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1
Jacek, Brian J. « Reforming the Informal : Community Schools as a Model for Social and Political Change in the Slums of Cairo ». Thesis, Boston College, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/1339.
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Thesis advisor: Kathleen BaileyThe slums of Cairo are a relatively new addition to Cairo. A product of urbanization and Western Structural Adjustment and economic liberalization programs, the slums are built on squatter land on the periphery of Cairo. From their inception, the slums have been informal and as a result, residents lack the resources to change their situation. I will argue that schools must be developed in the slums. These schools cannot be schools similar to other schools in Egypt, but instead must be a product of the slums. These community schools must be developed and run by the residents of the slums to produce change. I argue that these community schools would not only increase educational levels and quality within the slums but would also serve as a means to political and social change
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2010
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: College Honors Program
Discipline: Islamic Civilization and Societies
Discipline: Islamic Civilization and Societies Honors Program
2
Drolet, Julie L. « Women and micro credit : towards an understanding of women's experiences in Cairo, Egypt ». Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=100353.
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Women's access to micro credit has increased substantially worldwide. International organizations, non-governmental organizations, commercially-oriented institutions and governments support the proliferation of micro credit programs through diverse funding arrangements, and specifically target women to participate in such initiatives. This dissertation explores women's experiences in a micro credit program in Cairo, Egypt, funded by Save the Children (USA) in order to contribute to the growing debate on women's poverty reduction and empowerment potential. Because women's voices are critical the issues are raised through questions regarding women's situation in micro credit and what factors assist women in meeting their choices and concerns, and empowerment outcomes.A qualitative research study of women's micro credit groups based in Cairo's Abdeen and Imbeba neighbourhoods was used in order to address women's experiences. In the literature reviewed on micro credit and micro finance, international development paradigms for women, and the socio-economic context in Cairo served to identify important influences. Women's sources of power based in the household were used to develop a conceptual framework. Women's triple roles in production, reproduction and community managing, women's practical and strategic gender needs, and theories of women's empowerment formed the principal elements.
Findings were based on interviews and observation with 69 project participants, including 54 women borrowers, of which 11 interviewed women agreed to a second interview, and 4 key staff members of the Group Guaranteed Lending and Savings program. Numerous assumptions regarding the role of micro credit in the lives of low-income women are reported and analyzed. An exploration of women's experiences reveals that, social issues in micro credit are as important, perhaps even more so, than the economic concerns of the projects. Only through building a more complete picture of women's lives can micro credit programs achieve their objective: to contribute to greater gender equity in society.
Keywords. micro credit; women; informal economy; poverty; empowerment; international social work; Middle East
3
Fahmi, Kamal Hanna. « Participatory action research (PAR) : a view from the field ». Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=84506.
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The phenomenon of street children is world-wide and on the increase despite numerous programs aiming at its eradication. The failure to adequately address this complex and very diverse phenomenon is the result of conceptual confusion with respect to defining who a street child is. The dominant discourse on street children defines them as victims or deviants to be rescued and rehabilitated. As such, the capacity of many of these children for human agency is occluded by excluding them from participation in the construction of solutions to their problems. I argue that, far from being mere victims and deviants, these kids, in running away from alienating structures and finding relative freedom in the street, often become autonomous and are capable of actively defining their situations in their own terms. They are able to challenge the roles assigned to children, make judgements and develop a network of niches in the heart of the metropolis in order to resist exclusion and chronic repression. I further argue that for research and action with street kids to be emancipatory, it is necessary to acknowledge and respect the human agency the kids display in changing their own lives and to capitalize on their voluntary participation in non-formal educational activities as well as in collective advocacy.The thesis draws on a participatory action research (PAR) methodology spanning eight years of fieldwork with street kids in Cairo, which eclectically combined street ethnography, street work and action science. I critically review the historical development of these methodologies, and I argue for a conception of PAR as an open-ended process of action and reflective participatory research incorporated into everyday activities and work with excluded, marginalized and oppressed groups such as street kids. As such, I pay special attention to the ethical dilemmas that arise in day-to-day PAR practice.
4
Hays, Christopher K. « Way down in Egypt land : conflict and community in Cairo, Illinois, 1850-1910 / ». free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 1996. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p9717183.
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El-Kholy, Heba Aziz. « Defiance and compliance : negotiating gender in low income Cairo ». Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1998. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/28958/.
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This thesis explores how low-income women in Cairo respond to gender inequalities in their daily lives, both in the household and in the informal labour market. The aim is to generate knowledge about the diversity of gender relations and ideologies in the Egyptian context and to contribute to broader theoretical debates regarding gender and resistance, with a view to informing both policy and feminist activism. The thesis argues that a modified concept of "everyday forms of resistance" provides a way forward for a more nuanced and contextualized understanding of women's responses to their positions of relative subordination, than do either Marxist approaches to power and consciousness, or the a-historical usage of the notion of patriarchy. The study is based on participant observation and in-depth interviews in four low-income neighbourhoods in Cairo over a period of 15 months. Within the household, research focused on four specific arrangements: pre-marital expectations, marriage negotiations, sexuality, and intra-household decision making. With the labour market, two types of women's work were explored; home-based piece-work, and waged work in small-scale workshops. The links between women's options in workplace and in the household were examined. Results of this exploratory study show that women's perceptions and responses are varied, complex, contradictory and in continuous flux as they interact with broader socio-economic conjunctures. Women displayed both defiance and compliance, both a lack of articulated awareness of their self-interest, and high levels of awareness of some of the injustices against them as women. Sometimes, their actions were pragmatic seeking immediate relief. At other times, they sought more medium or longer-term gains. In some instances, they acted individually and covertly and at other times they acted collectively and articulated their discontent forcefully. Any single conclusion about women's agency would thus be erroneous. Attempts to advance women's interests are also bound to be varied and complex.
6
Aly, Mohamed Hassan. « Radar interferometry for monitoring land subsidence and coastal change in the Nile Delta, Egypt ». [College Station, Tex. : Texas A&M University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1969.1/ETD-TAMU-1022.
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Johnson, Ginger Ann. « Framing Violence : The Hidden Suffering and Healing of Sudan's 'Lost Girls' in Cairo, Egypt ». Scholar Commons, 2013. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/4699.
