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1

Humphrey, Caroline. « Exemplifying political ideas ». focaal 2021, no 91 (1 décembre 2021) : 14–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2021.910102.

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Abstract Contradictions lie at the heart of revolutionary groups operating in underground conditions: how can the trust and secrecy of the circle be combined with spreading the message to far-flung masses? Can the ideals for the future society be manifested in the way the revolutionaries are themselves organized? This paper examines the disputes on these questions that raged among Russian radicals before 1917, which are important because of their subsequent global influence. It analyzes the dynamical changes in the forms taken by certain major revolutionary circles, and argues that the differentiated social forms, which morphed via crucial decisions from their origin in egalitarian multi-voiced circles, stemmed from the internal debate that was essential to the circle and was to a great extent an outcome of the philosophical and revolutionary ideas espoused.
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Chupriy, Leonid. « POLITICAL AND SOCIAL IDEAS OF M. HRUSHEVSKYI ». Kyiv Historical Studies, no 1 (2018) : 29–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2524-0757.2018.1.2932.

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The article examines the key political and social ideas of M. Hrushevskyi. It is noted, that Hrushevskyi supported federalism and during some period of time even advocated for the Union of Russia with Ukraine. In the article it is stated, that as a populist, he defended the idea of advancing the interests of the people of the society over the interests of the state. M. Hrushevskyi revealed the vision of the people as a potent force for carried out the struggle that runs through ages through diff erent political and cultural circumstances. The attention is focused on the fact, that as a sociologist he studied the factors of social evolution, the laws of social development, developed a genetic sociology. In the framework of the genetic sociology the academician M. Hrushevskyi paid attention to the analysis of primary, primitive forms of social organization, to the laws of their transition into a more complex, to the infl uence of the “prehistoric” forms of social organization on the development trends of the future. The scientist, in particular, fi gured out the forms and stages of development universal to all peoples. Responding, fi nally, to this question, he put forward the thesis that they may be similar but almost never identical, explaining through the variability of the psychological and moral regulation in diff erent human communities. Along with this the great Ukrainian sociologist emphasized the existence of such General trends of social evolution — the processes of diff erentiation and integration (consolidation), which continue in any community. The alternation of these processes Hrushevskyi considered the personifi cation of the relentless struggle of the individualist and collectivist impulses, motives and aspirations.
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Alesgerova, Nigar. « Social-political ideas in the hurufizm movement ». Juridical Sciences and Education 61, no 61 (7 janvier 2020) : 17–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.25108/2304-1730-1749.iolr.2019.61.17-23.

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Rozumyuk, V., et O. Vasyltsiv. « Theoretical Reflection of the Problems of Correlation of Social Ideals and Political Interests ». Problems of World History, no 9 (26 novembre 2019) : 34–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2019-9-2.

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The article explores the theoretical reflection of the ratio of social ideals and political interests. The main approaches to the motivation of political activity and ideas about the most perfect social systemare highlighted. The scientific heritage of K. Marx and K. Mannheim is analyzed in detail on this issue and it is determined that large social groups (classes) present their interests in the form of ideals, or,in other words, social values and ideals are a concentrated expression (incl. and political) class interests. It is proved that ideas about social ideals and political interests have always been determined historically, being formed under the direct influence of the most important events in the international arena and the main domestic political trends. Thus, one can speak not only about theinterdependence of socio-political processes and knowledge about them, when theoretical ideas about society are a kind of reflection of its state and structure, and on the other hand, social relations appear to be objective knowledge about them (i.e., an empirical embodiment of ideas and concepts), but also about the synchronized dynamics of the evolution of social theory and historical practice, when scientific ideas develop in parallel with real social changes, creating two parallel dynamics – the intellectual and factual.
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Eulriet, Irène. « Analysing political ideas and political action ». Economy and Society 37, no 1 (février 2008) : 135–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03085140701760916.

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Stepanov, A. N. « Social-Aesthetic Ideas of P.L. Lavrov ». Izvestiya of Saratov University. Philosophy. Psychology. Pedagogy 10, no 2 (2010) : 46–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-7671-2010-10-2-46-50.

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Object of study this article is the problem of progressive development and aesthetizations social relations of Russia before reform (1861), reflected in literary, social, political works political attitudes of P.L. Lavrov. An object of research are his literary, social, economic, political views analyzed from aesthetic positions. In article is the actual socio-philosophy problem of development, transformation, perfection, humanisation and harmonisation social relations.
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Himka, John-Paul, et Jaroslaw Pelenski. « The Political and Social Ideas of Vjaceslav Lypyns'kyj. » American Historical Review 95, no 1 (février 1990) : 204. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2163067.

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Barthas, Jérémie, et Arnault Skornicki. « Ideas, History and Social Sciences ». Theoria 69, no 173 (1 décembre 2022) : 86–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/th.2022.6917304.

