures. The analysis intends to demonstrate that the essence of the studied artistic initiatives can be seen more widely than simply opposing current political rule. It will be demonstrated that independent art can provide a decentralised view of normative frameworks, facilitate the dialogue on problematic socio-political issues and create solidarity within civil society. It will be argued that art provides an opportunity to escape the shackles of the strict political norms and is able to expand the scope of possible scenarios of future development.
Transgressive features of art will be drawn upon to demonstrate the importance of critical cultural interventions. This will enable a clear view of the limitations of existing norms and the possibilities presented by transgressive art to subvert rigid ideas by engendering new insights and spaces for communication. Independent artistic initiatives serve as instruments of political influence, as they are able to publicly expose the problematic decisions of the authorities. The research will demonstrate that by reacting to the unjust and unlawful actions of the state, artists are able to challenge everyday representations of established and limiting narratives, such as the rights of women, LGBTIQ+ rights, issues of migration and ecology problems.
The novelty of my work is that it focuses on the role of art in relation to socio-political processes in modern Russia and Serbia. I mark this period in Russia from the start of Vladimir iv Putin’s presidency in 2000 and in Serbia from the fall of Slobodan Milosevic’s regime in 2000. Therefore, a comparative analysis will be conducted of independent cultural initiatives between Russia and Serbia; such an analysis has not previously been carried out. Russia and Serbia are often compared in terms of similar religious and cultural traditions, but rarely in terms of the framework of their independent artistic scenes.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Hum, Lang & Soc Sc
Arts, Education and Law
Full Text
11
Eddleman, Michelle Lee. « Democracy and capitalism in Russia : a step backward for women ? » Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 1999. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/58.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.Bachelors
Arts and Sciences
Political Science
12
Chen, Ping-Kuei. « Menace of Power : Russia-NATO Relations in the Post-Cold War Era ». Ohio : Ohio University, 2008. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1204826768.
Texte intégral
13
Cox, Angela Marie. « Policy and Practice : Russian and Soviet Education during Times of Social and Political Change ». Thesis, Boston College, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/1964.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis advisor: Gerald EasterThis is a study of education policy and practice in Russia and the Soviet Union during periods of revolutionary social and political change. It begins with the late tsarist era and moves through the Soviet era into the modern Russia state, a period of time spanning from the late 19th century through to the present period of educational reform. The modern educational system of Russia is still adapting to the post-Soviet world in many ways. Modern Russia inherited a confusing and contradictory educational tradition marked by high standards of learning and achievement along with ineffective traditions of student uniformity and standardization. The attempt at democratization, decentralization, and individualization seen in the immediate post-Soviet period was derailed by an absence of regional or local administrative infrastructure and a deep and scarring economic crisis
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2011
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: College Honors Program
Discipline: Political Science
14
Sell, Daniel James. « Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin's United Russia the how and why of Russia's new party of power / ». Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1226594286.
Texte intégral
15
Johansson, Elena. « Protection of Intellectual Property in the Russian Federation : Institutions and Organizations ». Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Företagsekonomi, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-33803.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Infringement in fields of Intellectual Property Rights is a global problem causing repeated and sustained attention at national and international levels. A number of different organizations and commissions are constantly control and counteract the growth of these infringements, but despite the taken measures counterfeit and piracy goods continue to be manufactured and sold around the world. The Russian Federation (RF) is a country that has close commercial ties with many foreign states, including Sweden. However the RF is one of the countries, included on the Special 301 Priority Watch List due to the continuing and large - scale of Property Rights and Intellectual Property Rights violations. In this connection, a study was conducted with the participation of collaborating Swedish - Russian enterprises, whose activities could be subjected to counterfeiting and IP piracy. The aim of the study is to determine how collaborating Swedish – Russian enterprises with branches in the Russian Federation perceive the situation in the country and assess the activities of Russian institutions that play an important role in controlling and combating violations against counterfeiting and IP piracy. Moreover the aim includes identifying the most vulnerable class of actors in the general mechanism of counterfeiting and IP piracy. The research based on elements of the New Institutional Economics Theory and conducted by using a combination of a literature review and semi- structured interview with representatives of Swedish - Russian enterprises. The study found that organizations are the most vulnerable class of actors in general mechanism of counterfeiting and IP piracy. International firms and companies are in a more difficult situation because they provide own activities simultaneously in several legal and political systems. Representatives of interviewed companies argue that activities of analyzed Russian institutions are insufficiently effective and the state should take a set of measures so the foreign collaborative organizations could feel confident in territory of the RF and Russian market would become more attractive for foreign business.
