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The Conclusion applies the arguments of the book to a single design: Wren’s western portico of St. Paul’s Cathedral. In the process, the chapter uses Wren’s own method of analysing ancient architectural forms, and does what he did to various ancient buildings to his own most celebrated design. In the detail of the portico we can see how Wren used his knowledge (of ancient architecture) to produce invention in an architectural design, thus proving himself to be (by the standards of the day at least) an Architectus Ingenio.

Chapter 5, the book’s conclusion, draws comparative theoretical lessons from all three cases. It discusses six features of relationships between frenemies: risks to participants’ reputation; reliance on hybrid or compromise frames or goals; focus on single-issue or specific goals; the importance of emotional and personal narratives; lack of more extensive collaboration or institutionalization of the relationships; and outcomes that depend on the relative power of participants. The chapter discusses implications for ongoing policy regarding sex offenders, sex trafficking, and government surveillance. The paths of activism around the case studies have influenced recent issues of sexual assault, including in the military, in colleges and universities. Feminists have influenced these developments, but not alone. Frenemies, including both feminists and conservatives, continue to be engaged in these issues and to shape their paths.

After summarizing the book’ s overall case for an ontological turn in history, the conclusion briefly discusses four wider intellectual implications of this paradigm shift. First, this shift fundamentally changes the way we think about the past, from an ongoing story of a single humanity, inhabiting a single, continuous metaphysical conjuncture, to stories of multiple different humanities, each one inhabiting its own distinct world of experience. Second, the shift duly changes our sense of the relationship between present and past, whereby our modern world is no longer the ultimate telos of our species journey but an exotic metaphysical anomaly, a world that is no more “true to life/nature” than any other. Third, the shift lends significant support to broader calls for a more post-disciplinary intellectual environment, since it implicitly questions the modern metaphysical commitments which undergird our entire apparatus of mainstream knowledge production and its conventional division of intellectual labor. Finally, the paradigm shift can make a significant contribution to contemporary critical theory. By forcing us to take seriously the metaphysical and ontological commitments of extinct past peoples, it raises the possibility of a non-modern critique of the modern. Moreover, by drawing our attention to the past’ s many different ways of being human, it should significantly broaden our capacity to imagine more sustainable, more equitable worlds of the future.

The book concludes by arguing that religious and political discourse is often characterized by the naturalization of monologue. In such discourse, monologism is treated as natural and dialogism becomes the project that requires the most effort—the emergent, fragile attempt that can never fully succeed. It offers examples from sources as diverse as John Wesley’s advice for preaching, Kim Jong-il’s lethal efforts to make all North Koreans speak in a single voice, a wistful Papua New Guinea man’s claim that in the old days people did not speak so much, and an Australian archbishop’s puzzling declaration that dialogue does not require a willingness to compromise.

Baseball did not become gendered as a man’s sport overnight nor did any single group dominate the cultural metanarrative of baseball as it matured from infancy to adolescence during the nineteenth century. Baseball has been used to symbolize “Americanism,” middle-class, Judeo-Christian values, and “manliness.” Though many vied to control the narrative of America’s national pastime, not every group had equal influence on the ultimate character and culture of baseball. By the end of the nineteenth century, men held almost exclusive control of the narrative of “official” baseball, while women controlled a parallel narrative for the baseball-surrogate called “women’s baseball.” This game became the precursor of softball which emerged in its official form during the 1930s.

This concluding chapter offers a synthesis of the law around fitness to stand trial drawn from the different jurisdictions surveyed in the book. While individual jurisdictions have crafted their own solutions to questions of definition, procedure, and disposition, a range of specific issues have come to the fore requiring further analysis and resolution. These include the permissibility or otherwise of compulsorily medicating incapacitated defendants to restore competence, the desirability of disaggregating the unitary test for fitness, the movement from cognition to decision-making capacity as the focus of unfitness, the utility of the decisional competence construct, and the parameters of effective participation. While no single jurisdiction offers an entirely satisfactory way of dealing with the unfit to plead, what the differing approaches show is how important it is to endeavour to find approaches to the problems in the law and procedure in this complex area.

This chapter briefly summarizes the book and its implications for interpreters of the New Testament. The book has argued that conventional virtues like modesty, industry, and loyalty did not negate women’s capacities to own property and act as patrons. Social norms were multiple and complex, and could be applied in different ways depending on the circumstances. Thus, social practices of the period made room for women to exert influence and become leaders and officeholders in their communities. A “modest” woman might be an acknowledged and widely sought leader of her city. This understanding of the cultural context may yield new interpretations of familiar New Testament material. The historical background does not force one single interpretation of any text; readers still face many exegetical decisions. However, the chapter identifies some of the broad implications of the study for New Testament interpretation.