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Part of a collective project for promoting the study of the history of political ideas within the field of the social sciences in French academia, this interview focuses on method, and more specifically on Prof. Quentin Skinner's relationship to the social sciences (from Max Weber to Peter Winch and Pierre Bourdieu). Questions were sent in French, via email, to Quentin Skinner, who answered them in English. The answers were then translated into French and the interview was published in Vers une histoire sociale des idées politiques, ed. Chloé Gaboriaux and Arnault Skornicki (Villeneuve d'Ascq: Presses Universitaires du Septentrion, 2017). For editorial reasons, one question and response, regarding method in the Italian tradition of the history of ideas, had to be omitted; it is reintroduced here. The questions have been translated for Theoria by Victor Lu. Quentin Skinner is Emeritus Professor in the Humanities at Queen Mary University of London and co-director of the Centre for the Study of the History of Political Thought (London); Arnault Skornicki is Senior Lecturer at Paris Nanterre University (Institut des Sciences Sociales du Politique); and Jérémie Barthas is Researcher at the CNRS (Institut d'Histoire Moderne et Contemporaine).
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Karshiboyevich, Gapparov Alibek. « ON THE SOCIAL POSITION OF SOCIO-POLITICAL VOCABULARY IN A JOURNALISTIC TEXT ». American Journal Of Social Sciences And Humanity Research 03, no 04 (1 avril 2023) : 23–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/ajsshr/volume03issue04-06.

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The importance of studying socio-political vocabulary in the sociolinguistic aspect is explained by the fact that not a single serious issue can be considered without taking into account universal values. After all, culture is considered an integral part of the socio-political foundation, which includes traditions, national heritage, geographic and political factors, historically established social and ethnic structure, and religious beliefs. The main task of socio-political vocabulary in the formation of a journalistic text is a factor that provides public coverage of political culture, society, and the political process. They reflect models of political behavior, ideas, and systems of relations formed based on nationality, historically formed, and based on the experience of people, nations, and traditions
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Prewitt, Kenneth. « Political Ideas and a Political Science for Policy ». ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 600, no 1 (juillet 2005) : 14–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716205276660.

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WILSFORD, DAVID. « The Conjoncture of Ideas and Interests ». Comparative Political Studies 18, no 3 (octobre 1985) : 357–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414085018003004.

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This essay argues that Tocqueville's explanation of the French Revolution, the disjuncture between social and political institutions and social realities, lacks an intervening variable providing the connection between disjuncture and revolution. Drawing on Bendix's (1978) argument that ideas have an impact on social and political action and on Weber's exploration of how these ides are linked to the expression of interests, I propose the spread and impact of ideas as this intervening variable. Critiquing Moore's (1966), Anderson's (1974), and Skocpol's (1979) explanations of the French Revolution—all grounded in material conditions— I argue that interests and ideas must both be present before revolution or other political action occurs. If correct, the argument suggests the importance of ideas in the study of revolution and, more broadly, all social and political movement and change.
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Orekhov, A. M. « Justice and lawmaking : Social-philosophical aspect ». RUDN Journal of Sociology 22, no 4 (30 décembre 2022) : 983–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2272-2022-22-4-983-989.

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The article presents an overview of the event organized by the Higher School of Economics (NRU HSE) on December 1, 2021 - a round table “Justice and Lawmaking” as a part of the subproject “Ethics and Law: Mechanisms of Mutual Influence” of the “Applied Ethics” project with the participation of representatives of Russian universities. The article presents the main ideas of the participants of different specialties - lawyers, political scientists, philosophers and international affairs. They considered various aspects and a wide range of issues: diagnostics of social justice in Russia, the need for a deontology of justice and its risks, justice as an ‘institutional trap’ on the example of Soviet and Russian public law institutions, ideas of distributism as a theory of social welfare, historical-philosophical analysis of ideas and political arguments on the essence and effectiveness of elitism and parliamentarism, philosophical analysis of the concept ‘social justice’ in the philosophy of language, formal semantics, formal pragmatics, etc. The participants discussed the results of a number of applied research related to the issues of the round table, for example, the project on the automated methods for assessing ethics, which is carried out in the Higher School of Economics. As a result, the participants of the round table stated that social justice should be the social-political ideal for the further development of contemporary Russia.
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Raimond, Verlita Evelyn, et Poppy Ruliana. « Social Interaction and Political Communication of Female Politician ». Jurnal Komunikasi Ikatan Sarjana Komunikasi Indonesia 7, no 1 (5 juin 2022) : 43–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.25008/jkiski.v7i1.662.

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The public’s views about the position of women that have not contributed a lot to and have not been much engaged in politics, among others, pose a challenge to women to interact in the social environment as well as to communicate their ideas in politics. While men make up a majority of politicians in Indonesia, only a few women are politicians. The social interaction and political communication of female politicians become a topic that is worth studying. This research focuses on a female politician, Indah Kurnia, who sits in the House Representatives of the Republic of Indonesia (DPR RI). The conceptual and theoretical method used in this study is a theory in the communication science, particularly social interaction and political communication. This research uses qualitative method, particularly in conducting interviews with one primary informant and two additional informants. The result and discussion of this research show that the woman raised in this research is an individual that has a variety of social interactions in the diverse social environment. In addition, she also has typical characteristics of strategy for political communication media covering personal campaign, moderate, comprehensive and more-than--expected appearance, exemplary leadership and concrete work, and music.
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Romanova, I., V. Mladenov et А. Zhukova. « Ideas about religious and political threats in Russian political science and philosophy ». Transbaikal State University Journal 26, no 7 (2020) : 97–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.21209/2227-9245-2020-26-7-97-105.