16
Bain, Courtney. « Entrepreneurship in Russia patterns and problems of its development in the post-Soviet period / ». Thesis, Connect to e-thesis. Move to record for print version, 2007. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/18/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (Ph.D) - University of Glasgow, 2007.Ph.D. thesis submitted to the Department of Central and East European Studies, Faculty of Law, Business and Social Sciences, 2007. Includes bibliographical references. Print version also available.
17
Diederich, Jill. « Trash to Treasure : Art between Contemporary and Conventional Ecological Practices in Arkhangelsk, Russia ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för kulturantropologi och etnologi, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-365195.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Recycling and solid waste management are a serious problem in the Russian North. The necessary infrastructure, as well as the awareness of the citizens is missing to resolve this problem efficiently. Artists and environmental activists have therefore looked for a way to make people aware of the need for recycling and initiate social change in this regard. The medium that has been chosen by activists and artists alike is art. By involving people in creating an art object or by presenting art to them, the activists and artists hope to initiate awareness concerning our consumption patterns and, like this, show them that recycling is one of many solutions. This thesis should demonstrate how intertwined the connections between the different groups of people, but also with the (art) objects are. This is done by drawing on the actor-network-theory by Bruno Latour as an analytical tool to understand these connections. Key component in this theory, as well as the artist-activist- collective is reassembling. By constantly reassembling people into new projects, as well as household items into art objects, the collective manages to remain visible to the public and to be flexible enough to react to changing needs.
18
Bruckauf, Zlata. « Parental human investment : economic stress and time allocation in Russia ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:99cf2f7a-7bd0-4931-9efa-14f67bf85cc1.
Texte intégralRésumé :
A decade of growth and wealth generation in Russia ended in 2009 with the collapse in GDP and rising unemployment. This Great Recession added new economic challenges to the ‘old’ problems facing children and families, including widening income inequalities and the phenomenon of social orphanage. One question is how the new and existing material pressures affect parent–child relationships. This research contributes to the answer by examining, in aggregate terms, the role poverty plays in the allocation of parental time in this emerging economy. Utilising a nationally representative sample of children, it explores how child interactions with parents are affected by aggregate and idiosyncratic shocks. Drawing on the rational choice paradigm and its critique, we put forward the Parental Time Equilibrium as an analytical guide to the study. This theoretical approach presents individual decisions concerning time spent with children over the long term as the product of a defined equilibrium between resources and demands for involvement. We test this approach through pooled cross-sectional and panel analyses based on the Russian Longitudinal Monitoring Survey dataset from 2007 to 2009. Children in low-income households face the double disadvantage of a lack of money and time investments at home, with both persistent and transient poverty being associated with lower than average parental time inputs in the sample. Moreover, while on average, we find that children do maintain the amount of time they spend with their parents under conditions of severe financial strain, low–income children lose out on play time with the mother. Material resources cannot be considered in isolation from structural disadvantages, of which rural location in particular is detrimental for parent–child time together. The study demonstrates that the cumulative stress of adverse macro-economic conditions and depleted material resources makes it difficult for parents to sustain their human investment in children. The evidence this study provides on the associations between economic stress and pa-rental time allocations advances our knowledge of the disparities of in the childhood experience in modern Russian society. The findings strongly support the equal importance of available resources and basic demand for involvement, thus drawing policy attention to the need to address both in the best interests of children.
19
Efremov, Steven M. « The Role of Inflation in Soviet History : Prices, Living Standards, and Political Change ». Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2012. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/1474.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis discusses the interaction between inflation, living standards, and political change in Soviet/Russian history. It traces the establishment and evolution of the Soviet monetary system, inflationary episodes, and their consequences. The goal of this study is to show how inflation affects the lives of ordinary people and how it has contributed to larger changes in Soviet history. Sources include economic statistics and analysis from articles and monographs, as well as first-hand accounts from interviews and newspapers. The results show that inflation was a factor in both the rise and the fall of the Soviet Union. Russia's first hyperinflation (1917-1923) nearly destroyed the economy, and the Bolsheviks were forced to stabilize prices. The Soviet system of price controls prevented inflation, but it also created persistent shortages of food and consumer goods. Mikhail Gorbachev tried to alleviate these problems, but his efforts resulted instead in Russia's second hyperinflation (1992-1993).
