Articles de revues : « Sidonius Apollinari »

1

Watt, W. S. « Notes on Sidonius Apollinaris ». Revue Bénédictine 109, n^o 1-2 (janvier 1999) : 5–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.rb.5.105436.

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Litovchenko, E. V. « One day in the life of the Late Antique nobleman : Sidonius Apollinaris visiting his kin ». Belgorod State University Scientific bulletin. Series : History. Political science 46, n^o 4 (30 décembre 2019) : 620–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.18413/2075-4458-2019-46-4-620-626.

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The article is devoted to the reconstruction of leisure of the Late Roman nobility based upon the one of the letters of Sidonius Apollinaris (c. 430–489). In the framework of the everyday life history, in combination with the hermeneutic approach, the characteristic features of the ordinary pastime of representatives of the upper stratum of the aristocracy in the 5th century AD are revealed. The letter (II. 9) contains information about the visit of Sidonius to the estates of his two relatives – Tonantius Ferreolus (family member in-laws) and Apollinarius (his uncle on the paternal side), located in close vicinity. A typical day of Late Antique noblemen consisted of a series of easy activities – meals, walks, sports (ball) and gambling (dice) games, intellectual discussions, bathing. Obviously, the Late Antique otium was identical as good as its classical patterns presented, for example, in the letters of Pliny the Younger. The author notes that in this case, epistolography can be regarded as a necessary condition for maintaining the connection of generations, which was especially important in the Late Antique period, before the challenges of the time, which is replacing the ancient cultural settings.

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Skibiński, Tomasz. « LISTY POLECAJĄCE SYDONIUSZA APOLINAREGO – DZIEDZICTWO TRADYCJI I WYZWANIE PRZEMIAN ». Saeculum Christianum 23 (22 septembre 2017) : 25–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/sc.2016.23.03.

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The article presents the letters of Sidonius Apollinaris - Gallo-Roman aristocrat, poet and bishop. The study aims at analysing the letters of Sidonius from the point of view of their purpose, the models used, the argumentation, and the list of recipients to whom the letters are addressed. On the one hand, it shows that Sidonius remained faithful to his masters in epistolography (Cicero, Pliny the Younger, Symmachus), while on the other hand, was able to change the form of letters according to the situation. The paper also allows us to discern the changes that took place in the works of Sidonius after his ordination.

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van Waarden, Joop. « C. Sollius Apollinaris Sidonius, Die Briefe, written by Sidonius ». Vigiliae Christianae 70, n^o 3 (6 juin 2016) : 335–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12341255.

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Skibiński, Tomasz. « Inter perfectos christi – inter praefectos valentiniani. Służba publiczna i posługa biskupia Sydoniusza Apolinarego w świetle kolekcji listów ». Vox Patrum 65 (15 juillet 2016) : 605–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3522.

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Sidonius Apollinaris was a member of the Gallo-Roman aristocracy in the 5th century. His letters are a valuable source of information about many aspects of life in Gaul in the final period of the Roman Empire. The article presents the public service performed by Sidonius for nearly 20 years, which he then abandoned in favour of pastoral and Episcopal service, for a similar period of time. It aims to answer the question: what place did public service occupy in Sidonius’ life as a member of the Gallic aristocracy and what motivated him to take up an Episcopal ministry.

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Hanaghan, M. P. « Avitus’ Characterisation in Sidonius’ Carm. 7 ». Mnemosyne 70, n^o 2 (20 février 2017) : 262–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12342174.

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In July 455adthe Roman general Eparchius Avitus was proclaimed Emperor by his soldiers in Arles. Avitus’ son-in-law, Sidonius Apollinaris, delivered a panegyric to mark the new emperor’s first consulship. In this poem Avitus controls hisirato repel the barbarians and counter their fear inducing behaviour. Avitus’ manipulation of the barbarians relies onauctoritasrather than eloquence. Sidonius styles Avitus as an impressive military and political leader, ideally suited to confronting the Vandals and restoring a broken Roma to her former glory.

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Hanaghan, Michael. « LATENT CRITICISM OF ANTHEMIUS AND RICIMER IN SIDONIUS APOLLINARIS’ EPISTVLAE 1.5 ». Classical Quarterly 67, n^o 2 (30 octobre 2017) : 631–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838817000696.