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The article analyzes the problems of religious threats in the framework of Russian philosophical, theological, sociological, psychological thought. The analysis was carried out based on the provisions of the theory of the social evolution of religion, theory of religious conflict and theory of social adaptation of religion. The results of the analysis showed that the situation of studies of the religious threat within the Russian scientific field is complicated by the active confrontation among authors of publications on this topic. A large group of authors publish works in which they indicate the existence of a threat to national security from all religions that are not considered traditional in Russia. Fulfilling a social order and reflecting their metaphysical beliefs, biased authors classify a wide range of religious groups as dangerous and extremist. On the contrary, another group of researchers publishes materials through which it tries not only to justify the need for scientifically verified research of state-confessional interaction processes, but also to protect the right of believers to exercise the right of religious choice
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Zarqani, Muhammad, et Sayyed Alireza Vaseii. « Alawite government of Tabaristan and its political and social ideas ». Asian Journal of Research in Social Sciences and Humanities 6, no 6 (2016) : 2262. http://dx.doi.org/10.5958/2249-7315.2016.00360.9.

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Shannon, Patrick. « Unconscious Censorship of Social and Political Ideas in Children's Books ». Children's Literature Association Quarterly 12, no 2 (1987) : 103–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/chq.0.0302.

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Лукасік, Ярослав. « POSTMODERNISM – THE MAIN IDEAS AND THEIR SOCIAL AND POLITICAL IMPLICATIONS ». Scientific notes of the National University "Ostroh Academy". Series : Philosophy 1, no 25 (30 novembre 2023) : 30–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.25264/2312-7112-2023-25-30-38.

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The purpose of the article is to show the causal relationship between the philosophical ideas of postmodernism, as well as its cultural expression and the socio-political situation of the modern West, which the author of the article describes as a civilizational decline. The article examines the context of the emergence of postmodernism as the dominant worldview today in the Western world, as well as its main philosophical ideas, such as deconstruction, transgression, anti-logocentrism, loss of trust in metanarratives, skepticism in relation to the concept of truth, moral relativism, and others. The author of the article examines the evolution of postmodernism, which has taken place over the past half century, passing from academia, through various spheres of culture to political activism and the lives of ordinary people. The article places special emphasis on the consequences of postmodern ideas in the social and political life of the West. In this context, the phenomenon of post-truth politics, the sexual revolution, the political polarization of societies, social engineering and, in general, the crisis of Euro-Atlantic civilization are analyzed. Postmodernism is seen as the decadence of European culture. In the conclusion, the context of the war and state-building in Ukraine and the connection of their prospects with the spiritual and civilizational condition of the West appears.
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Chen, Shuyan, et Junhao Zhang. « Exploring the Political Thoughts and Social Influences of Schmitt and Foucault ». Lecture Notes in Education Psychology and Public Media 25, no 1 (28 novembre 2023) : 18–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7048/25/20230255.

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This article mainly discusses the ideas of Schmitt and Foucault and their impact on society. Schmitt and Foucault are both famous thinkers, and their own ideas are very famous. Exploring the differences between the political thoughts of Schmitt and Foucault would be beneficial for scholars to understand their ideas and better know the reasons for the differences. Schmitt used to be a Nazi, and his ideas were sometimes misunderstood. But this does not affect his and Foucault's ideas, which have led to many changes and progress in society. The first part discusses their respective introductions and their thoughts. The second part describes their differences, including differences in views of sovereign roles, the relationship between power and knowledge, different social backgrounds and Political ideologies, and changes to society. The third part is a discussion about their ideas. The final section analyzes the conclusions of these individuals, their views on rights, and concludes which side is better.
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SHI, SHIH-JIUNN. « Reviving the Dragon : Social Ideas and Social Policy Development in Modern China ». Issues & ; Studies 53, no 03 (septembre 2017) : 1750006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1013251117500060.

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Social policy development in China is closely related to the generation and diffusion of social knowledge through which political and social elites define social problems and elaborate policy solutions. Drawing on theoretical insights from the ideational institutionalism, this paper seeks to trace the origin and evolution of the social ideas in order to map common threads spanning different phases of modern Chinese history. It argues that the “social” idea has been essentially shaped by the continuous desire for national resurgence in response to China’s perceived existential crisis triggered by Western imperialism at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries. Starting from the late Qing dynasty, the majority of the Chinese intelligentsia advocated for the restraint of individual rights in the service of promoting a strong statehood able to pursue commonweal and restore national pride. Social policy and social rights appeared more as a means to achieve other elevated goals than as an end in itself. In this light, the contemporary People’s Republic of China represents political undertakings that initially addressed the “national question” using a socialist approach, and later switched to market economic reforms. In various phases, the social ideas have been constantly reframed to accommodate changing political and economic circumstances with profound implications for social welfare developments with a clear disposition in favor of the statist approach.
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STACK, DAVID. « WILLIAM LOVETT AND THE NATIONAL ASSOCIATION FOR THE POLITICAL AND SOCIAL IMPROVEMENT OF THE PEOPLE ». Historical Journal 42, no 4 (décembre 1999) : 1027–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x9900878x.

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This article examines the isomorphic connections between the scientific and political ideas of William Lovett and the National Association for the Political and Social Improvement of the People. It demonstrates that, far from being a mere coincidental device, distinct from his politics, Lovett's scientific ideas helped shape the internal structure of his political radicalism. The same was also true of the National Association more generally. Concepts and assumptions derived from phrenology and physiology served the heuristic function of stimulating the construction of analogous systems which directed and conditioned the version of political radicalism which Lovett and the National Association propagated. This suggests that in the mid-nineteenth century the importance of the organic sciences was more politically subtle than previously thought and that a reconciliation of the ideas of George Combe with political radicalism was possible. This insight is compatible with recent historiographical trends, and opens up new vistas for the study of science in radicalism.
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Morgan, Glenn, et Marco Hauptmeier. « The Social Organization of Ideas in Employment Relations ». ILR Review 74, no 3 (27 janvier 2021) : 773–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019793920987518.