20
Kuhn, Sascha, David Mosler et Katharina Richter. « Energy Cooperation in the Caucasus : Continuity and Change in Russian-Turkish Relations ». Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22947.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article explores the links between the remarkable change in Russian-Turkish foreign relations in the early 2000s and the geostrategic importance of the Caucasus for global energy security. For much of the 1990s, domestic instability and power distribution distracted both countries’ focus on regional issues. Mutual suspicion dominated the bilateral relations, when Turkey, a longstanding NATO stronghold with close ties to the United States and Europe, set out to gain ground in Russia’s traditional sphere of influence. The resulting strategic division of the Caucasus marked a period of continuity in Russian-Turkish relations and resembled the bipolar bloc formation of Cold War times. By drawing on the distinct accounts of Neo-Realism and Liberal Intergovernmentalism, this analysis provides an understanding of the determining factors that changed Russian-Turkish relations from standstill to intensified cooperation despite that national interests in the region proved to be largely consistent. Russia seeks to maintain its traditional hegemonic position and Turkey strives to become a ‘soft power’ in the region. However, central to the new phase of Russian-Turkish relations is a mutual interest in the Caucasus as a stable transport corridor for Caspian energy resources to European and global markets, and both Ankara and Moscow stand to benefit greatly from reconciling geopolitical competition and cooperation in the region.
21
Benussi, Matteo. « Aspiring Muslims in Russia : form-of-life and political economy of virtue in Povolzhye's 'halal movement' ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2018. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/276156.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis is concerned with the ways in which Muslims in Russia’s Povolzhye region define, and strive towards, spiritual and material well-being. It explores how pious subjectivities are cultivated in a secular and often politically hostile environment. In addition, it deals with Povolzhye Muslims’s pursuit of worldly success in the context of social change brought about by Russia’s transition to a market economy. Povolzhye is a prosperous, multi-ethnic and multi-confessional historical region, home to Russia’s second largest ethnic group, the Volga Tatars. Although the Tatars have been Sunni Muslims for centuries, the post-Soviet emergence of cosmopolitan, scripturalist piety trends – which I collectively refer to as Povolzhye’s ‘halal movement’ – has raised unprecedented concerns and disputes about the meaning of Muslimness and the place of Muslims in Russian society. Scripturalist virtue-ethics projects have been underrepresented within the expanding body of anthropological literature concerning Islam in the former USSR, and particularly in the Russian Federation. With its explicit ethnographic focus on Povolzhye’s halal movement, this work aims at filling this gap. The halal movement is characterised by its hypermodern transnational imagery as well as significant discursive overlapping with the realms of business and economy. The pursuit of a virtuous existence is particularly appealing to those ascending sectors of society that most successfully engage with Russia’s post-socialist free-market environment, while the idiom of piety both communicates and dissimulates novel forms of stratification and exclusion. This project brings together anthropological theories of ethical self-cultivation with approaches that focus on power, social change, and political economy. In order to explore the political life of the halal movement vis-à-vis both state institutions and the market, I employ Giorgio Agamben’s notions of ‘form-of-life’ and ‘rule/law’, which shed light on the relationship between power and virtue in original ways. In addition, particular attention is given to the social distribution of virtue and the role it plays in reproducing distinction, status, and a ‘capitalist spirit’.
22
Fällman, Magnus. « Maktdemonstration Kaukasus ». Thesis, Swedish National Defence College, Swedish National Defence College, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-806.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Augusti 2008, Ryssland går in i Georgien med en överväldigande militär styrka i syfte att som mansäger, avbryta folkrättsliga kränkningar i utbrytarrepublikerna Syd Ossetien och Abkhazien. Men var det verkligen det som var huvudsyftet med operationen? Eller var Georgienkriget Rysslands tillfälle att för omvärlden visa att Ryssland återigen är en stormakt? Nästan två år senare släpps en ny militärdoktrin, Den Ryska Federationens Militärdoktrin 2010, finns det ett samband mellan det överraskande Georgienkriget och den nya ryska doktrinen? Det främsta syftet med den här uppsatsen är att genom att utgå ifrån två av de taktiska grundprinciperna, kraftsamling och vilseledning, undersöka om det faktiskt finns ett samband mellan kriget och doktrinen. Finns det händelser under kriget och formuleringar i doktrinen vilka överensstämmer med definitionen av Kraftsamling och Vilseledning som tyder på ett samband däremellan? Det är det jag avser att svara på med denna uppsats. Avsikten med uppsatsen är även att för läsaren beskriva Georgienkriget och händelseförloppet däri, samt att kortfattat beskriva den Ryska federationens militärdoktrin 2010 utifrån den svenska försvarsavdelningen i Moskvas översättning. Syftet med uppsatsen är även att belysa exempel på kraftsamling och vilseledning, både ur doktrinen och ur kriget.