Peace had dominated the discourse on the nature of Roman imperialism as the political institutions of the state were questioned and debated during the civil wars of the 40s and 30s BC, to the slow reformulation of powers around the single person of Augustus. The evolution of an imperial conception of peace from the early stages of the representations of pax augusta during the slow birth of the new political structures to a fully fledged idea of the pax Romana comes to fruition in Vespasian’s templum Pacis by the mid-70s AD and illustrates the integral value and position that peace had gained in a Roman imperial vision. The accomplishment of pax represented not only the stability and security brought to the state in a post-civil war world, but also the control over an Empire that such a peace enabled.

This concluding chapter summarizes key themes and presents some final thoughts. The book has shown that the multiplicity of lived ʻAlawi experiences cannot be reduced to the sole question of religion or framed within a monolithic narrative of persecution; that the very attempt to outline a single coherent history of “the ʻAlawis” may indeed be misguided. The sources on which this study has drawn are considerably more accessible, and the social and administrative realities they reflect consistently more mundane and disjointed, than the discourse of the ʻAlawis' supposed exceptionalism would lead one to believe. Therefore, the challenge for historians of ʻAlawi society in Syria and elsewhere is not to use the specific events and structures these sources detail to merely add to the already existing metanarratives of religious oppression, Ottoman misrule, and national resistance but rather to come to a newer and more intricate understanding of that community, and its place in wider Middle Eastern society, by investigating the lives of individual ʻAlawi (and other) actors within the rich diversity of local contexts these sources reveal.

The chapter summarizes key themes and presents some final thoughts. The aim of this book was to analyze the parodied racial identities—“whites,” “blacks,” and “Indians”—performed in the Afro-Esmeraldian Festival of the Kings. The fundamental theoretical premise has been that festivities are nonstatic texts that are always embedded in ever-changing or evolving sociocultural, economic, and political realities. It illustrated and emphasized that basic fact, valid for any festive reality, by looking at the Festival as it has been performed in two different contexts within one single cultural area (the province of Esmeraldas): the villages of La Tola and Santo Domingo de Ónzole. The book proposed to re-locate the Festival's “texts” within the webs of social relations and social practices that constitute its “contexts.” In doing so, it underscored the importance of “place” and “space” for the study of festivities in general, and of carnivalesque festivities in particular.

This book has examined how the American political media ecosystem figures in discourses on national politics in general and on presidential politics in particular. It has shown that the internet has no single effect on democracy, news media, or people’s ability to distinguish truth from fiction. Instead, “the internet” is really an integral part of two very different media ecosystems, one of which conforms to the very worst fears of those critical of the effects of the internet on democracy and the other combines attention paid to professional media still pursuing norm-constrained journalism with diverse outlets for mobilization, challenging agenda setting and questioning the mainstream media narrative. These findings suggest that the very introduction of the internet and social media does not itself put pressure on democracy as such, but they also imply that there is no easy fix for epistemic crisis in countries where a hyperpartisan, propaganda-rich environment exists.

The backstudio picture is a long-lived genre. Its value, I have argued, arises from its function in defining what Hollywood signifies as a place, an industry, and a fantasy. For some filmmakers, a backstudio story has no doubt offered them a venue for settling scores or exploring cinematic creativity. But I have for the most part discounted the personal intentions of individuals throughout this book and instead have focused on the backstudio picture as a product turned out with great regularity from the silent era to the present day. The genre’s importance exceeds the commercial success or failure of individual backstudios at the box office, moreover, since it has been a cumulative phenomenon, the effect of numerous backstudios coming out in a single year time and time again. Viewed as a robust genre, the backstudio picture has worked to keep visible the centrality of Hollywood to American filmmaking....

Chapter 14 examines entangled quantum systems, hidden variable theories and Bell’s inequality. In 1935, Einstein and collaborators, postulating the existence of elements of reality, analyzed an entangled system and concluded that quantum theory was incomplete. Their analysis is described using spin singlets, which are entangled states of two spin ½ particles. A possible avoidance of their conclusion is by using hidden variable theories. In analyzing a class of local hidden variable theories, John Bell derived an equality that could test them. This was done by experiments using entangled photons; their results violated the inequality, thereby establishing that quantum mechanics, not local hidden variable theories, is the correct description. Later theoretical analysis, and relevant experimental results, strongly supported this. A further theoretical analysis, involving just a single measurement, led to a pronounced conclusion: farewell to the elements of reality. Ditto as well to the spooky-action-at-a-distance problem that had so bothered Einstein.

In this chapter we discuss the ways in which work–family researchers can better include underrepresented populations in work–family scholarship. Extant research on five example populations is reviewed: low-income workers; immigrants; lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender individuals; single parents; and formerly incarcerated individuals. Methodological challenges are reviewed that contribute to the underrepresentation of such populations in the work–family field. In conclusion, we draw themes common among these populations and present recommendations for expanding work–family research to include more diverse population characteristics.