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This article compares how the United States and Germany deregulated labor markets between the 1980s and 2010s in response to the rise of neoliberalism. Building on literature with a focus on ideas and national knowledge regimes, the authors argue that the trajectories of labor market deregulation across the two countries are explained by the distinct social organization of ideas. The latter refers to the actors and institutions involved in the production and dissemination of ideas (including think tanks and public research institutes), their access and ways of communicating to political elites and electorates, levels of shared academic standards across the political divide, and related degrees of competition or cooperation in the production of new knowledge and policy ideas. Moving beyond previous employment relations literature with a focus on institutions and power, the article breaks new theoretical ground by demonstrating how the social organization of ideas is a key intermediary in explaining employment relations change and continuity.
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Crowe, Alicia R. « Exploring ideas in social studies education ». Theory & ; Research in Social Education 48, no 2 (7 janvier 2020) : 307–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00933104.2019.1709007.

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Rashid, Md Majnur. « The Psychosocial, Political Ideology and Social Status of the Visitors of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman Mausoleum Complex at Tungipara of Gopalganj District in Bangladesh : A Sociological Analysis ». International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science VII, no XII (2024) : 1877–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.47772/ijriss.2023.7012145.

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The study conducted with a comprehensive analysis of the psychosocial and political ideologies, as well as social status, of visitors to the Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman Mausoleum Complex in Tungipara, Gopalganj district in Bangladesh. The findings suggest that many people who visit the mausoleum complex are committed to Mujibism, a political ideology that places great emphasis on the ideas and ideals of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. This exemplifies Mujib’s long-lasting impact on the people of Bangladesh and the popularity of his political philosophy. The research also showed that people from a wide range of socioeconomic backgrounds visit the mausoleum complex, but a large percentage are from the middle and lower classes. Mujib’s ideal of social justice resonated with Bangladesh’s working class, as this fact demonstrates. Many of them who visited Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s mausoleum complex expressed their deep regard and adoration for him, as was found in the study. This shows that Mujib remains an icon in Bangladesh, where he continues to inspire and drive the public. The ideas of social justice and democracy that Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman championed are reflected in this research. Mujib, a charismatic leader who devoted his life to fostering the well-being of his countrymen, never gave in to sinister forces, despite having to fight till his last breath. When it comes to human development and organization capacity, Mujib is one of the political philosophers whose ideas still hold up.
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Whyte, Martin King. « Deng Xiaoping : The Social Reformer ». China Quarterly 135 (septembre 1993) : 515–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000013898.

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Deng Xiaoping's legacy as a social reformer can be considered in the context of his ideas regarding the selection and promotion of human talent, and the implications of those ideas for the political and social order. Deng's ideas are contrasted primarily with those of Mao Zedong, even though at many times and in many of the utterances of both men there is little that can be distinguished.
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Krotov, Artem A. « Social and Philosophical Ideas of Napoleon III ». Voprosy Filosofii, no 6 (2023) : 194–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.21146/0042-8744-2023-6-194-204.

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The article is devoted to the analysis of the worldview of Louis Bonaparte, his ideas about the political prospects of mankind, which include generalizing judg­ments about the meaning of the French Revolution, about the significance of Napoleonic rule for social life. Of course, for Louis Bonaparte the theoretical works he wrote served as a means of promoting his own political aspirations, a kind of justification for the ambitions that inspired him, but also a certain philosophical support on the life path. Created by him even before coming to power, they may well be coordinated with the subsequent actions of the new­ly president of the republic, and then the emperor. He attached the most world­view importance to the image of Napoleon, which was interpreted as the focus of the leading lines of social development. Progress, justice, the social hierar­chy determined by merit, the confederation of free European states – these are the main features of the near future in his understanding. Like representatives of Saint-Simonianism, Louis Bonaparte called for the care of the poorest, most suffering class. His social project provided for the creation of agricultural colonies on abandoned, uncultivated sites. The liquidation of unemployment, in his opinion, could eliminate extreme poverty from everyday life. But, unlike Saint-Simon, he attached much greater importance to the role of the state and the centralization of power, did not consider Napoleon to be a defender of the obsolete feudal system. The example of Napoleon III shows a special way of mutual influence of philosophy and power: his social concept was formed primarily as a result of a very specific understanding of the decisions of his illustrious predecessor, this concept embodied an explicit desire for the post of head of state, and at the same time it found, albeit incomplete, reflection in politics of the Second Empire.
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Buchanan, James M. « Ideas, institutions, and political economy : A plea for disestablishment ». Carnegie-Rochester Conference Series on Public Policy 25 (septembre 1986) : 245–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0167-2231(86)90043-6.

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Ramanathan, Renugah, Tan Bee Hoon et Shamala Paramasivam. « Lexis in Political Ideas on Twitter ». International Journal of Applied Linguistics and English Literature 6, no 7 (10 octobre 2017) : 342. http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.ijalel.v.6n.7p.342.