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In late c.e. 467 Sidonius Apollinaris journeyed from Lyon to Rome. An account of his journey appears in Epist. 1.5. Sidonius made his way to the city by boat and imperial post horses, arriving during the nuptial celebrations of the Emperor Anthemius’ daughter Alypia and the barbarian potentate Ricimer. The wedding linked Ricimer, who had held significant political power in the interregnum after the death of Libius Severus (461–465), to the new emperor in the West, Anthemius, whom the eastern Roman emperor, Leo I, had just appointed.

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Denecker, Tim. « Language Attitudes and Social Connotations in Jerome and Sidonius Apollinaris ». Vigiliae Christianae 69, n^o 4 (16 septembre 2015) : 393–421. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12341228.

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Jerome of Stridon and Sidonius Apollinaris, two authors particularly sensitive to languages and linguistic differences, frequently evaluate the correctness, adequacy, and aesthetic qualities of ‘classical’ Latin on the one hand, and of ‘foreign’ or ‘barbarian’ languages (Hebrew, Aramaic, or ‘Germanic’) on the other. They also evaluate variation within the Latin language, mostly in a negative way. In this paper, I look at Jerome’s and Sidonius’ evaluative statements about languages and language varieties from the sociolinguistic perspective of language attitude research. I start by defining the concepts of ‘language attitude’ and ‘social connotations hypothesis’, and then proceed to the analysis of linguistic evaluations in Jerome’s and Sidonius’ works. In accordance with the social connotations hypothesis, I argue that these evaluations about languages or language varieties are strongly biased by the socio-cultural stereotypes the authors hold about the speakers of these languages or language varieties.

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Weber, Ronald J. « Sidonius Apollinaris and the Fall of Rome ». History : Reviews of New Books 24, n^o 2 (janvier 1996) : 87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1996.9951230.

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Harich-Schwarzbauer, Henriette, et Judith Hindermann. « Leisure and the Muses in Sidonius Apollinaris ». Journal of Late Antiquity 13, n^o 1 (2020) : 2–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jla.2020.0006.

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Gibson, Roy K. « CONFIRMED ? PLINY, EPISTLES 1.1 AND SIDONIUS APOLLINARIS ». Classical Quarterly 61, n^o 2 (9 novembre 2011) : 655–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838811000061.

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Percival, John. « Villas and Monasteries in Late Roman Gaul ». Journal of Ecclesiastical History 48, n^o 1 (janvier 1997) : 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900011957.

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On one of his numerous journeys, Sidonius Apollinaris, by now bishop of Clermont Ferrand, turned aside to visit an old acquaintance, a former Palatine official, by name Maximus. He found him much changed: his villa, a rather remote one several miles from the main road, was sparsely furnished, with three-legged stools, hard couches and simple hangings of goat hair. His diet was frugal, more vegetables than meat; his dress was simple, and his beard long. Clearly, this was not the result of poverty (Sidonius' reason for visiting him was to plead for flexibility in the matter of a loan made ten years earlier to a mutual friend), but rather of deliberate choice. Sidonius himself had little doubt that there was a religious explanation, and so it proved: Maximus had been compelled by his fellow citizens, somewhat against his will, to accept ordination to the priesthood.

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Babnis, Tomasz. « "Idem aliter", czyli o dwóch opisach dyplomatycznej podróży do Persji w poezji późnego antyku (Claud. Cons. Stil.. I 51–68 ; Sid. Carm. II 75–88) ». Collectanea Philologica, n^o 24 (28 décembre 2021) : 111–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1733-0319.24.07.

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Two Latin poets of late antiquity, Claudian and Sidonius Apollinaris, included in their verse panegyrics short descriptions of diplomatic journey to Persia. The first mentioned the mission of Stilicho himself in “Panegyric on the consulate of Stilicho” (400 AD), whereas the latter described the mission of Procopius, father of the honorand in the “Panegyric on the consulate of Anthemius” (468 AD). Since Sidonius was in many ways imitator of Claudian, these pieces show a great deal of similarity both in content and form (especially in wording). However, closer scrutiny enables us to discover some differences in the treatment of Oriental topics as well as in general attitude to the praised heroes. Such an analysis allows us an insight into the image of Iranian world created in the Roman poetry as well as the question of sources used by late Latin poets. This paper can be also treated as a small contribution to the discussion on Sidonius’ imitation of Claudian poetry.