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This dissertation examines the specific forms of embodied suffering war and its refugee aftermath brings to female Sudanese refugees currently living in post-revolution Cairo, Egypt in order to illustrate the suffering and healing enacted within everyday life. These women, displaced from the Second Sudanese Civil War, are what I label Sudan's `Lost Girls.' The theoretical framework I employ in order to discuss their lives is a critical medical anthropology perspective based on the mindful body. I engage anthropological literature on the body in order to better understand the embodied suffering, sexual violence, and refugee aftermath of war. My research seeks to do this through distinctly gendered analyses and equally importantly, visual analyses. The research draws on historical news data collected through content analysis, contemporary qualitative data collected during fieldwork in the form of observation and interviews, with a particular emphasis on photovoice methodology. The work proposes that the humanizing aspect of emotions revealed by Lost Girls' photography of their everyday lives in urban Cairo allows for critical analysis of the many and varied ways in which women's `ordinary' experiences of war have been hidden, the implications of this for international responses to their suffering, and areas for exploring new, non-emergency refugee policies based on more ethnographically informed, gendered contextualizations of `extraordinary' violence.
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Selim, Hebatullah Nazy Sayed. « Religionizing politics : Salafis and social change in Egypt ». Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2017. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/7636/.
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Egypt’s 2011 revolution led to debates about Salafis’ entry into politics for the first time. The socio-political vision and character of Salafi groups were relatively understudied. As such, the primary question of this thesis is what is the Salafis’ vision for social and political change in post-revolution Egypt? The vision is traced through Salafis’ discourse concerning change. The texts analyzed were collected from Al-Da’awa Al-Salafyya (DS), and its political arm the Al-Nor party: the latter is the only surviving Islamist party, following the toppling of the Muslim Brotherhood regime in 2013. The texts were gathered through field research, and analyzed using Critical Discourse Analysis. This analysis enabled what is the first mapping of DS’ vision for change. Based on this, the thesis argues that following its entry into politics, DS reproduced its long-held discourse of social and political change. It achieved this by introducing changes to the form of its discourse, while preserving its core content. The thesis demonstrates that “continuity and consistency” of DS’ key discourse for change (Manhaj), was central to its framing processes towards mobilizing political participation. More broadly, the thesis concludes that the wider movement and the specific political party are both intellectually and structurally connected.
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Schindehutte, Genevi. « Remembering is Resistance : In Physical and Virtual Places of Downtown Cairo ». Miami University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1438346291.
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Simcik, Arese Nicholas Luca. « The common in a compound : morality, ownership, and legality in Cairo's squatted gated community ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:dd437dc6-1b8f-42d9-8b95-e1d460a4e66d.
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In Haram City, amidst Egypt's 2011-2013 revolutionary period, two visions of the city in the Global South come together within shared walls. In this private suburban development marketed as affordable housing, aspirational middle class homebuyers embellish properties for privilege and safety. They also come to share grounds with resettled urban poor who transform their surroundings to sustain basic livelihoods. With legality in disarray and under private administration, residents originally from Duweiqa - perhaps Cairo's poorest neighbourhood - claim the right to squat vacant homes, while homebuyers complain of a slum in the gated community. What was only desert in 2005 has since become a forum for vivid public contestation over the relationship between morality, ownership, and order in space - struggles over what ought to be common in a compound. This ethnography explores residents' own legal geographies in relation to property amidst public-private partnership urbanism: how do competing normative discourses draw community lines in the sand, and how are they applied to assert ownership where the scales of 'official' legitimacy have been tipped? In other words: in a city built from scratch amidst a revolution, how is legality invented? Like the compound itself, sections of the thesis are divided into an A-area and a B-area. Shifting from side to side, four papers examine the lives of squatters and then of homeowners and company management acting in their name. Zooming in and out within sides, they depict discourses over moral ownership and then interpret practices asserting a concomitant vision of order. First, in Chapter 4, squatters invoke notions of a moral economy and practical virtue to justify 'informal' ownership claims against perceptions of developer-state corruption. Next, Chapter 5 illustrates how squatters define 'rights' as debt, a notion put into practice by ethical outlaws: the Sayi' - commonly meaning 'down-and-out' or 'bum' - brokers 'rights' to coordinate group ownership claims. Shifting sides, Chapter 6 observes middle class homeowners' aspirations for "internal emigration" to suburbs as part of an incitement to propertied autonomy, and details widespread dialogue over suburban selfhood in relationship to property, self-interest, and conviviality. Lastly, Chapter 7 documents authoritarian private governance of the urban poor that centres on "behavioural training." Free from accountability and operating like a city-state, managers simulate urban law to inculcate subjective norms, evoking both Cairene histories and global policy circulations of poverty management. Towards detailing how notions of ownership and property constitute visions and assertions of urban law, this project combines central themes in ethnographies of Cairo with legal geography on suburbs of the Global North. It therefore interrogates some key topics in urban studies of the Global South (gated communities, affordable housing, public-private partnerships, eviction-resettlement, informality, local governance, and squatting), as Cairo's 'new city' urban poor and middle classes do themselves, through comparative principles and amidst promotion of similar private low-income cities internationally. While presenting a micro-history of one project, it is also offers an alternative account of 2011-2013 revolutionary period, witnessed from the desert developments through which Egyptian leaders habitually promise social progress.