This article introduces three arguments that share a single conclusion: that a comprehensive science of language cannot (and should not try to) describe relations of semantic reference, i.e. word–world relations. Spelling this out, if there is to be a genuine science of linguistic meaning (yielding theoretical insight into underlying realities, aiming for integration with other natural sciences), then a theory of meaning cannot involve assigning external, real-world, objects to names, nor sets of external objects to predicates, nor truth values (or world-bound thoughts) to sentences. Most of the article tries to explain and defend this broad conclusion. The article also presents, in a very limited way, a positive alternative to external-referent semantics for expressions. This alternative has two parts: first, that the meanings of words and sentences are mental instructions, not external things; second, that it is people who refer (and who express thoughts) by using words and sentences, and word/sentence meanings play but a partial role in allowing speakers to talk about the world.

This conclusion uses a single scene from Willa Cather’s novel The Professor’s House to link sexuality, pain, and the articulation of queer history. It argues that former student Tom Outland, a figure of queer survival’s simultaneous potency and precarity, ultimately teaches Professor Godfrey St. Peter how, by letting go, to love a man and write history. Outland demonstrates how the suffering inherent in queer survival is also the engine of queer narrativity, the means by which queer knowledge and embodiment get articulated and transmitted across generations without the support of traditional kinship circuits and reproductive technologies.

Unrevolutionary Mexico addresses how the Mexican Revolution (1910-1940) turned into a capitalist dictatorship of exceptional resilience. While soldiers seized power across the rest of Latin America, in modern Mexico the civilians of a single party moved punctiliously in and out of office for seventy-one years. The book uses the histories of the states of Guerrero and Veracruz as entry points to explore the origins and consolidation of this unique authoritarian state on both provincial and national levels. An empirically rich reconstruction of over sixty years of modernization and revolution (1880-1945) revises prevailing ideas of a pacified Mexico and establishes the 1940s as a decade of faltering governments and enduring violence. The book then assesses the pivotal changes of the mid-twentieth century, when a new generation of lawyers, bureaucrats and businessmen joined with surviving revolutionaries to form the Partido Revolucionario Institucional, which held uninterrupted power until 2000. Thematic chapters analyse elections, development, corruption and high and low culture in the period. The central role of military and private violence is explored in two further chapters that measure the weight of hidden coercion in keeping the party in power. In conclusion, the combination of provincial and national histories reveals Mexico as a place where soldiers prevented coups, a single party lost its own rigged elections, corruption fostered legitimacy, violence was concealed but decisive, and ambitious cultural control co-existed with a critical press and a disbelieving public. In conclusion, the book demonstrates how this strange dictatorship thrived not despite but because of its contradictions.

The focus of this chapter is on the application of the Cost-Benefit Principle to technological issues. Cost-benefit analysis is not a single, well-defined methodology but rather a set of slightly different, formalized techniques for weighing costs against benefits in a systematic manner. Four criteria for mainstream cost-benefit analysis are stated, and a paradigm case to which all those techniques are applicable is identified. How the Cost-Benefit Principle can take rights and other deontological constraints into account in a systematic manner is also explained. The conclusion is that the Cost-Benefit Principle can be accepted by consequentialists as well as many nonconsequentialists.

This chapter offers a critical look at the literature on one of the core questions driving the study of local politics—namely who or what governs local democracy. I outline the different theories, summarize key empirical contributions, and highlight remaining barriers. Partly because existing studies have either focused too narrowly or have been unable to test each of the different theoretical perspectives against other in a single model, the literature has not yet provided a clear answer to this question. In the conclusion, I highlight some potentially rewarding research areas that emerge from these gaps in the literature or from recent demographic or technological transformations.

This chapter argues that the study of the geographical distribution of crimes is significantly enriched when it takes into account the location of offender residences, especially high offender-rate neighborhoods. It first explains why the study of high offender neighborhoods is vital to the study of the criminology of place, both in explanatory terms and as regards implications for crime prevention. It then shows that high offender neighborhoods are not all the same, and that the single concept of social disorganization is not adequate to explain these differences. The conclusion summarizes the argument and considers its implications for the important question of the optimum units of analysis in the study of environmental criminology.

In the past, detection of brain metastases signaled the conclusion of aggressive systemic treatment and shifted the focus of care toward palliation. The median survival for patients with single brain metastasis without brain-directed treatment is about a month. Whole brain radiation therapy was the traditional palliative treatment utilized, offering an additional 2 to 5 months. More recently, in addition to whole brain irradiation, the roles of surgery, stereotactic radiosurgery, chemotherapy, and targeted therapies in the definitive management of brain metastases have been investigated in numerous studies. In selected patients, the use of aggressive local therapies can be associated with long survival and good quality of life. This chapter discusses the current state of the art therapeutic options for brain metastases.

Drawing on Plato’s and Aristotle’s ethics, Iris Murdoch and John McDowell argue that virtue is best conceived as a sensitivity. According to this account, and against the modern conception of virtue as strength of will, virtue is a single cognitive-motivational sensitivity to moral requirements. It equips the agent to discern what is morally required and ensures that she is motivated accordingly. The sensitivity conception of virtue rejects the modern aspiration to codify moral requirements but defends the objectivity of those requirements. It thus builds on classical moral psychology to offer an alternative to modern approaches to ethics and to moral skepticism. The chapter offers a sympathetic reconstruction of the sensitivity account, and its conclusion suggests one way to develop it.