August 2008, Russia goes into Georgia with an overwhelming military force to which it is said, stop violations of international law in the breakaway provinces of South Ossetia and Abkhazia. But was that really the main aim of the operation? Or was the war in Georgia Russia's opportunity to demonstrate to the world that Russia is once again a major player on the international scene? Almost two years later a new military doctrine was released, the Russian Federation Military Doctrine 2010, is there a link between the surprising war in Georgia and the new Russian doctrine? The main purpose with this essay to investigate, through the view of two of the principles of war, Concentration and Deception if there is a link, or connection, between the war and the doctrine. Are there actions during the war and paragraphs in the doctrine suggesting such a connection? That is what the author aims to answer with essay. The purpose with this essay is also to the reader describe the war and shortly describe the Russian Federation Military Doctrine 2010. The purpose with this essay is also to present examples of Concentration and Deception from the doctrine and the war.
23
Gundrum, Duane A. « (Neo) revolutionary messages : an analysis of the impact of counter-narratives versus state narratives during the 1991 Coup D'etat in the former Soviet Union ». Scholarly Commons, 2008. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/685.
Texte intégralRésumé :
On August 19, 1991, government hard-liners overthrew the Soviet Union for a period of 72 hours. Boris Yeltsin, the President of Russia, staged a protest on the steps of the Russian White House, where he gave speeches against the coup d'etat, releasing these speeches for dissemination between the hard-liners and the masses gathered to support Yeltsin. Yeltsin 's protest created a constituted identity amongst the people gathered who became part of the protest against the government. This created a confrontation between the two publics, where the state message developed a narrative involving a glorified past to which they wished to return, while the counter-public created a counter-narrative that argued a future of continued reforms would benefit the people of Russia and the Soviet Union. In the end, the counter-narrative achieved stronger approval from the masses, essentially replacing the state's narrative with its own. As a result, the hard-liners lost their grab for power, and Yeltsin emerged the winner in an ideological struggle for the future of the Russia and the Soviet Union.
24
Flake, Lincoln Edson. « Religious protectionism in the former Soviet Union : traditional churches and religious liberties ». Thesis, St Andrews, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/221.
Texte intégral
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Motiejūnaitė, Akvilė. « Female employment, gender roles, and attitudes : The Baltic countries in a broader context ». Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Sociologiska institutionen, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-7340.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis consists of four constituent studies exploring several common themes: female participation in employment, normative assumptions regarding the proper roles of males and females, and social change. The underlying focus is gendered division of work, which is explored through the concept of family models. These models are conceptualized with reference to the interrelationships between female employment, availability of care services outside the family, and sharing of care work within the family. The empirical analysis is mostly based on the Baltic countries, but also includes Germany, Sweden, and Russia. By examining the variation between the countries, the research aims to highlight some common issues regarding the gendered division of work, issues that bridge the East/West divide. The data come from three sources: 1) available national descriptive statistics, 2) surveys, namely, the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) ‘Family and Changing Gender Roles’ modules and the European Values Survey (EVS), and 3) nineteen problem-centred interviews with women who experienced hardships in the Lithuanian labour market. The analyzed time period starts with the collapse of socialism. The studies call into question the assumption that strong support for the traditional ‘male breadwinner/female carer’ family model in post-socialist societies contributed to the exclusion of women from the labour market. Comparing male and female employment indicators revealed no general pattern of female exclusion from the labour market. Moreover, gender-role attitudes are neither uniform nor traditional in the studied societies. The most valid generalization would be that there is a trend towards less traditional attitudes over time, more precisely, towards greater acceptance of women’s working roles. Summarizing the current situation regarding the gendered division of work, with reference to policies, practices, and attitudes, reveals the presence of ‘adult worker’ family models in Eastern Europe.