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Van, Wyk Milandre Heidi. « IBM Incorporated : an exploration of an Egyptian work ethic as constructed by South African expatriates working in Cairo ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/20353.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Sociologists concern themselves with exploring, describing and explaining that which is different, unknown or misunderstood. I will endeavour to focus on the latter. International migration and the emergence of a global village have compelled one to embrace the “other” with insight and vigour. This thesis explores the experiences of South African expatriates living in Cairo, Egypt. The primary objective of this study is to explore and describe the constructed experiences of South African expatriates working in Cairo. The purpose of my study, however, is not to delineate an Egyptian work ethic as a typology or an ideal type, but rather to reflect on the experiences of tension and divergencies as constructed by South African. The methodological framework underlying this thesis is that of interpretivism. A qualitative study, which included semi-structured interviews and observations, provided the researcher with rich and nuanced data. Theoretical approaches of Max Weber, particularly The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism and Weber’s incomplete works on Islam, are used. In agreement with Weber’s works, the main argument of this thesis is that an Egyptian work ethic is not solely fashioned through Islamic tenets per se, but that social, political and economic factors in Egypt are significant contributors.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Dit is die moeilike taak van Sosioloë om die vreemde beide te verstaan en te beskryf ten einde sin te maak van ‘dit wat anders is’. Die fokus van hierdie tesis is juis ‘n poging tot die laasgenoemde. Die toenemende belangrikheid van internasionale migrasie vereis ‘n betekenisvolle interaksie met mense van ander kulture, geloof en waardestelsels. Hierdie tesis sal die ervaringe van Suid-Afrikaanse ekspatriote in ‘n Egiptiese werksomgewing ondersoek en die moontlike bronne van konflik identifiseer. Die primêre rol van die studie is om die subjektiewe konstruksies van ‘n Egiptiesewerksetiek, soos ervaar deur Suid-Afrikaners in Kairo, te identifiseer. Die doel is egter nie om ‘n spesifieke en akkurate werksetiek te beskryf as ‘n ‘ideale tipe’ nie, maar eerder om te besin oor die struwelinge wat Suid-Afrikaners in ‘n vreemde milieu ervaar in terme van hul Egiptiese kollegas en hoe hul hierdie struwelinge en verskille interpreteer. Eindelik word hierdie tesis geplaas in die globale wedywering tussen die Euro-Amerikaanse Weste en Islamietiese Ooste. ‘n Interpretatiewe metodologiese raamwerk word gebruik om data-insameling en -analise te benader. ‘n Kwalitatiewe studie, met behulp van semi-gestruktureerde onderhoude en gepaardgaande observasies is gebruik om data te versamel. Die teoretiese werke van Max Weber, meer spesifiek, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, asook sy onvoltooide werke oor Islam, is gebruik om die navorsingsvrae te beantwoord. Samehangend met Weber se werke, is die deurlopende argument van die studie dat ‘n Egiptiese werksetiek nie alleenlik deur Islam en geloofswette gevorm word nie, maar dat die sosiale-, politiese- en ekonomiese realiteite van Egipte geweldig invloedryk is.
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Stefan, Elisabeth. « Education for Refugee Children in Cairo and the Role of the Adoption of the Sudanese Curriculum ». Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23900.
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This thesis deals with the recent adoption of the Sudanese curriculum at ‘refugee schools’ in Cairo, Egypt. It is based on material collected through qualitative research methods during two field studies. The aim of this paper is to describe how and why the Sudanese curriculum was introduced in Egypt, to outline refugees’ opinions about the curriculum and its adoption,and to analyze the role it plays in view of the overall context of this urban environment. In the theoretical framework, this thesis presents concepts regarding the phenomenon of ‘waiting’. The paper gives an overview of the specifics that refugees are confronted with in urban settings, and highlights the importance of education. Moreover, the thesis presents background information about refugees living in Egypt and their access to rights, and pointsout the obstacles they face regarding public education. The results of this study show that the new curriculum is valued by students, teachers, and parents, as it offers the opportunity to acquire official school documents that are required to enter university. A number of aspects that refugees criticize about the Sudanese curriculum, such as its contents, are also brought up. This thesis concludes that the Sudanese curriculum plays a significant role for refugees in Egypt, as it gives students perspectives for the future and thus has a positive effect on their experience of waiting.
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Hafez, Mohammed M. « Islamism between accommodation and insurgency : a political process explanation of Islamist strategies in Algeria and Egypt ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.324909.
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Kawamura, Yusuke. « Social welfare under authoritarian rule : change and path dependence in the social welfare system in Mubarak's Egypt ». Thesis, Durham University, 2016. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/11711/.
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This thesis is an attempt to answer the following question: how and why was the social welfare system in Egypt altered under the government of Hosni Mubarak (1981-2011)? Literatures on the determinants, objectives and structures of social welfare regimes predominantly assume democratic systems of government. They claim that the political influence of organised labour is the most important driving force for the expansion of social welfare systems. This driving force is effective only in open, democratic political arena. This thesis therefore argues that the case of Egypt requires us to consider social welfare regimes within the context of authoritarian resilience. According to this corpus of work, institutional change under authoritarian regimes can best be explained as a product of government survival strategies, strategies which seek to maximise the interests of the ruling elite, especially their political leaders (rather than the political influence of organised labour which drives social welfare systems in democratic countries). Although the ruling elite under authoritarian rule use social welfare systems in their survival strategies, the strategies differ in their context or ideology. Egypt’s first President, Gamal Abdul Nasser, designed and introduced a social welfare system which supported his primary goal of industrialisation. The income-redistribution aspects of his social welfare system were designed to mobilise popular political support for his regime from the middle and low-income classes, especially urban workers. His successor, Anwar al Sadat, relied still further on the income-redistribution function of the social welfare system, as a means of partially compensating those elements of society which could be considered ‘losers’ from his policy of economic opening (infitah). Whereas his policies expanded the economic base of regime support from the working class and the public sector to the growing business elites, he fortunately obtained several external resources, such as economic aid (from the United States, in particular), fees from the Suez Canal and oil exports. By exploiting these resources as sources to expand the social welfare system, Sadat was able to compensate the ‘losers’ and to maintain political legitimacy with these lower classes through welfare re-distribution instruments. His strategy strengthened the populist feature of the social welfare system. This thesis argues that change in the social welfare system during the Mubarak era was bounded by the logic of the ‘social contract’, which was reinforced by the expansion of populist welfare provision during the Sadat era. Sadat’s strategy led to fiscal deficit and prevented economic growth in the Mubarak era. Rationalisation of the programmes was indeed advocated by the international financial institutions and the Mubarak government did appear to initiate reforms. However, when looked at closely, the thesis reveals that these reforms did not result in significant reductions in government expenditures on social welfare as was supposedly intended. Despite a decline in external resources, the regime maintained expenditures, ‘thinning’ out the benefits of the welfare system where it could, but never fully engaging in deep structural reform. Mubarak’s government was caught in an unresolvable dilemma. Economic liberalisation in general created a new alliance between the ruling elite and the growing class of businessmen. However, the authoritarian regime still relied on a legacy of claims to redistributive justice for its legitimacy. As a decline in external resources cut away the regime’s capacity to deliver this through structural aspects of the economy, the regime increasingly relied on social welfare programmes to alleviate poverty and assuage political grievances. Regime fear of direct political protests increasingly drove social welfare policy, with the regime compensating for the effects of liberalisation in one side of the economy by spending money it could ill afford in another. The strategy was itself a fundamental contradiction and inherently unsustainable. As a result, a decline in distributive resources revealed a failure in the social welfare system – enduring fiscal misallocation and neglecting social problems (such as poverty and unemployment).