We first discuss several qualitative properties of confirmation as analyzed in a probabilistic framework. Some of these properties are classical, while others are relatively novel; some are shared by absolute and incremental confirmation, others are distinctive for each kind. We then proceed to address axiomatic characterizations of major classes of probabilistic measures of incremental confirmation. This treatment includes an original result displaying how conditions which single out the traditional probability difference measure up to ordinal equivalence. Finally, we argue that the longstanding project of a compelling confirmation-theoretic generalization of logical entailment (and refutation) can be achieved, provided that the right explicatum is adopted (to wit, a relative distance measure). This conclusion, we submit, dispels concerns that have been aired in the literature up to recent times.

Based on the Synchronic Grammaticalisation Hypothesis and the theory of the syntax of events, this chapter explores the syntactic nature of the Chinese non-canonical object construction. The object in this construction is introduced by a null P, which is incorporated into the verbal head position, and a lexical verb serves as a functional item, vDO. This account is extended to the analysis of the motion event construction in Chinese. It involves the incorporation of a P into the verbal head position filled with a vDO in the form of a lexical verb. The only difference is that this P is phonologically overt. Therefore, the [V+Path] chunk in Chinese is a single lexical item. This means that the Chinese motion event construction by nature patterns with its counterpart in verb-framed languages, a conclusion that goes against the common assumption that Chinese is a satellite-framed language.

Given that a single cent seemingly cannot make the difference between being rich and not rich, the sorites paradox purports to show that either everyone is rich or no one is. In this chapter, the logical principles needed to derive the sorites paradox are clarified. Some views solve the sorites paradox by weakening those logical principles. Often the blame is placed on the law of excluded middle. Although the law of excluded middle has some contentious instances, it is argued that the sorites paradox can be derived without them, and that the violence to ordinary reasoning is more far-reaching than is sometimes recognized. Others accept the conclusion that everyone is rich or no one is. Two versions of these views, a semantic version and radical version, are distinguished and it is argued that they either are untenable, or do not solve the original, non-semantic, version of the sorites paradox.

This chapter gives three examples of real neural computation. The conclusion is that the “brain doesn’t work by logic.” First, is the Limulus (horseshoe crab) lateral eye. The neural process of “lateral inhibition” tunes the neural response of the compound eye to allow crabs to better see other crabs for mating. Second, the retina of the frog contains cells that are selective to specific properties of the visual image. The frog responds strongly to the moving image of a bug with one class of selective retinal receptors. Third, experiments on patients undergoing neurosurgery for epilepsy found single neurons in several cortical areas that were highly selective to differing images, text strings, and spoken names of well-known people. In addition, new selective responses could be formed quickly. The connection to concepts in cognitive science seems inevitable. One possible mechanism is through associatively linked “cell assemblies.”

Suppose several individuals (e.g., experts on a panel) each assign probabilities to some events. How can these individual probability assignments be aggregated into a single collective probability assignment? This chapter is a review of several proposed solutions to this problem, focusing on three salient proposals: linear pooling (the weighted or unweighted linear averaging of probabilities), geometric pooling (the weighted or unweighted geometric averaging of probabilities), and multiplicative pooling (where probabilities are multiplied rather than averaged). Axiomatic characterizations of each class of pooling functions are presented (most characterizations are classic results, but one is new), with the argument that linear pooling can be justified “procedurally” but not “epistemically”, while the other two pooling methods can be justified “epistemically”. The choice between them, in turn, depends on whether the individuals' probability assignments are based on shared information or on private information. In conclusion a number of other pooling methods are mentioned.

This chapter seeks to evaluate the relative merits of two competing views of how lexical insertion should work in a nanosyntactic framework. One view holds that a sequence of heads meeting certain conditions, a “span,” can be replaced by a single morpheme even when those heads do not form a constituent in the input tree. The other view allows lexical insertion only to target constituents. The article focuses on certain properties of portmanteau prefixes identified by investigating the nominal class prefixes in Bantu languages. Accounting for portmanteau prefixes looks like a serious challenge to the theory restricting lexical insertion to constituents. They can be accommodated by positing only a richer syntactic structure than is usual. However, various empirical arguments show that the richer syntactic structure is in fact needed in an analysis of the nominal class prefixes in Bantu and that this conclusion extends to class prefixes in other languages.