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Deerfield, Amanda. « A Study of Corruption, Foreign Aid, and Economic Growth ». UKnowledge, 2013. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/msppa_etds/5.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Foreign aid donors increasingly demand that aid is used efficiently and effectively. This study examines the effect of corruption levels, measured by the Corruption Perceptions Index, within a recipient country on the levels of economic growth. A growing literature outlines the mechanisms through which corruption impedes economic growth and is summarized within. Additionally, as longevity gains may result from foreign aid but are not captured in economic growth, this study computes a variable called the Life Quality Indicator (LQI) that combines such gains with economic growth and examines corruption’s effect on LQI growth. As any windfall, foreign aid has been argued to exacerbate problems within corrupt countries—causing economic decline. This study develops an interaction of corruption levels and the ratio of aid receipts to GDP to examine the effects of this interaction on economic growth and LQI growth. Conducting a regression analysis shows the relationships between the interaction term and economic growth and the interaction term and LQI growth are negative, leading to policy recommendations that corrupt countries not receive foreign aid.
Using game theory, this study predicts the outcomes of interactions between aid recipients and donors during the Cold War, post-Cold War, and in the present. The present predicted outcomes suggest that recipients will be the winners because they are able to choose between receiving aid from emerging donors and from the Development Assistant Committee (DAC). Policy guidance to the aid community includes understanding that emerging donors may exert influence on aid recipients and programs to monitor this influence ensuring that it does not become exploitation may be necessary.
Finally, a case study of Russia is presented, highlighting its corruption and foreign aid receipts in the post-Soviet timeframe. A separate analysis is conducted on the Former Soviet Union (FSU) countries to determine whether Russia’s corruption and foreign aid receipts caused lower levels of economic and LQI growth than that experienced by other FSU countries. While results do not show this, the negative relationship between the interaction term and economic and LQI growth is also found in this subset.
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Martínez, Kerstin Cielito Nathalie. « The Russian religious-governmental relation through media representation : A critical discourse analysis ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-229779.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The thesis is a contribution to the analysis of media representation through the use of critical discourse analysis of twelve English written articles by Russian and international media sources. The articles were chosen in relation to the unauthorised Pussy Riot protest in the Cathedral in Moscow back in February 2012, and the societal changes that have taken place thereafter. The analysed articles have been written and published between February 2012 and January 2014. The aim with the study is to see how media sources from different geographical backgrounds described the same events and news.
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Bound, Mark George. « Nation-State Personality Theory : A Qualitative Comparative Historical Analysis of Russian Behavior, during Social/Political Transition ». NSUWorks, 2015. http://nsuworks.nova.edu/shss_dcar_etd/33.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The study theorizes that a nation-state can manifest a condition similar to that of personality commonly associated with humans. Through the identification of consistent behaviors, a personality like condition is recognizable, and the underlining motivations dictate national policy independent of any current social/political influence. The research examines Russia during two historical periods examining the conflict events and social/political transitions of the period, to identify common behavioral characteristics, which indicate the existence of any independent personality like trait.
The study focuses on two historical periods: the Monarch Period of Peter I (The Great), and the Post-Soviet Union period of Vladimir Putin, periods selected as historical eras in which Russia experienced major political or social transition. Using a comparative qualitative historical analysis with a behaviorist focus, the research examines these periods by profiling each era’s elements of society and the events of domestic and international conflict that Russia experienced, while evaluating the actions taken in response to each.
The research discovers that Russia exhibits personality like traits, similar to those associated with humans and are likewise developed from experience, and once imbedded into Russian psychology, regardless of the current social/political elements or situational conditions, remain prime motivators to Russian behavior. The personality like characteristic identified was similar to inferiority, which leads to behavior characteristics comparable to narcissism, as the definition of narcissism relates to the need for admiration and or acceptance. The study identified the origins of the inferiority like complex and the narcissistic like behavior pattern exhibited by Russia in both periods.
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KOSYAKOVA, Yuliya. « The regime change and social inequality : educational and job careers in the Soviet and post-Soviet Era ». Doctoral thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/41584.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 16 April 2016Examining Board: Professor Dr. rer. Pol. Dr. h.c. Hans-Peter Blossfeld, European University Institute; Professor Dr. Dmitry Kurakin, Higher School of Economics; Professor Dr. David Bills, University of Iowa, Professor Dr. Klarita Gërxhani, European University Institute.