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Kalmbach, Hilary. « From turban to tarboush : Dār al-ʹUlūm and social, linguistic, and religious change in interwar Egypt ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.560468.
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This dissertation uses the Dar al-iulum teacher-training school and its graduates as a prism through which to view sociocultural change in Egypt, 1900-1950. Founded in 1872 as part of Khedive Isma'Il's efforts to expand the Egyptian government's civil- school system, the school trained top students from religious schools such as al-Azhar to be schoolteachers with strong Arabic skills. It became a faculty of Cairo University in 1946. The dissertation as a whole presents a new vision of how modernisation and colonialisation affected colonised societies. It demonstrates that a major engine driving sociocultural change in interwar Egypt was the agency exercised by individuals who crossed boundaries and consciously mixed elements oflocal tradition and European-inspired modernity. Dar al-Uliim is best seen as a hybrid institution that not only bridged but also mixed elements of civil and religious education. Throughout its seventy-four years as a higher school, its curriculum combined the Arabic and Islamic disciplines that formed the core of religious tradition with basic instruction in the non-religious subjects - such as mathematics, science, geography, and history - taught in the European-influenced civil-school system. The school represents a new type of religious education, as it taught religious subjects using the ocularcentric, concept-driven pedagogies of civil schools. It was an early contributor to the functionalisation of Islam, or the use of religious knowledge further specific sociocultural, religious, or political goals. Dar al-Ulurn presented opportunities and challenges to its graduates. The mixed range of cultural capital it provided enabled graduates to cross and straddle sociocultural boundaries, such as the one drawn between the efendiyah and the culamcF, which presented top students in religious schools with a chance at becoming an efendz professional. The school and its graduates have often been incorrectly described as overly conservative, in part due to their in-between status. While the graduates generally maintained a strong connection with Egypt's Arabic and Islamic traditions, their commitment to adapting these traditions to meet the needs of a rapidly modernising Egypt was equally strong. Graduates combining the authenticity gained from local Arabic and Islamic knowledge with the cachet of European-influenced practices to modernise Arabic or Islam include Hasan Tawfiq al-cAdl, Bifni Nasif, cAli al-Iarirn, Tantawi Iawhari, Muhammad Madi Abu al-Aza'im, Taki aI-Din al-Nabhani, as well as Hasan al-Banna and Sayyid Outb of the Muslim Brotherhood.
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El, Kateb Nada. « Carving the Path ». Thesis, KTH, Arkitektur, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kth:diva-298492.
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This project investigates the role of the built environment in securing our practical and social needs. This is done based on research in the context of Cairo, Egypt. Banati foundation is an organisation established in 2010 which works on the rehabilitation and social reintegration of children in street situations in Cairo. This project takes Banati Foundation as its case study, offering architectural solutions to its process of social and psychological rehabilitation.This project required thorough research methodologies including primary fieldwork such as interviews and site visits, making it a project of co-creation. In building up the programme, the architect’s role was transformed to the additional role of a mediator, gathering information, exposing opportunities and assembling ideas.Banati foundation have existing tangible and intangible infrastructures with different levels of care to offer children a smooth transition into a rehabilitated safe, secure and comfortable life. My project aims to complete the cycle by investigating what being part of the Banati family means, and how Banati’s principles and objectives can extend beyond their institutional care, namely: how can young women moving out of Banati’s home transition smoothly out of their care, while maintaining Banatis role as a forever family?With a careful consideration of the social dimension of architecture, this project hopes to facilitate the final stage of care offered to the young women leaving the foundation upon reaching adulthood. The masterplan tackles questions of how to carve an easier path out of Banati’s care and into society for Banati’s graduates through socially aware architecture.
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Arif, Rauf. « Social movements, YouTube and political activism in authoritarian countries : a comparative analysis of political change in Pakistan, Tunisia & ; Egypt ». Diss., University of Iowa, 2014. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/4564.
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This dissertation explores the role of social media in political activism in authoritarian societies, using as case studies the use of YouTube as an alternative channel of communication and resistance during the political crises in Pakistan, Tunisia, and Egypt. I studied Pakistan because it is one of the few majority Muslim countries in which social media were part of the media mix during the mass uprisings that led to the overthrow of the regime of military leader, General Pervez Musharraf in 2007. Tunisia and Egypt were chosen because these two countries are seen as the iconic nations of the Arab Spring 2011. The study argues that the term "Arab Spring" itself limits the scope of ongoing online and offline political uprisings in the Muslim World, which is spreading beyond the geographical boundaries of the Middle East.
The investigation uses "social movements" as defined and theorized by Hirschman (1970), Lohmann (1994), Olson (1965), and Tarrow (1994; 1998) as its theoretical foundation, in order to describe and explain how YouTube was part of the information activism of the social movements that sprang up during the revolutions in Pakistan, Tunisia and Egypt. A comparative methodological approach enables me to analyze the "most viewed" YouTube videos of political protests in the three countries.
By examining a purposive sample of 60 most viewed protest-related YouTube videos, the study explores how these videos served as a "voice," (alternative channels of communication) when the authoritarian governments controlled all the media in the three countries. Using quantitative content analysis and thematic analysis approaches, the study investigates YouTube's role and content during Pakistan's political crisis of 2007, and compares it with that platform's role as an alternative avenue of communication, as well as its content in the 2011 political uprising in Tunisia and Egypt, which are the core of the Arab Spring in North Africa.
Eight research questions were asked for this investigation. These questions were derived from Hirschman (1970), Lohmann (1994), Tarrow (1998), and Perlmutter's (1998) works. Issues that were investigated in these questions include: identifying the cultural and ideological frames used in the most viewed videos of each revolution, YouTube videos as "informational cascades," Al-Jazeera's role as "informational cascade," YouTube videos as a "Voice," and the most iconic images of each revolution.
The findings of these research questions suggest that in the absence of traditional media sources, YouTube can serve as an alternative platform of communication and dissent. The study finds that the social movements in the three countries (The Lawyers' Movement of 2007 in Pakistan, the so-called Jasmine Revolution of Tunisia (2010), and the Arab Spring of Egypt 2011) utilized YouTube as an alternate channel of communication to disseminate information on political protests against the dictatorial regimes for purposes of promoting resistance.
The visual content analysis of these videos revealed that the YouTube videos of political protests utilized common religious and national ideologies as a part of cultural and ideological frames to spread the narratives of political protests online.