Core body temperature is strictly regulated by autonomic and behavioural compensatory adaptations and an increase may represent a physiological stereotypical controlled response to septic and inflammatory conditions, or an uncontrolled drop in the hypothalamic thermoregulatory threshold. Fever has been demonstrated to be a potential mechanism of intrinsic resistance against infectious disease playing a pivotal role in the human evolution. High temperature may be detrimental during oxygen delivery-dependent conditions and in a neurological population. Despite this evidence, a definitive conclusion, between the association of fever and the outcome in critically-ill patients, is still lacking. The decision-making strategy in the context of fever management in critical care must be supported by single case assessment. This chapter summarizes the main physiological mechanisms of temperature control that physicians should consider when dealing with fever or deliberate hypothermia and analyses the main evidence in the role of fever in the critically ill in order to help bedside clinical strategy.

Cultivating Dynamic Educators: Case Studies in Teacher Behavior Change in Africa and Asia responds to growing recognition by international education professionals, policy makers, and funding partners of the need for qualified teachers and interest in the subject of teacher professional development (also referred to as “teacher behavior change”). The book responds to important questions that are fundamental to improving teaching quality by influencing teaching practice. These questions include: How do we provide high-quality training at scale? How do we ensure that training transfers to change in practice? What methods are most cost-effective? How do we know what works? The book includes case studies describing different approaches to teacher behavior change and illustrates how specific implementation choices were made for each context. Individual chapters document lessons learned as well as methodologies used for discerning lessons. The key conclusion is that no single effort is enough on its own; teacher behavior change requires a system-wide view and concerted, coordinated inputs from a range of stakeholders.

Is cancer one or many? If many, how many diseases is cancer, exactly? I argue that this question makes a false assumption; there is no single “natural” classificatory scheme for cancer. Rather, there are many ways to classify cancers, which serve different predictive and explanatory goals. I consider two philosophers’ views concerning whether cancer is a natural kind, that of Khalidi, who argues that cancer is the closest any scientific kind comes to a homeostatic property cluster kind, and that of Lange, whose conclusion is the opposite of Khalidi’s; he argues that cancer is at best a “kludge” and that advances in molecular subtyping of cancer hail the “end of diseases” as natural kinds. I consider several alternative accounts of natural or “scientific” kinds, the “simple causal view,” the “stable property cluster” view, and “scientific kinds,” and argue that the diverse aims of cancer research require us to embrace a much more pluralistic view.

Starting off with the unique story of the Buddha and leisure park designed in rural Louisiana, the conclusion argues that despite many problems with large comparative projects Buddhist Studies, the amusement parks, memorials, museums, and gardens described in the book as a whole share many qualities. They generally lack formal, formidable, ritual, ecclesiastical, or sectarian boundaries. They make little sustained effort to be “authentic.” These sites emphasize display, performance, and juxtaposition and anachronistic mixing (not systematic reconstruction) of various Buddhist cultures, teachings, languages, objects, and symbols. This is important, because it provides us with a completely different image of contemporary Buddhism that emphasizes innovation and ecumenism instead of purity and authenticity. These sites present different Buddhist traditions, images, and aesthetic expressions as united but not uniform, collected but not concise—a gathering not a movement. By eschewing the local and authentic in favor of the timeless, ecumenical, and universal, they become difficult to categorize. They make visual statements for sure, even if they don’t attempt to create single messages or provide coherent teachings.

The repeating history thesis is a repeating topic of historiography. People who like this thesis usually begin with misquoted Edmund Burke as having said, “Those who don’t know history are doomed to repeat it”. Similar quote, “Those cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it”, from George Santayana book The Life of Reason (1905-1906). The phrase has become so well-known and catchy that Rene Magritte used it for a title of his famous painting. Very similar saying has been attributed to Winston Churchill. Is history repeating remains a debatable issue. Nevertheless, such belief is widespread, and has a great impact upon political and other decisions. Is there a plausible connection between events in 1941 and 1991 in ex-Yugoslavia? Did the legacy of WWII somehow influence next war in the region? Do we live within the vicious circle of a single historical tragedy, at least in collective memory? Or such perspective is an essentialist simplification and self-justification? Does such an approach imply determinism and avoiding of the responsibility for each generation. Be as it may, Derrida introduced the term hauntology in which the past and its “ghosts” haunt the present, often in elusive and uncanny way. If 1941 and 1991 are not parts of the same tragedy, they could be part of the “omnibus” film tied by a single theme. This theme is double breakup of Yugoslavia. These studies are invitation for further discussion, rather than some final conclusion.

Scientists were unable to study the relation of brain to mind until the invention of technologies that measured the brain activity accompanying psychological processes. Yet even with these new tools, conclusions are tentative or simply wrong. This book describes five conditions that place serious constraints on the ability to predict mental or behavioral outcomes based on brain data: the setting in which evidence is gathered, the expectations of the subject, the source of the evidence that supports the conclusion, the absence of studies that examine patterns of causes with patterns of measures, and the habit of borrowing terms from psychology. The book describes the importance of context, and how the experimental setting—including the room, the procedure, and the species, age, and sex of both subject and examiner—can influence the conclusions. It explains how subject expectations affect all brain measures; considers why brain and psychological data often yield different conclusions; argues for relations between patterns of causes and outcomes rather than correlating single variables; and criticizes the borrowing of psychological terms to describe brain evidence. Brain sites cannot be in a state of “fear.” A deeper understanding of the brain's contributions to behavior, the book argues, requires investigators to acknowledge these five constraints in the design or interpretation of an experiment.