The collapse of the Soviet Union and subsequent rapid shifts in economic, political, and social institutional arrangements – labeled here as a regime change – offer a unique opportunity to explore how patterns of social inequality vary across broader institutional contexts and over time. How the stratification order between different social groups has changed in the aftermath of the regime change in Russia is a central question I raise in this thesis. In contrast to prior research, I draw on a life-course perspective and address several rather untouched aspects of social inequalities in Soviet and post-Soviet societies and investigate them in terms of school-to-work and work-to-school transitions in the earlier and later life courses. Empirically, I employ powerful longitudinal data from the Education and Employment Survey for Russia (EES) linked to the Russian Gender and Generation Survey (GGS), which cover life trajectories in a time-frame between 1965 and 2005. Compared with previous studies, that data enable me to utilize a much larger observation window to scrutinize long-term consequence of the regime change in Russia. First, I tackle social inequality in terms of horizontal gender differences and vertical gender inequalities upon labor market entry. My findings reveal that despite proclaimed equality principles, the school-to-work transition was by no means gender-neutral in Soviet Russia, with women facing a net vertical disadvantage in job authority. This inequality has increased even more since the collapse of the Soviet Union, particularly due to worsening chances for female entrants. Second, I explore inequality of adult-educational opportunity due to initial educational level and occupational position. My results suggest that selective participation in adult education might lessen or exacerbate inequality of adult-educational opportunity depending on type of adult education and analyzed group of participants. Nonetheless, the collapse of the Soviet Union has contributed to inequality of adult-educational opportunity, thereby strengthening the exacerbation effects of adult education on social inequalities. Third, I investigate whether participation in adult education may improve career opportunities, thereby mitigating social inequalities that emerged in the earlier life course. My findings show that adult education either benefits all participants or those who are already advantaged. Overall, the results point to a mechanism of persistence or reinforcement of social inequalities. Furthermore, returns to adult education have decreased or been not offset since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Finally, throughout my thesis I put a particular focus on gender. Altogether, my findings unravel noteworthy gender inequalities arising in the initial career stages. These initial (dis-)advantages cumulate over men's and women's life courses, thereby contributing to overall social inequality in Russia, and specifically during the post- Soviet period. I conclude that the regime change was accompanied by a widening of preexisting social distances and an effective amplification of the Russian society's stratification order.
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Busse, Spencer Sarah. « Social relations in post-Soviet society : Russian capitalism embedded / ». 2003. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3097163.
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Chudnovskaya, Elena Vladimirovna. « Experiences of Danish business expatriates in Russia : a cross-cultural communication study ». 2013. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1739769.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Today Russia plays an important role in global economic development and attracts a lot of multinational companies, who establish their subsidiaries there. Many foreign investors send their representatives, business expatriates, to develop their businesses in Russia. The knowledge of cultural and communication specifics in Russia is very important for the success of those business personnel. This study has presented an in-depth picture of Danish business expatriates’ experience in Russia. Qualitative interviews with eight Danish business expatriates were conducted to examine and compare cultural and communication norms in Denmark and Russia. The results were analyzed using the cross-cultural theories of Hofstede (2011) and Hofstede, Hofstede and Minkov (2010). The findings revealed that communication norms in Russia differ significantly from those in Denmark on two cross-cultural dimensions: Power Distance and Indulgence versus Restraint.Department of Communication Studies
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Muraveva, Anna. « Higher male mortality in Russia : a synthesis of the literature ». Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/3785.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)Russian demographic statistics reflect the persistence of a dramatically wide gender gap in life expectancy and mortality over the last decades - about twice that found in the developed world. On average, men in Russia live 12 years less than Russian women, and 14.5 years less than men in Western Europe. This thesis provides an overview and synthesis of the most recently available literature that addresses the persistent gender gap in mortality and life expectancy in Russia. I reviewed the prevalent behavioral and social-structural drivers that explain the causes of higher male mortality in contemporary Russia. Especially, I looked at how the conceptualization of the male social role and related norms that shape masculine behavior contribute to high male mortality in Russia. The study reveals that men’s unhealthy, risky behavior and their higher vulnerability to stress are considered to be linked to their gendered social identity which is created and reproduced by the social-structural context of the Russia’s society.
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POPOVA, Daria. « Distributional impacts of public policies for children and families : a microsimulation analysis for Russia and Europe ». Doctoral thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/29521.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 16 September 2013Examining Board: Professor Martin Kohli, EUI (Supervisor); Professor Fabrizio Bernardi, EUI; Professor Theodore Gerber, University of Wisconsin; Professor Holly Sutherland, University of Essex.