The findings of this study support that the most viewed videos contributed to serve as informational cascades for the observers (YouTube viewers) of these protest-related videos. The findings also highlight that the pan-Arabic TV channel Al-Jazeera utilized YouTube as an alternative platform to disseminate its protest-related videos, particularly when the channel was banned in the three countries.
The visual content analysis of the most viewed videos of protests suggest that social movements in Pakistan, Tunisia and Egypt used YouTube to amplify their voice against corruption, unemployment, and authoritarianism in the three countries.
The findings of this dissertation identify that three images (one from each country) were treated as the icons of outrage in the 60 most viewed protest-related videos. These icons of outrage include the images of Mohamed Bouazizi's self-immolation (Tunisia), torture-disfigured face of Khaled Said (Egypt), and the arrest of Pakistani Chief Justice, Iftikhar Chaudry.
Based on its findings, the dissertation argues that the ongoing political struggle in Muslim-majority countries is a much bigger phenomenon than the "Arab Spring." This study also makes a strong case that Pakistan experienced online informational activism long before the Arab Spring of 2011. Since political communication in Pakistan is a relatively under-researched field, academic archives do not provide sufficient information on the role and emergence of social media in the country, including how the new modes of digital communication serve as alternative channels of political activism against dictatorship. This dissertation intends to fill this void.
The study also contributes to the existing literature on communication, social movements and political activism, which is predominantly specific to Western settings. Since this study applies Western approaches of social movements to non-Western settings, it helps to explicate the applicability of such approaches to non-Western societies and contexts. Furthermore, it is important to understand the role of social media as alternative channels of communication in closed, authoritarian societies where the traditional media serve only the interests of the ruling elites. In addition, the study helps to explain how the increasingly popular social media, e.g. YouTube, are contributing to civil liberties by challenging the authoritarian regimes of the Muslim World.
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Bengtsson, Rebecca. « 'Even if it is not your fault, it is your responsibility' : Livestreaming as means of civic engagement. A case study of citizen journalism in Egypt and Syria ». Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23805.
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A well-functioning media is a given part of any society, and can be a valuable tool in the democratising process of a country. The media is traditionally given the role of providing citizens with information about political events in society, and as a result enabling them to make informed decisions. Before the 1990s most of the Middle Eastern and North African media was controlled by governments and because of that they often failed in their responsibility as information providers. As new media such as the internet and satellite television were introduced to the region, the media paradigm shifted and a new arena for public debate arose and has continued to grow ever since. During the 2010-2011 uprisings in the region social media platforms were used by citizens to spread news about demonstrations and political moves, not only within countries, but also globally. Livestreaming applications in particular were used successfully, and videos filmed by citizen journalists were broadcast on international media channels This thesis focuses on the use of livestreaming by citizen journalists in Egypt and Syria to accomplish a social change, and on citizen journalism as an act of civic engagement. To provide an analytic frame, this thesis uses the work of Dahlgren (2009) and his six modes of civic engagement, to better and understand the role of citizen journalists in changing society. Through a number of qualitative interviews with citizen journalists, traditional journalists and Bambuser, this thesis concludes that citizen journalism did play and still plays an important role when it comes to civic engagement in Egypt and Syria although weather or not it might be able to take the role of traditional media in society remains to be seen. The interviews with citizen journalists were conducted in Cairo, Egypt and funded through a Minor Field Study grant.
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Mesawa, M. T. « The role of Facebook and Twitter in generating social and political change during the 'Arab Spring' uprisings of Tunisia and Egypt ». Thesis, University of Salford, 2016. http://usir.salford.ac.uk/41501/.
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The ‘Arab Spring’ refers to the protests and revolutions that spread across a number of Middle Eastern and North African Muslim countries during late 2010/early 2011. Grounded on the main theoretical framework of the public sphere (along with the complementary theories of technological determinism and technical and cultural appropriation) the aim of this research was to investigate the role of Facebook and Twitter in generating social and political change during the Arab ‘spring’ uprisings of Tunisia and Egypt. Findings from a series of semi-structured interviews with key individuals in both countries offer some support for the validity of these three theories by suggesting that social media worked as an effective public sphere for activism, as well as being a communicative/organisational tool that generated some social/political changes. Nonetheless, this research suggests that the effectiveness of social media began to wane very early into the uprisings. Although this weakening was relatively slow in the more secular Tunisia where the highly westernised youth continued to use social media as a public sphere to discuss political issues, the speed of its demise was far more rapid in the more Islamic Egypt where the traditional public sphere (especially the mosques) and face-to-face communication became more important in driving on the uprising. This implies that although social media played an important role in helping to generate the uprisings in 2010/2011 and in helping to bring some social and political changes, it is not particularly effective in the long-run following regime repression, violence, and media censorship.
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Lind, Sanna. « SSR and Democracy in Tunisia and Egypt : Understanding Security Sector Reform following Nonviolent Resistance ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-393809.
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In this study I explore how security sector reform affects the likelihood of democratization after a nonviolent resistance campaign in order to better understand the role of core security services during regime changes and the mechanisms of SSR. By using literature on nonviolence resistance, security sector reform, and by borrowing the concept ofspoilersfrom policy and peace-making literature, I hypothesise that SSR will likely increase the ability of core security actors to manage security problems in the transition after a nonviolent resistance campaign, as well as reduce spoiler capabilities among core security actors, thereby increasing the probability of democratization.I used the method of structured, focused comparison on the regime changes in Tunisia 2011-2014 and Egypt 2011-2013, and found some evidence contrary to the first, while limited support for the second.
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Randall, Jason. « Cyber-Sovereignty : The Power of Social Media on the Arab Spring in Tunisia and Egypt ». DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 2017. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/cauetds/108.
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This dissertation assesses the role of social media and its effects on the Arab Spring. The research will be guided by two questions: Could the use of American Dot.com social networking websites (e.g. Facebook, Google, Twitter, and YouTube) by Tunisians and Egyptians during the Arab Spring, to overthrow their governments, be characterized as a violation of Tunisia’s and Egypt’s sovereignty (cyber-sovereignty)? Secondly, what was the significance of the abovementioned social networking websites during the Arab Spring?
The first question will be examined by using Kingdon’s Multiple Streams Theory; the problem, policy, and political streams have to converge simultaneously in order to create a window of opportunity to enact change. For this to occur, it is the responsibility of the policy entrepreneur to combine the three streams. The policy entrepreneur is an individual(s) who are tasked with the responsibility of integrating the three streams. During the Arab Spring, social media served as a mechanism for citizens to bypass government censorship to chronicle and narrate events as they occurred. As a result, I assert that it was the use of social media in this manner by the policy entrepreneurs that violated the sovereignty of both Tunisia and Egypt.