What if the job of police was to cultivate the political will of a community to live with itself (rather than enforce law, keep order, or fight crime)? This book describes a world where that is the case. The Republic of China on Taiwan spent nearly four decades as a single-party state under dictatorial rule (1949–1987) before transitioning to liberal democracy. This book describes the social life of a neighborhood police station during the first rotation in executive power following the democratic transition. It shows an apparent paradox of how a strong democratic order was built on a foundation of weak police powers, and demonstrates how that was made possible by the continuity of an illiberal idea of policing. The conclusion from this paradox is that the purpose of the police was to cultivate the political will of the community rather than enforce laws and keep order. As the book shows, the police force in Taiwan exists as an “anthropological fact,” bringing an order of reality that is always, simultaneously and inseparably, meaningful and material. It unveils the power of this fact, demonstrating how the politics of sentiment that took shape under autocratic rule continued to operate in everyday policing in the early phase of the democratic transformation, even as a more democratic mode of public reason and the ultimate power of legal right were becoming more significant.

Criminal Justice is popularly conceptualised as a pursuit of the truth. This book considers the extent to which this view reflects reality by exploring a number of key themes. The ‘pursuit of truth’ suggests an obtainable, single truth and the book considers the extent to which truth is a far more complex, nuanced phenomenon. Often the criminal process appears to be more about constructing a narrative and telling a convincing story. The book explores the extent to which a pursuit of truth can conflict with other values such as justice and the protection of human rights, with particular focus on illegally obtained evidence and confessions. The concluding chapters discuss the extent to which the pursuit of truth has shaped the modern trial process and assesses alternative approaches to criminal justice including restorative justice and truth commissions. The conclusion highlights some fundamental themes in the book and points to the limitations of the current criminal justice system not only in terms of establishing truth but in terms of realising significant social benefit. Three areas of focus are taken to assess the current system’s ability to find the truth: blame, juvenile justice, and the pursuit of justice. The book argues that the current criminal process adopts a person, rather than a system, approach to bad events with a focus on identifying individuals to blame rather than addressing the wider problems resulting from crime.

Much is conserved in vertebrate evolution, but significant changes in the nervous system occurred at the origin of vertebrates and in most of the major vertebrate lineages. This book examines these innovations and relates them to evolutionary changes in other organ systems, animal behavior, and ecological conditions at the time. The resulting perspective clarifies what makes the major vertebrate lineages unique and helps explain their varying degrees of ecological success. One of the book’s major conclusions is that vertebrate nervous systems are more diverse than commonly assumed, at least among neurobiologists. Examples of important innovations include not only the emergence of novel brain regions, such as the cerebellum and neocortex, but also major changes in neuronal circuitry and functional organization. A second major conclusion is that many of the apparent similarities in vertebrate nervous systems resulted from convergent evolution, rather than inheritance from a common ancestor. For example, brain size and complexity increased numerous times, in many vertebrate lineages. In conjunction with these changes, olfactory inputs to the telencephalic pallium were reduced in several different lineages, and this reduction was associated with the emergence of pallial regions that process non-olfactory sensory inputs. These conclusions cast doubt on the widely held assumption that all vertebrate nervous systems are built according to a single, common plan. Instead, the book encourages readers to view both species similarities and differences as fundamental to a comprehensive understanding of nervous systems.

The case for a modern democratic humane socialism typically has two parts. The first is that capitalism is bad, at or least not very good. In reaching this conclusion, most have either analyzed a theoretical ideal-type of capitalism or used a single country, often the United States, as a stand-in for capitalism. To fully and fairly assess democratic socialism’s desirability, we need to compare it to the best version of capitalism that humans have devised: social democratic capitalism, or what is often called the Nordic model. Each chapter in this book examines one of the things that we should want in a good society, that contemporary democratic socialists typically say they want, and that socialism might, conceivably, improve our ability to achieve: an end to poverty in rich countries, an end to poverty everywhere, more jobs, decent jobs, faster economic growth, inclusive growth, more public goods and services, affordable healthcare for all, helpful finance, truly democratic politics, economic democracy, less economic inequality, gender and racial equality, more community, and a livable planet. The book offers a close look at the evidence about how capitalist economies have performed on these outcomes, with particular attention to the performance of social democratic capitalism. The second part of the case for democratic socialism is the notion that it would be an improvement. For each of these outcomes, the book considers what, if anything, we can conclude about whether democratic socialism would do better than social democratic capitalism.