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Ideologies in political discourse have been keen research topics as they provide various views of an issue or event. The prominent aspect of ideology is that it attempts to bridge the political activism to the social world that reflects the authenticity of political figures. This study aims to compare the ideological notions in the political tweets of Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak (henceforth, Najib) and Prime Minister Narendra Modi (henceforth, Modi) during the election campaigns. The discourse between both the political premiers are compared in relation to their active participation on Twitter in Asia. Data were collected over a period of 3 months during the election campaigns of both the countries which were from February to April 2013 in Malaysia and January to March 2014 in India. The study follows the qualitative research design by employing Fairclough’s three dimensional model in analyzing the lexical choices and the formation of ideas. The presence of various ideologies in the tweets portray the consensual power of the political leaders as the citizens accepts the former’s principles, ideologies and moral values. Hence, this study is significant because the study increases political awareness among citizens and provides insights on how language is employed by both leaders from different political coalition. Besides, this study produces knowledge that helps society to understand how 140 character can be a powerful tool in disseminating ideas during national elections and making election a success.
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Petkova, Tatyana V. « Philosophy of Political Ideologies and Trends or What is Political Philosophy ? » Open journal for Studies in Philosophy 6, no 2 (30 décembre 2022) : 73–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.32591/coas.ojsp.0602.04073p.

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This study aims to recall the ideas and activities in the field of political philosophy. It is one of the so-called “practical perspectives of philosophical knowledge”, along with those such as the philosophy of law, social philosophy, ethics, aesthetics, etc. At the basis of the way of construction and reflection in our societies, the social-political-cultural structure are different ideas and religions, and in practice, in modern reality, they are expressed in political ideologies, stereotypes, reminiscences, etc. The structure of the article is: Introduction. “What is political philosophy?”; Philosophy of political ideologies and trends; Political ideologies in the conditions of globalization; Instead of a conclusion. The political ideologies in the conditions of globalization.
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ULE, Andrej. « Harmony as an Ethical and Political Idea ». Asian Studies 7, no 1 (31 janvier 2019) : 115–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/as.2019.7.1.115-128.

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Although the idea of harmony is one of the basic Confucian ideas, two of its key classic authors, Mengzi and Xunzi, emphasised either the ethical-personal or socio-political aspects, respectively, and this contrast was only maintained and deepened in later Chinese history. The socio-political considerations of harmony often considers an ideal state of community to be static, with social and ethical states being preserved, rather than dynamic. On the other hand, personal and spiritual harmony was valued by artists and autonomous thinkers, which often found themselves in conflict with the state. However, an open conflict between these two lines of thought very seldom if at all appeared in traditional China, and thus the differences often remained implicit. A self-cultivated individual without external social support was condemned to social isolation and personal defeat. Even among contemporary Chinese Marxist politicians and theorists, the idea of a “harmonious society” follows Xunzi’s rather legalist emphasis, even if (in Marx view) the term “social harmony” stands for some surface phenomena of seemingly harmonious societal interrelationship, covering up the brutal reality of social and economic contradictions. I argue that not only in China, but also elsewhere, a better balance is needed between the personal and the social ideas of harmony. However, manifesting harmony can become something worthwhile only if it becomes a part of a broader project, namely that of active solidarity based on the reciprocal and universal cultivation of personal dignity and virtuous humaneness.
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Dougherty, Peter J. « Enlightenment ideals and recombinant ideas : Making capitalism work ». American Sociologist 28, no 3 (septembre 1997) : 57–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12108-997-1013-4.

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Anderson, Elisabeth. « Ideas and Politics in Social Science Research ». Contemporary Sociology : A Journal of Reviews 42, no 2 (mars 2013) : 213–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094306113477381b.

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Paul, Lindsay. « The Political Appropriation of Social Capital ». Australian Journal of Primary Health 4, no 2 (1998) : 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/py98020.

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Social capital, both as an abstract and a quantifiable concept, has seized the imagination and interest of social scientists, economists and politicians. Social capital can be regarded as an entity which facilitates the accessibility of the resources in a community. Some current ideas and research in this area are examined to see how these notions can be exploited for political or social advantage. The 1998 conference of the National Carers' Association of Australia provided an opportunity to observe these processes in action. Putnam's theory of social capital and its relation to democracy, some criticisms of his theory and the application of the concept in the context of informal caring are discussed.
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Abbink, Jon. « The Ethiopian Second Republic and the Fragile “Social Contract” ». Africa Spectrum 44, no 2 (août 2009) : 3–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203970904400201.

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Eighteen years after the change of power and the ushering in of the second Ethiopian republic in 1991, the political process in Ethiopia has, according to most observers, rigidified and largely closed the space for representative democracy. This paper will look at the main organizing political ideas or ideology of the current Ethiopian republic and to the nature of its governance techniques in the face of domestic and international challenges with reference to the debate on “failing” or “fragile” states. The new “social contract” defined after 1991 and codified in the 1994 Constitution is precarious. Dissent and ethno-regional resistance to federal policies are dealt with mainly by coercion and discursive isolation. Oppositional forces voice the need for a rethinking of the organizing ideas and institutions of the second republic in order to enhance political consensus and a shared political arena, but get little response. The paper will sketch an interpretation of governance in Ethiopia, focusing on the dilemma of reconciling local and modernist political practices, and will discuss the status of “republican” ideas, in name important in Ethiopia but mostly absent in practice. Explicit debate of these ideas is usually sidelined – also in academic commentaries – in favour of a focus on the ethno-federal ideology of the Ethiopian state.
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Garcés-Velástegui, Pablo. « Development in Latin America : political economies as a matter of culture ». Sociedade e Estado 37, no 3 (septembre 2022) : 931–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0102-6992-202237030008.