The second question will be analyzed by administering questionnaires and reviewing tertiary sources to assess the significance of the abovementioned social networking websites during the Arab Spring. By examining the two research questions together, the conclusion of this analysis will potentially provide the basis for political cooperation towards an international cyber-sovereignty doctrine. The Arab Spring was far greater than Tunisia and Egypt. However, I felt it was of the utmost importance to focus on the origin of the Arab Spring, as well as the significance in which the role of social media became instrumental. Analyzing the role of social media, the transformation of power, and cyber-sovereignty in both countries through four (individual, state, organizational, and international) layers of analysis will help to assess the role of social media during the Arab Spring and to generate layers of protection to mitigate its influence.
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Kassem, Madjdy. « The foreign policy of Anwar Sadat : continuity and change, 1970-1981 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:399e0973-167a-4747-937a-9cc3e83236f9.
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This thesis aims to examine both continuity and change in Egyptian foreign policy between 1970 and 1981. The overarching question of this work is: Why and how did President Sadat affect changes in foreign policy? More specifically, the thesis examines the evolution of Egyptian foreign policy in three concentric circles: the Superpowers, the Arab world, and Israel. The broader aim of the thesis is to provide a detailed study of Egyptian foreign policy in this period, which witnessed a multitude of watershed events. The topic is important because Egypt is a leading state in the Arab world, a core actor in the Arab-Israeli conflict, and a strategic ally of the superpowers during the Cold War. The thesis offers a detailed chronological account of Egyptian foreign policy during the 1970s. It advances a revisionist interpretation of the early Sadat years, arguing that there was much greater continuity with the foreign policy of Gamal Abdel-Nasser than is commonly believed. The account ends in 1981, with the assassination of Anwar Sadat and the succession of Hosni Mubarak. It is argued that Sadat not only managed to reverse Nasser’s radical path in foreign policy, but that he also succeeded in institutionalising his most significant policy changes: peace with Israel and the removal of Egypt from the Arab-Israeli conflict. The methodology of the thesis is principally empirical and qualitative in nature. The thesis is based on extensive archival research, recently declassified official documents, memoirs of policymakers in English and Arabic, and oral histories in the form of interviews and transcripts of discussions with former Egyptian policymakers.
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Bardinet, Marie-Amélie. « Etre ou devenir italien au Caire de 1861 à la première guerre mondiale : vecteurs et formes d'une construction communautaire entre mythe et réalités ». Thesis, Paris 3, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA030096.
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Cette étude présente, dans le sillage des travaux sur la construction des identités des communautés italiennes à l’étranger, les modalités de rassemblement et d’unification de la colonie italienne du Caire de 1861 à la Première Guerre mondiale et ses vecteurs identitaires. Elle remet en question à cette occasion la vision littéraire du cosmopolitisme égyptien au XIXe siècle, de cet âge d’or dont on déplore la disparition, tout en mettant en évidence le mouvement véritablement cosmopolite des revendications sociales et indépendantistes du début du XXe siècle. Une étude des liens de sociabilités formels de la colonie italienne du Caire et de son discours identitaire permet en effet d’observer de manière approfondie le discours tenu par les associations de la colonie autour du cosmopolitisme et d’en observer l’inadéquation à la réalité. Le cosmopolitisme est surtout employé comme justification de la présence italienne en Egypte et comme moyen de se démarquer face aux colonies françaises, grecques et anglaises. Par ailleurs la colonie cairote à partir des années 1880 se compose d’une majorité d’ouvriers et artisans. L’étude des sociabilités informelles (liens d’amitié, de parenté, relations de voisinage et de travail) permet d’observer les rapports de la colonie au sens large avec le milieu cairote, qui sont caractérisés par des relations s’inscrivant dans une indifférence réciproque ponctuée de désordres imprévisibles plutôt que dans le cosmopolitisme tant vanté par les textes littéraires. Pourtant ce cosmopolitisme a une réalité car il est présent au cours des luttes sociales du Caire du début des années 1900 à travers l’union des ouvriers italiens, grecs et égyptiens dans les premiers mouvements de grève cairote. L’insertion des anarchistes italiens dans ce contexte permet de relier ces évènements à un mouvement plus global de luttes sociales à travers l’Europe et même l’Amérique latine, annonciateur de modernitéIn the wake of previous works on the building of identities of Italian communities abroad, this study analyses how the Italian community of Cairo took shape from 1861 until the First World Wide War, as well as its identity factors. In doing so, it questions the litterary claim of a true Egyptian cosmopolitism in the ninetieth century, this much missed golden age, but also highlights the truly cosmopolitan movement of social and independence demands of the early twentieth century. Indeed, the study of formal social ties of Cairo Italian colony and its identity discourse leads to great detail on the official speech of its societies about cosmopolitism and puts it largely into perspective. Cosmopolitanism appears to be mainly claimed as a justification of the Italian presence in Egypt and as a way to stand apart from the French, Greek and English colonies. Moreover, the Cairo colony of 1880 consisted mainly of workers and craftsmen. The study of informal social relationships (friendships, family ties, neighborhood and work bonds) shows the links of the colony as a whole with its Cairo environment were characterized by mutual indifference punctuated by unpredictable disturbances - as opposed to the much touted cosmopolitanism claimed by literary texts. Yet cosmopolitism actually did exist as it was present in Cairo social struggles in the early 1900s through the union of Italian, Greek and Egyptian workers during the first strikes ever to happen in the city. The participation of Italian anarchists in this context made these events part of a global movement of social struggles across Europe and even Latin America that were the promise of a new modern era
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Bendixen, Christine. « Voices for Change : Hopes and costs for empowerment - a study on women's claims in the Egyptian revolution ». Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för pedagogik och didaktik, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-138580.