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
This thesis analyzes the distributional impacts of public policies for families and children in Russia and Europe, by using expost and exante impact evaluation techniques. Moreover, this thesis offers a new tool for a comprehensive impact evaluation of the performance of the Russian taxbenefit system - the static microsimulation model RUSMOD. The model allows testing of the firstorder distributional impacts of both existing and hypothetical policy designs, while keeping other national parameters - original income distribution and sociodemographic structure - constant. Furthermore, being fully compatible with EUROMOD - the taxbenefit model for the European Union - the Russian model is suitable for crosscountry policy learning. The study assesses the performance of child targeted allowances in Russia and shows that it is possible to achieve better distributional results, even at the same level of spending, by means of better targeting and unification of programme design across the regions. In addition, the study estimates the potential gains if the Russian programme of child allowances were to be redesigned along the policy parameters of the relevant programmes in four European countries - Sweden, Germany, Belgium and the United Kingdom - countries representing different family policy regimes. This analysis suggests that there is a significant scope for expanding the budget for child allowances in Russia. In terms of design, the best distributive outcomes are achieved by applying a mix of universal and meanstested child benefits. On a theoretical level, this thesis contributes to the international debate on the directions of welfare state reform in conditions of contemporary demographic and economic challenges. On a practical level, it contributes to the promotion of the evidence based approach to social intervention. The scope of applications of the Russian model can be easily extended to the analysis of other taxbenefit policies and other EU countries. The output of the model can be incorporated into the dynamic model framework, to study the effect of policy reforms on labour supply and demographic behaviour.
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Trapeznik, Alexander. « The working class of Tula in late nineteenth century Russia, 1880-1900 ». Phd thesis, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/131962.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This work is a socio-historical study of the Tula working class
between 1880 and 1900. It adds a further regional dimension to the
burgeoning scholarship of social historical studies of the worker
question within Russian historiography and because of the
importance of the labour working class during this period of
concentrated industrialisation and worker politicisation, this study
seeks to provide a portrait of Tula worker society.
The investigation will initially focus on the historiography of
the Russian working class, its historians and theories of social change.
The industrial history of Tula and the surrounding province is
presented, which highlights the role played by foreign entrepreneurs
in Tula's early industrial development. Secondly, Tula workers
themselves are examined together with their background and what
motivated their journey to Tula. The composition of a Tula working
class family is analysed, the social and economic ramifications of
living in Tula are explored and material is presented on family life,
on marriage, and on patterns of residence and household
composition. The issue of the permanency of worker ties to Tula is
investigated as is that of an hereditary proletariat. Finally, material is
presented on cooperatives, mutual aid societies and the incidence of
worker unrest. How these developments and events influenced or
hindered Tula workers' capacity for collective action and class
consciousness is also explored. The study concludes with a summary
of the issues raised, in terms of an examination of the interaction
between the forces of innovation and tradition, of continuity and
discontinuity, in Russian society.
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Marques, II Israel. « Political Institutions and Preferences for Social Policy in the Post-communist World ». Thesis, 2016. https://doi.org/10.7916/D8V987WG.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Who supports social policy in the developing world? Most of what we know about micro-level preferences for social policy comes from well-developed, wealthy countries of the OECD, where governments can credibly commit to policy enforcement and implementation. This dissertation explores preferences for social policy in post-communist countries, where weak constraints on the state challenge the welfare state. In doing so, it provides novel insights both into social policy debates in these countries and the coalitions which support (or oppose) social policy.
I argue that support for social policy depends on how institutions shape the expectations of actors about the costs they pay into social policy programs versus future benefits. I draw on existing theories of political economy to propose four mechanisms -- misappropriation, contract enforcement, free-riding, and macro-economic risk -- that alter the distribution of winners and losers from social policy. Misappropriation stems from officials' ability to divert funding away from intended uses. While for most this imposes dead-weight costs on social policy, where institutions are poor. the politically well-connected can benefit from diverted funds to decrease social policy costs. The contract enforcement mechanism emerges due to the inability of weakly constrained states to enforce contracts. Predictions are similar to misappropriation, but actors also cannot trust other private actors with control of social policy. Free-riding emerges when bureaucrats are unwilling to expend effort to ensure tax compliance. Again, this imposes dead-weight costs on most, but garners support from tax evaders, who can free-ride. Finally, the macro-economic risk mechanism suggests that macro-economic volatility is heightened in settings with weak institutions, which increases both individual risk and support for social policy.