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Abstract The growing unrest regarding the social, political, economic and environmental state of affairs in Latin America suggests a deep challenge of the development model. Ideas about development matter because they seek to bring about social states by solving what are regarded as social ills. However, its definition is being increasingly disputed. This article makes sense of that plurality. Applying grid group cultural theory to this debate produces four irreducible ideal-typical worldviews and notions of development: market-led, state-led, multiple community-led, and a mirage.
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Amenta, Edwin, et Qindian Chen. « SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND “SOCIAL SECURITY” : POLICY IDEAS, DISCURSIVE RATIFICATION, AND THE U.S. OLD-AGE PENSION MOVEMENT ». Mobilization : An International Quarterly 27, no 4 (1 décembre 2022) : 445–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-27-4-445.

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Under which conditions can social movements influence discursive struggles over public policies? Policy ideas are embedded in any new movement-relevant legislation, including categories, frames, justifications, and narratives. Moreover, when legislation passes, it receives a “discursive ratification” in the news media, which interprets its meaning. These cultural aspects of legislation define the constituencies of social movements and influence future political group formation and policy development but are not much analyzed by scholars. We argue that it is more difficult for mass movement organizations to influence policy ideas than to influence the political agenda, votes for programs, or monetary upgrades in them because doing so requires different capacities and favorable political contexts. Also, influencing the discursive ratification of policy is more difficult than placing quotes or demands in the news. To illustrate and appraise these arguments, we examine the policy ideas behind and the national news coverage of U.S. old-age legislation during its formative years in the 1930s and 1940s. Specifically, we examine six key episodes in which the old-age pension movement had broad influence over legislative developments. However, only in some instances did the movement influence ideas in old-age policy or its discursive ratification, and sometimes its actions backfired. These analyses show that movements’ favorable influence over the benefits in policy may not translate into cultural influence.
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Cruz, Melany. « ‘a revolt within a revolt’ : feminist political ideas in Chile’s social uprising ». Feminist Review 135, no 1 (novembre 2023) : 61–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/01417789231186974.

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This article analyses the role of feminist activists and feminist political ideas in Chile during the 2019 popular revolt. In the last months of 2019, a popular anti-neoliberal revolt was marked by social protests, violent and nonviolent civil disobedience and political upheaval. Feminists, specifically from the collective Coordinadora Feminista 8 de Marzo (C8M), became central during this period. They not only participated in the organisation of protests and artistic interventions but also helped to install and advance feminist ideas in mainstream public debate. Based on qualitative interviews with feminist activists, conducted between February and April 2021, this article identifies three strands of feminist political ideas that were predominant during and after the popular revolt: 1) autonomism as anti-neoliberal organising; 2) the resurgence of the idea of political-sexual violence; and 3) the link between neoliberalism and the precariousness of life. Following these three strands, this article argues that what occurred in Chile was a feminist revolt, understood as the potencia to transit from concept-building to demand-making in order to push forward feminist horizons as a central political idea.
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Meyer, Christian. « From Clan to Clientelism and Beyond. Changing Elitist Social Networks and Discourses in Premodern China ». Soziale Systeme 25, no 1 (1 août 2022) : 117–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sosys-2020-0004.

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Abstract Ideals about clan (zu 族) have been an essential ingredient in Chinese conceptions of social order since antiquity. It was grounded on a feudal familybased model. However, the change from an ancient feudal to a bureaucratic system implied major changes. In this article I provide a historical overview with a focus on the Northern Song dynasty (960–1126 AD), showing that strong ideas of familialism or clanism were in fact never skipped in pre-modern China but inherited and continuously propagated by Confucianism – including such well-known elements as common ancestor worship. Rather complementing than replacing this family-based model, the later introduction of the civil service system on the political level led to a new clientelism. Furthermore, Confucianism as the hegemonic ideology of imperial China not only extended family-based ideas to a new universalism but also strongly propagated ideas of a common good and impartiality as a corrective to career and family-oriented egoism. In summary, I argue that as a result of a long process of negotiations, Chinese familialism (clanism) as an ideal of basic social structure, the ideal of impartiality and concern for the common good (gong 公) as well as clientelism in the bureaucratic system have coexisted in imperial China for a long time and have produced a particular (path-dependent) blend (and ‘division of labor’) of socio-cultural patterns.
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Chizhkov, Sergey. « The problem of the social ideal in the philosophy of Boris Chicherin ». Polylogos 5, no 3 (17) (2021) : 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s258770110017255-2.

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The article analyzes the concept of the ideal of social life, developed by B.N. Chicherin. The first part of the article examines his criticism of various representations of the social ideal in the history of thought and in socio-economic and political concepts contemporary to Chicherin. Special attention is paid to his analysis and criticism of the social ideal of socialist doctrines. The second part of the article is devoted to the analysis of tendencies in liberal thought, controversial from Chicherin's point of view. It provides Chicherin's criticism of the notions of social liberalism emerging at the end of the 19th century. In the third part, an analysis of his own concept is given, Chicherin's ideas about the ways of forming a society based on individual freedom are considered, and the social role of ideas about the social ideal is analyzed.
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Tullberg, Jan, et Birgitta S. Tullberg. « Proportionalism or liberalism—Two ideas of social justice ». Politikon 33, no 2 (août 2006) : 147–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589340600884576.