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This study investigates women’s possibilities to actively participate in societal change in Egypt. It aims at enhancing the understanding of structural conditions for women’s agency and how these enables and/or restrains women’s participation in the aspiration for societal change as well as their aspiration to live a ‘full life’. Egypt was chosen as a field for studying women’s understanding of their opportunities of participation and empowerment before and during the revolution. The informants in the study are all consciously working for awareness and equality in society. Formal education in Egypt is criticized and the country suffers from a high illiteracy rate, making informal education an important way to attain knowledge that can assist women in their quest for societal change. The acknowledgment of participation as a human right is one of the issues women are fighting for in Egypt today. A specific interest in this study is what motivates some women to oppose social, cultural and political structures despite the often high personal cost, and how informal (educational) channels are being used in the quest for societal change. The theoretical construction in which the analysis is carried out is based on frictions between societal structures and agency, using the Capability Approach (Sen, 1999) which aims at understanding what agency women have in societal change. The concept of functionings is used to indicate what someone is able to do and be. By analyzing women’s valued functionings, their conditions and thus their sense of empowerment and their experienced opportunity costs emerge. Central to the analytically framed societal structures and how agency can be perceived within each structure are the social conversion factors, the norms that allow or hinder action. To frame the complexity of women’s conditions for active agency and the outcome of their actions, I use a theoretical framework that will comprise both goals and processes. Sen’s (1999) ideas on social choice along with Archer’s (1995) theory on social change, using her model of structural elaboration / reproduction, have proved useful when investigating women’s valued functionings and attained social changes. The results of the study show that when formal education is not adequate, knowledge is obtained outside the formal educational institutions. This is done through both non-formal and informal learning. However, to get access to informal learning, a number of valued functions have to be gained. These functionings are thus both conditions for change and an end in themselves. I try to show that the costs involved in transgressing the prevailing norms are high, but lack of hope, agency and empowerment are also experienced as a high cost for those who have, in fact, imagined another better life and are in opposition to the inhibitory societal structures. This is, however, a part of what motivates some women to continue to be involved in societal change in order to achieve a life they have reason to value.
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Daly, Marwa El. « Challenges and potentials of channeling local philanthropy towards development and aocial justice and the role of waqf (Islamic and Arab-civic endowments) in building community foundations ». Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Philosophische Fakultät III, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/16511.
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Diese Arbeit bietet eine solide theoretische Grundlage zu Philanthropie und religiös motivierten Spendenaktivitäten und deren Einfluss auf Wohltätigkeitstrends, Entwicklungszusammenarbeit und einer auf dem Gedanken der sozialen Gerechtigkeit beruhenden Philanthropie. Untersucht werden dafür die Strukturen religiös motivierte Spenden, für die in der islamischen Tradition die Begriffe „zakat“, „Waqf“ oder im Plural auch „awqaf-“ oder „Sadaqa“ verwendet werden, der christliche Begriff dafür lautet „tithes“ oder „ushour“. Aufbauend auf diesem theoretischen Rahmenwerk analysiert die qualitative und quantitative Feldstudie auf nationaler Ebene, wie die ägyptische Öffentlichkeit Philanthropie, soziale Gerechtigkeit, Menschenrechte, Spenden, Freiwilligenarbeit und andere Konzepte des zivilgesellschaftlichen Engagements wahrnimmt. Um eine umfassende und repräsentative Datengrundlage zu erhalten, wurden 2000 Haushalte, 200 zivilgesellschaftliche Organisationen erfasst, sowie Spender, Empfänger, religiöse Wohltäter und andere Akteure interviewt. Die so gewonnen Erkenntnisse lassen aussagekräftige Aufschlüsse über philanthropische Trends zu. Erstmals wird so auch eine finanzielle Einschätzung und Bewertung der Aktivitäten im lokalen Wohltätigkeitsbereich möglich, die sich auf mehr als eine Billion US-Dollar beziffern lassen. Die Erhebung weist nach, dass gemessen an den Pro-Kopf-Aufwendungen die privaten Spendenaktivitäten weitaus wichtiger sind als auswärtige wirtschaftliche Hilfe für Ägypten. Das wiederum lässt Rückschlüsse zu, welche Bedeutung lokale Wohltätigkeit erlangen kann, wenn sie richtig gesteuert wird und nicht wie bislang oft im Teufelskreis von ad-hoc-Spenden oder Hilfen von Privatperson an Privatperson gefangen ist. Die Studie stellt außerdem eine Verbindung her zwischen lokalen Wohltätigkeits-Mechanismen, die meist auf religiösen und kulturellen Werten beruhen, und modernen Strukturen, wie etwa Gemeinde-Stiftungen oder Gemeinde-„waqf“, innerhalb derer die Spenden eine nachhaltige Veränderung bewirken können. Daher bietet diese Arbeit also eine umfassende wissenschaftliche Grundlage, die nicht nur ein besseres Verständnis, sondern auch den nachhaltiger Aus- und Aufbau lokaler Wohltätigkeitsstrukturen in Ägypten ermöglicht. Zentral ist dabei vor allem die Rolle lokaler, individueller Spenden, die beispielsweise für Stiftungen auf der Gemeindeebene eingesetzt, wesentlich zu einer nachhaltigen Entwicklung beitragen könnten – und das nicht nur in Ägypten, sondern in der gesamten arabischen Region. Als konkretes Ergebnis dieser Arbeit, wurde ein innovatives Modell entwickelt, dass neben den wissenschaftlichen Daten das Konzept der „waqf“ berücksichtigt. Der Wissenschaftlerin und einem engagierten Vorstand ist es auf dieser Grundlage gelungen, die Waqfeyat al Maadi Community Foundation (WMCF) zu gründen, die nicht nur ein Modell für eine Bürgerstiftung ist, sondern auch das tradierte Konzept der „waqf“ als praktikable und verbürgte Wohlstätigkeitsstruktur sinnvoll weiterentwickelt.This work provides a solid theoretical base on philanthropy, religious giving (Islamic zakat, ‘ushour, Waqf -plural: awqaf-, Sadaqa and Christian tithes or ‘ushour), and their implications on giving trends, development work, social justice philanthropy. The field study (quantitative and qualitative) that supports the theoretical framework reflects at a national level the Egyptian public’s perceptions on philanthropy, social justice, human rights, giving and volunteering and other concepts that determine the peoples’ civic engagement. The statistics cover 2000 households, 200 Civil Society Organizations distributed all over Egypt and interviews donors, recipients, religious people and other stakeholders. The numbers reflect philanthropic trends and for the first time provide a monetary estimate of local philanthropy of over USD 1 Billion annually. The survey proves that the per capita share of philanthropy outweighs the per capita share of foreign economic assistance to Egypt, which implies the significance of local giving if properly channeled, and not as it is actually consumed in the vicious circle of ad-hoc, person to person charity. In addition, the study relates local giving mechanisms derived from religion and culture to modern actual structures, like community foundations or community waqf that could bring about sustainable change in the communities. In sum, the work provides a comprehensive scientific base to help understand- and build on local philanthropy in Egypt. It explores the role that local individual giving could play in achieving sustainable development and building a new wave of community foundations not only in Egypt but in the Arab region at large. As a tangible result of this thesis, an innovative model that revives the concept of waqf and builds on the study’s results was created by the researcher and a dedicated board of trustees who succeeded in establishing Waqfeyat al Maadi Community Foundation (WMCF) that not only introduces the community foundation model to Egypt, but revives and modernizes the waqf as a practical authentic philanthropic structure.