In the early 2000s, the US monetary policy committee, as well as other central banks around the world, began using “forward guidance,” or changes in their statement language, to signal policy changes. Underlying this shift toward clearer communication was the idea that more comprehensible monetary policy would lead to better economic performance and lower inflation. The first three chapters of this book argue that, rather than being a lofty goal set by altruistically motivated policy makers, transparency depends on the configuration of committee members’ preferences. Monetary policy committees that have central bankers with opposing preferences are argued to communicate more precisely compared to either a single decision maker or central bankers with more similar preferences. Precise communication is then shown to have positive effects by lowering inflation. Shifting focus and using data from the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC), chapter 4 presents evidence that committees with opposing preferences use a lower share of uncertainty words in policy statements and make more numerous changes to public announcements. Chapter 5 shows that households in Germany change their inflation expectations when given more precise central bank information. And chapter 6 shows that the level of precision in inflation-related news articles is negatively related to inflation in a sample of countries from Latin America. In conclusion, this book offers a new way of thinking about central bank committees and transparency. It finds that appointing a more policy-diverse central bank committee can encourage intercommittee governance and accountability as well as better economic performance.

The purpose of this book is to investigate how conservative and progressive Christians use their political attitudes and theological beliefs to define their social out-groups and shape their social identities. The core question is how political and theological values play a role in the construction of social identities of conservative and progressive Christians and how those identities have resulted in a religious schism. A mixed-methods approach is utilized to explore this question. Results from a national survey indicate that progressive Christians reject conservative Christians more than they reject non-Christian groups after the application of social and demographic controls. Content analysis of blogs and articles and also interviews with progressive and conservative Christians, with attention to their attitudes toward Islam, show that progressive Christians prioritize a humanistic ethic of social justice while conservative Christians prioritize a historical theology emphasizing biblical inerrancy and doctrines. The social identity of progressive Christians centers on values of tolerance and inclusion for those perceived as marginalized in Western culture and their political activism coincides with their emphasis on socioeconomic factors as the most influential motivators for behavior. In contrast, the social identity of conservative Christians is centered on the idea of living a “biblical” lifestyle perceived to be in obedience to God. The conclusion is that the social identities and manner in which conservative and progressive Christians deal with questions of meaning are so dissimilar that it is time to consider whether they have become distinctive religious groups rather than subgroups under a single religious umbrella.

The book of well-known Russian scientists systematically presents a new theoretical approach to studying nature's fundamental phenomena using the hypothesis of the physical vacuum, or the ether, as some environment in which all the processes develop. In the proposed studies, the ether is represented as some one-component continuous media that satisfies generally accepted conservation laws: of matter and momentum. From the appropriate two equations, a number of consequences are obtained to which a physical interpretation is given. For the first time, 150 years after studies of Faraday and Maxwell, it is shown that these single premises mathematically give basic physical laws established experimentally: the Maxwell equations, the Lorentz force, the Gauss theorem; the laws: Coulomb, Biot - Savard, Ampere, electromagnetic induction, Ohm, Joule - Lenz, Wiedemann - Franz, universal gravitation, and etc. Details of mechanisms of many processes, that seemed previously paradoxical, have been disclosed. A method of the model substantiation adopted in the mathematical modeling methodology allows to conclude that the presented mathematical model of the ether adequately describes electromagnetic and gravitational processes. Qualitative and quantitative analysis of hundreds of known and new experimental facts allows in the methodology of physics, as science summarizing the experiments data, to confirm a conclusion about the existence of the ether (physical vacuum). The content of the book is based on the works of authors done during the last fourteen years. Many results are published for the first time. The book is intended for specialists in the field of electrodynamics, electrical engineering, gravity and kinetics, as well as for graduate students and students, interested in the fundamental principles of these scientific directions. This book is unique in terms of the comprehensive consideration of the problem and the depth of its analysis.

In Canada, an unacceptable number of women live below the poverty threshold. Some subgroups of women, such as Indigenous, visible minorities, immigrants and refugees, older adults, and single mothers are more likely to live in poverty, as they face multiple systemic barriers preventing their financial stability. Further, socioeconomic status, employment, gender, and access to healthcare and social services negatively impact women’s well-being and health. Yet little is known about how these factors affect healthcare behaviours and experiences for women living on a low income. Our goal is to describe and understand how gender and income influence access to healthcare and social services for women living on a low income. Methods: Partnered with a not-for-profit organization, we explored the experiences of women living on a low income in Kingston, Canada. Using participatory, art-based research and hermeneutic phenomenological approaches, our data collection methods included photovoice, semi-structured interviews and culture circles. A purposive sample was recruited. Analysis was conducted following the social determinants of health framework by Loppie-Reading and Wien. Results: Participants perceived the healthcare and social services systems as unnecessarily complex, disrespectful, and dismissive–one where they are mere spectators without voice. They do not feel heard. They also identified problematic issues regarding living conditions, housing, and fresh food. Despite these experiences, participants are resilient and optimistic. Implications: Learning from participants has indicated priority issues and potential, pragmatic solutions to begin incremental improvements. Changing system design to enable self-selection of food items is one example. Conclusion: For an individual to feel others view them as unworthy of care, especially if those ‘others’ are the care providers, is ethically and morally distressing–and it certainly does not invite system-use. While our early findings reveal considerable system improvements are required, we are inspired by and can learn from the strength of the participants.