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Brady, William J., Julian A. Wills, John T. Jost, Joshua A. Tucker et Jay J. Van Bavel. « Emotion shapes the diffusion of moralized content in social networks ». Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 114, no 28 (26 juin 2017) : 7313–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1618923114.

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Political debate concerning moralized issues is increasingly common in online social networks. However, moral psychology has yet to incorporate the study of social networks to investigate processes by which some moral ideas spread more rapidly or broadly than others. Here, we show that the expression of moral emotion is key for the spread of moral and political ideas in online social networks, a process we call “moral contagion.” Using a large sample of social media communications about three polarizing moral/political issues (n = 563,312), we observed that the presence of moral-emotional words in messages increased their diffusion by a factor of 20% for each additional word. Furthermore, we found that moral contagion was bounded by group membership; moral-emotional language increased diffusion more strongly within liberal and conservative networks, and less between them. Our results highlight the importance of emotion in the social transmission of moral ideas and also demonstrate the utility of social network methods for studying morality. These findings offer insights into how people are exposed to moral and political ideas through social networks, thus expanding models of social influence and group polarization as people become increasingly immersed in social media networks.
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Vickery, Walter N., et Sam Driver. « Pushkin : Literature and Social Ideas ». Russian Review 50, no 3 (juillet 1991) : 353. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/131080.

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Lobato, Mirta Zaida. « Las rutas de las ideas : «cuestión social», feminismos y trabajo femenino ». Revista de Indias 73, no 257 (16 avril 2013) : 131–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/revindias.2013.006.

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Yasmeen, Kausar, Ambreen Anjum et Kashifa Yasmeen. « Role Model has an Impact on Fan’s Social view, Political view, Educational level, Motivation and Thoughts ». International Journal of Industrial Marketing 1, no 2 (11 août 2011) : 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijim.v1i1.861.

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The aim of this study is to evaluate the impact of role model upon fan’s social view, political view, educational level, motivation and thoughts. Results of this study are drawn through a survey where Fatima Bhutto is taken as a role model and her fans are included in the survey. Research results proves that an ideal personality changes our thoughts, believes and ideas regarding our social, political, educational and motivational decisions.
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Little, Daniel. « Socialist Morality : Towards a Political Philosophy for Democratic Socialism ». Social Philosophy and Policy 6, no 2 (1989) : 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052500000613.

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There has been much discussion in recent years of the role of moral ideas within Marxism. Marx's stringent criticisms of purely philosophical inquiry impose rather narrow limits on the form which a Marxian moral philosophy might take. For Marx often holds that moral ideas and moral theorizing are irremediably ideological. By this Marx appears to mean that moral ideas are part and parcel of a system of class domination, a way of preserving class domination through internalized norms. As many recent commentators have shown, however, these criticisms of moral reasoning, though present in Marx's system, cannot be the beginning and end of his stance on moral matters. For Marx himself is committed to making normative judgments about capitalism and socialism, and there is a richly textured set of normative ideas that run through his writings from early to late. Further, and perhaps more compellingly, there is a pressing need internal to Marxism for discussion of moral ideas in order to steer the course towards the attainment of socialism.
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Sukharev, Mikhail. « Ideomaterial Polysystems and Politics ». Национальная безопасность / nota bene, no 6 (juin 2022) : 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0668.2022.6.38969.

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The subject of the study is the interaction of the ideal and material components of political, cultural and socio-economic processes influencing them in large socio-economic systems such as religions, sciences, ethnic groups, regions and states. The concept of social ideo-material polysystems (SMPS) is proposed. IMPS are holistic systems that include social, cultural and economic components that make up a complex society. A feature of such systems is that some of the elements of these systems are material, and some are ideal. A polysystem is a supersystem consisting of fuzzy irregularly interacting ideo-material systems (IMS). It is substantiated that IMPS, consisting of people, artifacts and biological organisms, form integrity due to the system of ideas that unites them. It is the systems of ideas that give meaning to social IMPS, uniting communities, determining their behavior and direction of development. Approaches to the quantitative study of ideal subsystems of IMSI are proposed. Methods: use of systemic, holistic, evolutionary and informational approaches. The highest type of IMSI are civilizations, the most complex known systems in the Universe. A feature of such systems is that some of the elements of these systems are material, and some are ideal. IMS, consisting of people, artifacts and, in some cases, animals and plants, form integrity due to the system of ideas that unites them. These ideal systems manage social IMS, unite communities, determine their behavior and direction of development. IMS are very diverse: they can be scientific communities in which science brings together scientists, scientific instruments, theory, texts, social institutions, buildings; these can be religions in which the scripture unites priests, parishioners, temples, sacred texts and attributes. The complex of ideas on which these systems are based is of a holistic character. Conclusions: The proposed concept of ideo-material polysystems can be used to deepen the study of political systems.
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Knapowski, Stanisław. « A Social History of the Ideas of the Paris Commune ». Praktyka Teoretyczna, no 4(46) (12 janvier 2023) : 221–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/prt.2022.4.8.