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MUSTONEN, Liina. « Cosmopolitanism and its others : social distinction in Egypt in the aftermath of the revolution of 2011 ». Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/46668.
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Defence date: 31 May 2017Examining Board: Professor Heba Raouf Ezzat, Cairo University; Professor Anna Triandafyllidou, European University Institute; Professor Jean-Pascal Daloz, CNRS/MISHA Strasbourg; Professor Olivier Roy, European University Institute
As a contribution to the diverse field of cosmopolitan scholarship, engaging with ‘cultural cosmopolitanism’ often understood in a vernacular sense as the capacity to meditate between different cultures, religions and ways of life, the thesis locates and analyses cosmopolitan discourses and cosmopolitan material practices within the cultural and socio-political conditions in which they were uttered in the Muslim majority context of Egypt. While issues concerning religion have been at the crux of contemporary Middle East scholarship, less often addressed are discursive and material spaces in which other types of imaginaries can prosper. As an interdisciplinary study, informed by ethnographic inquiry, the thesis engages in analyzing a cosmopolitan social imaginary as well as expressions of differing aspirations - that were framed in cosmopolitan terms - during the period between the Egyptian revolution in January 2011 and the military coup d’état in summer 2013. Witnessing profound political changes with new actors such as the Muslim Brotherhood entering the political arena, the period constitutes a historically significant moment for the analysis of discourses and practices with a cosmopolitan reference. The research grounds cosmopolitan theories in space and time and reflects on the appropriation of the cosmopolitan concept. Consequently, it casts a critical look at how there was a materialization of cosmopolitan notions of self-reflexivity and detachment – the ability to see the world from the viewpoint of one’s cultural ‘others’. On the one hand, the study discusses how nostalgia for the past, framed in cosmopolitan terms, relates to the present, and on the other, how contemporary cosmopolitan discourses and practices, enabled through global market forces, materialized in the Egyptian context in the aftermath of the Egyptian revolution of 2011. Within the political setting of post-2011 revolution Egypt, this research observes how social distinction can be enacted through cosmopolitan references. Viewed in relation to the socio-political realities of the location under study, it points to social hierarchies, which the differentiation ‘global’ and ‘local’ helps to create, and to appropriations of the contextual distinctiveness and specificity of the cosmopolitan imaginary. While discussing social distinction through an analysis of cosmopolitan imaginaries, the thesis contributes to the fields of both elite scholarship and cosmopolitan scholarship.
Chapter 6 ‘The gendered self and the other' of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as an article 'The gender dimension of the authoritarian backlash' (2015) in the journal ‘Turkish policy quarterly’
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Abd, El Hamid Heba. « Sexual Harassment : Its Economic and Social Dimensions on the Streets of Cairo ». 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1993/31097.
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This thesis examined the conditions under which taharrush (sexual harassment) has become normalized in Cairo, allowing acts once deemed unethical by Egyptians to become a daily experience. Experiences of taharrush were explored through an ethnographic study of three neighborhoods in Cairo and 20 semi-structured interviews with women from diverse backgrounds and age groups. Through the literature review of key themes and a historical analysis of the Egyptian context, this research explored the rise in sexual harassment over time and under different presidential regimes. The cross-generational aspect of this research highlighted the prevalence of sexual harassment in the past three decades. Furthermore, through the participants’ voices, numerous themes emerged explaining the increase of taharrush, such as: economic difficulties, decline in akhle (sense of community), and violence against women perpetrated by security officials. The interviews showed women’s experiences of sexual harassment, the perceived causes behind the issue of harassment being trivialized and normalized, and ways in which women combat harassment and security issues within Cairo.February 2016
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Brown, Nathan J. « Peasants against the state the political activity of the Egyptian peasantry, 1822-1952 / ». 1987. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/20440303.html.
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POLJAREVIC, Emin. « Exploring individual motivation for social change : mobilization of the Muslim brotherhood’s youth in prerevolutionary Egypt ». Doctoral thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/24004.
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Defence date: 27 July 2012First made available online 2 April 2019
Examining Board: Professor Donatella della Porta, European University institute (Supervisor); Professor László Bruszt, European University institute; Professor Abby Peterson, University of Gothenburg; Professor Jeroen Gunning, University of Durham.
Islamist activism is on the rise across the Middle East and North Africa. In the light of the post-revolutionary elections in Egypt and Tunisia, Islamist parties are sweeping the polls supported by the overwhelming majority of voters. This dissertation investigates the dynamic of this support for the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood. The explanation of individual activists’ motivation behind this form of middle-class activism has been investigated by exploring individual beliefs, emotions and identities. Activists’ motivational explanations and representation do not develop in a vacuum, outside of a specific context. Explaining the configuration of collective action therefore requires an analysis of a pattern of social characteristics using a spectrum of social movement theories. The long-term contentious relationship between the various Egyptian authoritarian regimes and the Muslim Brotherhood produced an Islamist resistance culture with a particular set of incitements for would be activists. Middle-class activists have primarily been motivated by the Brotherhood’s ability to educate its followers through a multi-stage membership process. During this process youth activists have acquired a strengthened sense of individual purpose. They also possess organizational skills and have successfully ascended the social ladder, leading to a feeling of moral superiority and a degree of personal autonomy even within an authoritarian sociopolitical context. The social movement organization serves as a facilitator of structured dissent and its success depends ultimately on its ability to recognize the basic needs of a frustrated population. Sympathizers of a particular social movement organization in turn seek realistic forms of dissent which correspond to their system of values and practices.
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Muslimin, Joko Mirwan [Verfasser]. « Islamic law and social change : a comparative study of the institutionalization and codification of Islamic family law in the nation-states Egypt and Indonesia (1950 - 1995) / vorgelegt von Joko Mirwan Muslimin ». 2005. http://d-nb.info/975583026/34.
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