In Canada, an unacceptable number of women live below the poverty threshold. Some subgroups of women, such as Indigenous, visible minorities, immigrants and refugees, older adults, and single mothers are more likely to live in poverty, as they face multiple systemic barriers preventing their financial stability. Further, socioeconomic status, employment, gender, and access to healthcare and social services negatively impact women’s well-being and health. Yet little is known about how these factors affect healthcare behaviours and experiences for women living on a low income. Our goal is to describe and understand how gender and income influence access to healthcare and social services for women living on a low income. Methods: Partnered with a not-for-profit organization, we explored the experiences of women living on a low income in Kingston, Canada. Using participatory, art-based research and hermeneutic phenomenological approaches, our data collection methods included photovoice, semi-structured interviews and culture circles. A purposive sample was recruited. Analysis was conducted following the social determinants of health framework by Loppie-Reading and Wien. Results: Participants perceived the healthcare and social services systems as unnecessarily complex, disrespectful, and dismissive–one where they are mere spectators without voice. They do not feel heard. They also identified problematic issues regarding living conditions, housing, and fresh food. Despite these experiences, participants are resilient and optimistic. Implications: Learning from participants has indicated priority issues and potential, pragmatic solutions to begin incremental improvements. Changing system design to enable self-selection of food items is one example. Conclusion: For an individual to feel others view them as unworthy of care, especially if those ‘others’ are the care providers, is ethically and morally distressing–and it certainly does not invite system-use. While our early findings reveal considerable system improvements are required, we are inspired by and can learn from the strength of the participants.

Background This report responds to a need to update the available information about incompatible living-donor kidney transplantation (LDKT) previously published in 2014 which, based on 14 case series and 1 cohort study, concluded that this type of transplants could be a therapeutic option with survival, graft and patient outcomes, adequate and similar to a compatible living-donor kidney transplant, however, these report only included ABO-incompatible information. Objective The purpose of the report is to provide updated evidence on effectiveness and safety in terms of graft survival and survival of patients undergoing incompatible LDKT. Method To answer the question a systematic review of the literature was carried out, by updating the structured searches of the previous existing report. The selection of the references was carried out first by title and abstract. Next, the full-text papers were selected by applying the inclusion and exclusion criteria, defined a priori, by a single researcher. In the same way, we proceeded to extract the data from the articles finally selected, and their synthesis in tables similar to those of the previous report, with special attention to the HLA incompatibility LDKT data, since no information was collected in the previous report. Results From 232 localized references, 35 papers on incompatible LDKT have finally been included, 16 with information on HLAi transplant patients and 19 with ABO incompatible transplant patients. In all cases, case series with or without a control group and a very limited number of patients were treated, only 1 study registered more than 1000 patients undergoing incompatible LDKT in 22 centers (Orandi et al. 2014) in the case of HLAi. The information on graft survival in patients undergoing HLA-incompatible LDKT at 1 year is between 90 % (Laftavi et al. 2011) and 100 % (Blumberg et al. 2013; Yamanaga et al. 2013), while the data recorded over five years survival were lower, from 69 % (Couzi et al. 2015) to 94.7 % (Jakson et al. 2015). The 1-year patient survival registered was found between 90.5 % by Sharif et al. 2014 and 100 % (Blumberg et al. 2013 and Laftavi et al. 2011). The 5-year patient survival recorded is in the range of 59.2 % (in one of the subgroups described by Orandi et al. ) when the other HLAi subgroup does offer similar figures to the rest of the studies, around 86 % survival and the 5-year value provided by Kim et al. which registered 95.8 %. In general, for LDKT with ABO incompatibility, the results of the previous review from 2012 are maintained, with a 1-year graft survival in ABOi-type living donor kidney transplants recorded in up to 8 of the 19 included studies and one 84 % minimum (Bachmann et al. 2018). For patient survival at 1 year, it is 100 % or very close in all the studies on ABOi and figures are high, but somewhat lower, for patient survival at five years (between 92 % of Melexopoulus et al. and 97.7 % from Subramanian et al.). Conclusions There is great variability in the information presented by the studies, so that it make difficult to group together. The quality of the evidence is very limited, as these are case series studies with a high risk of bias, many without a control group, and others with comparative cohort results (historical retrospectives). However, the results shown are consistent and the claims of the previous 2012 report are maintained. Graft survival and patient survival for patients undergoing HLA-incompatible LDKT are high and comparable to values offered by ABOi transplants and ABO compatible transplants. In the studies on LDKT with ABOi data, the results collected on both survival variables maintain the statements of the previous report, remaining at high values. A single localized study about economic efficiency aspects was carried out in the United States, the authors conclude that the LDKT can be an efficient option in terms of cost per QALY, although this conclusion is not directly transferable to our National Health System.

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A & M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.