The empirical portion of the dissertation tests the observable implications of each of these mechanisms. Chapter 2 provides a first-cut, cross-national test of part of the argument using micro-level data from a cross-national survey of 28 post-communist countries. I draw on work on informality in the post-communist world to identify individual characteristics associated with tax evasion to test the free-rider mechanism. Consistent with it, I show that those associated with evasion support social policy more where institutions are weaker. Chapter 3 posits that if the mechanisms I propose matter, actors will appeal to the logic of my theory during concrete reform debates. I test this using evidence from the 2001 pension reforms in Russia. I combine analysis of the legislative debates surrounding reform with in-depth content analysis of the Russian media, which draws on an original dataset of all mentions of reform in 352 Russian newspapers, journals, and trade magazines. I show that all four mechanisms were indeed major concerns.
Chapter 4 tests the theory at the firm level, using a survey of 666 Russian firms to look at preferences where institutional quality is weak. I test whether firms that I predict support the welfare state in such settings -- those with political connections and a comparative advantage in hiding from the authorities -- actually do so. In addition to providing some support for the misappropriation and free-riding mechanisms, this chapter is a contribution in its own right: it is among the first to use surveys to study firms' preferences for social policy. Finally, chapter 5 uses a survey experiment conducted on 1600 respondents to attempt to understand the ceteris paribus effect of institutions on the average individual. Using a simple framing experiment, I provide three different treatment groups with information about bribery, tax evasion, and the extent to which private pension funds commit fraud to test the misappropriation, free-riding, and contract enforcement mechanisms, respectively. The chapter offers mixed evidence.
The dissertation makes contributions to both the study of the welfare state and the political economy of institutions and investment. First, the dissertation explores preferences for social policy in the developing world and introduces institutional quality concerns to this literature. My work particularly focuses attention on the ways certain groups can abuse social policy to pass costs onto others, adding nuance to existing understandings of who benefits from social policy. Second, it advances our understanding of how institutional quality shapes economic decision making and provides evidence as to how different pathologies of poor institutions shape economic decisions.
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Banaszkiewicz, Mikołaj. « Reformy a zmiana społeczna w Rosji Aleksandra II : Dymitr Milutin i gazeta "Gołos" w sporach o kształt armii i oświaty ». Praca doktorska, 2015. http://ruj.uj.edu.pl/xmlui/handle/item/44211.
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Davison, Jennifer-Anne. « Power dynamics in Russian-Tatarstani relations : A case study ». Thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/913.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In the context of nationalism and sovereignty studies emerging since the dissolution of the Soviet Union, this thesis provides an economic, rather than political, perspective of Tatarstan’s success in negotiating sovereignty claims with Russia, arguing that what lay behind Tatarstan’s demands for extensive political and economic rights was not mass nationalist mobilization, but the desire for control over natural resources by the Tatarstani elite dominated by former Soviet functionaries of indigenous nationality. In addition, this paper examines the importance of continuity among the local political elites, contrasting Tatarstan’s approach with that of Chechnya’s uncompromising separatist drive and the resulting years of civil conflict. Finally, the most recent page in the history of Russian-Tatarstani relations, the gradual reduction of the republic’s autonomy in connection with President Putin’s centralizing reforms, confirms my principal argument that control over resources is more important to the Tatarstani elites than political power as such.
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Carlyle, Keith Cecil. « The impact of Gorbachev's reforms on the disintegration of the Soviet Union ». Diss., 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/1025.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This dissertation of limited scope traces the attempts by Gorbachev
(1985-1991) to reform an economic, political and social system which was in
a state of terminal decline.
The origins of its demise, it is argued, lay in the ossified command
economy inherited from Stalin. The enormous damage inflicted on Soviet
agriculture during collectivisation in the 1930s~ when millions of productive
peasants died, proved to be a fatal blow to that sector.
Tlms, Gorbachev followed a two-fold strategy ofrefonn. Glasnost
(openness) was introduced to allow constructive debate on economic and
social matters. Despite a hesitant beginning, the right to criticise allowed the
emergence of more radical campaigners, such as Yeltsin who demanded
greater democracy. Significantly, the revival of ethnic nationalist demands in
the republics led to disintegration.
Perestroika (restructuring) was intended to modernise and boost living
standards. The economy faltered but the market was not yet in placeHistory
M.A. (History)
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Mabondzo, Wilfried Armel Judicaël. « Sécurité alimentaire en Afrique subsaharienne. Une analyse socio-anthropologique du rôle des banques de céréales au Guéra (Tchad) ». Thèse, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/20434.
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