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Review of the book Commun-Commune: penser la Commune de Paris (1871), published on the 150th anniversary of the Paris Commune. The author of the publication aims to reconstruct the entire spectrum of political ideas circulating in “Free Paris” in the spring of 1871. The analysis is carried out from the perspective of the political practices and participants of events. The content of the studied ideas is considered only through the methods of their use and the consequences which influenced history. In the review this is interpreted as a manifestation of thinking close to the theoretical concept of the “social history of ideas”. Another important aspect of the reviewed book is the reflections on the politics of memory and legends, i.e. a mythologized approach to the past understood as a source of cognitive errors that hinder the proper understanding of events.
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Hubík, S. « Social and cultural logic of regionalism ». Agricultural Economics (Zemědělská ekonomika) 48, No. 2 (29 février 2012) : 93–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.17221/5294-agricecon.

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Research into the globalisation processes leads to establishing the set of concepts with the relative heuristic, methodological, and theoretical effectiveness as well as consequent practical effectiveness. Yet, a simple analysis shows this set of concepts as dependent on certain political programmes and projects. Scientific research is not a prirori limited by any other language – except its own, i.e. scientific language. To accept the language of non-scientific discourse means (mostly) to accept the non-scientific logic, too. Scientific establishment of region, community or similar social unit is a matter of logic different from the logic of political programmes or projects. Scientific research seeks logic of a subject (region, e.g.) from outside as well as from inside. That is why ideas and principles of social constructivism would have to play an important role among the scientific research tools. These principles and ideas are not a part of simple language and logic of political programmes and projects. Substitution of scientific language and scientific logic by political ones could lead to a fatal error. A region is the result of social construction, yet the scientific construct of a region is only one dimension of this complex process. This process can be called a social and cultural cartography process and could be based on parallel or complementary research methodologies – on standard methodology (working by means of standard descriptive and analytical quantitative research tools) and on social constructivism methodology (social and cultural cartography). Such complementary research is capable of overcoming relatively naive language and logic of political programmes and projects as well as limited heuristic possibilities of a standard scientific approach.
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Little, Margaret. « Workfare : Why Good Social Policy Ideas Go Bad ». Canadian Journal of Political Science 37, no 3 (septembre 2004) : 750–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423904300107.

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Workfare: Why Good Social Policy Ideas Go Bad, Maeve Quaid, Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2002, pp. 244This book begins with the premise that workfare, properly administered, is good social policy. The author dismisses the moral arguments surrounding this policy: i) that workfare distinguishes the deserving from the undeserving; ii) that workfare is a form of slavery, forcing the poor to work in order to survive; iii) that workfare creates important responsibility for the recipient; iv) that workfare safeguards welfare recipients' status as citizens able to fully participate in a democratic society. These are controversial moral assertions about the merits or demerits of workfare that the author refuses to address. Instead, the author, as an expert in organizational behaviour and human resource management, is interested in whether this policy meets the goals it establishes. If workfare is to lead recipients to greater job prospects then this is the measuring stick that should be used to assess the success of workfare, argues Maeve Quaid.
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Razdyiakonov, Vladislav. « The Revolution of the Spirits for the Spiritual Brotherhood : Russian Spiritualist Movement and Its Social Ideals ». State Religion and Church in Russia and Worldwide 38, no 4 (2020) : 318–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2073-7203-2020-38-4-318-342.

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The article offers a reconstruction of the social ideals of Russian spiritualists. Main sources include texts revealing spiritualists’ ideas about the structure of the spiritual world; structure and characteristics of spiritual circles; and literary works by spiritualists reflecting their social ideals. Although the social and political views of Russian spiritualists were mostly conservative, their ontological views contained elements of social radicalism. The author distinguishes between the two types of spiritualists — rationalists and traditionalists — depending on their attitude towards the Orthodox Church, Christian theology and their specific views about the spiritual world. All spiritualists viewed the society critically as gripped with disease. Rationalist spiritualism was critical towards Christian dogmatic and practice, and although its supporters advocated the preservation of the social and political status quo, they hoped for both gradual social and political transformation and the realization of social ideals in the spiritual world. The traditionalists, despite their commitment to monarchy and the Church institution, expected a millenarian overturn and thus challenged the social and political order. Overall, the spiritualist social ideals are close to communitarian social projects based upon the idea of Christian brotherhood.
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Mchedlova, Elena. « Ideas and ideologies of the XXI century ». Science. Culture. Society 27, no 3 (4 octobre 2021) : 50–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/nko.2021.27.3.5.

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Abstract. The article interprets the modern concept of ideology based on various modernization ideas. It is shown that modern ideas have both a political (often militant), and a spiritual and moral, humanistic orientation. The features of conservatism and neoconservatism are also shown. The opinion that Russia cannot follow the Western path of development has begun to assert itself in the mass consciousness of Russians, as evidenced by the results of sociological surveys. Currently, the "Asian vector" prevails in Russia, suggesting "conservative" ideas and values - order, family, stability, strengthening the role of the state in all spheres of life, etc. Representatives of neoconservatism put forward the idea of freeing the economic sphere from state regulation. Today's ideological discourse concerns topical issues of the socio-cultural development of the country, forms and methods of social transformations, etc. Modern philosophers, sociologists, political scientists talk about the advent of the era of "modern" and "postmodern", but, at the same time, they often rely on classical ideological approaches. Religious ideology is considered in detail. Traditional confessions with great social and cultural authority have formulated holistic conceptual approaches in their new social doctrines, on the basis of which religious organizations can broadcast their ideas, carry out a dialogue on socially significant issues, making every possible use of the constructive part of the spiritual heritage of religions. In today's reality, there is a tendency to involve religious denominations and movements in modern forms of social and political participation.
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