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Newbold, R. F. « Power Motivation in Sidonius Apollinaris, Eugippius, and Nonnus ». Florilegium 7, n^o 1 (janvier 1985) : 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/flor.7.001.

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Power can be thought of as the capacity to produce effects, consciously and unconsciously intended, on the behaviour and feelings of others. Power motivation arises when an individual experiences a need that can only be fulfilled by inducing appropriate behaviour in others. Ideals of service are an important means for taming or socializing power, rendering it more acceptable. This often means that a drive for power is marked by talk of duty and responsibility. The ranks of teachers, psychologists, clergymen, journalists, and urban planners contain above average numbers of people with a high power motivation. It can be hard to distinguish legitimate and necessary leadership from coercion and domination, for the latter may not be perceived as such by followers. People vary enormously in the degree to which they are prepared to challenge existing structures and norms to gain power, and they vary in their response to the attainment of power. The mere status of their position may be sufficient for some: power is not vigorously or selfishly exercised, nor is it conspicuously displayed. There may be present a fear of power, i.e., a fear of abusing it, which is defended against by maintaining that power is not one's own but a gift of grace to be used for the benefit of others. Charismatic or messianic leaders often make this claim. They are able to enhance the self-esteem of followers by providing a potent object of identification, and they lead by making their followers feel powerful rather than by commanding them. Identifying with any winner or hero, whether sporting, religious, or political, provides a vicarious experience of power. The need for power, therefore, is not only about a drive to influence others. Alcohol consumption induces a feeling of power. For those frustrated in their hopes of gaining real power, it offers a substitute, as do sex and violent behaviour. A drive for personalized power may be accompanied by high alcohol consumption, low inhibition of impulses, and, more so than socialized power, it has a present orientation, a moment-by-moment quality that has to be constantly reaffirmed. Gambling offers opportunities to impress and to win in the short run. A socialized power drive is characterized by low alcohol consumption and high inhibition, and may be advertized by dietary and sexual asceticism.

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Litovchenko, Elena V. « “Catilina Saeculi Nostri” : Sidonius Apollinaris’ Letters about Seronatus ». Izvestia of the Ural federal university. Series 2. Humanities and Arts 22, n^o 1(196) (2020) : 43–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/izv2.2020.22.1.003.

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Styka, Jerzy. « Claudianus Mamertus in the eyes of Sidonius Apollinaris ». Classica Cracoviensia 17, n^o 17 (2014) : 189–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/cc.17.2014.17.11.

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Styka, Jerzy. « Late ancient Collegia Poetarum according to Sidonius Apollinaris ». Classica Cracoviensia 18, n^o 18 (2015) : 377–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/cc.18.2015.18.22.

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Litovchenko, Elena, Sergey Kutomanov, Marina Ryabtseva et Inna Onoprienko. « The image of a Christian in Sidonius Apollinaris’ letters ». SHS Web of Conferences 72 (2019) : 02007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20197202007.

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The paper deals with the collective image of a Christian reconstructed by comparing several portraits described in the 5th century Gallo-Roman writer’s epistles and verses Sidonius Apollinaris. This source was chosen due to the fact that Sidonius himself combined the features inherent for both the representative of the highest social stratum of the Late Antique society and for the Christian shepherd. The method of cultural and historical reconstruction with combination of biographical and retrospective methods is used for the formation of the image of a Christian of the Late Antiquity. The authors come to the conclusion that during the 5th century AD as a true Christian was deemed such person who observes the biblical commandments and church rites, distinguished by patience and mercy. The image of a Christian evolved in this period from the weakly expressed version presented by Germanicus, a man for whom, more important the ancient cult of the body, despite belonging to Christian flock, to the ideal, seeking to asceticism, who embodied the bishop Faustus.

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Grzywaczewski, Józef. « Radość Sydoniusza Apolinarego z tego, że filozofia służy teologii ». Vox Patrum 58 (15 décembre 2012) : 315–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4081.

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The article shows Sidonius Apollinaris’ admiration for all intellectual activities. For example he congratulated Faustus of Riez after reading his book „On the Holy Spirit”. In all the Sydonius’ writings one can see that he has always had a lot of respect for poets and writers as Lampridius or to scholars as Phoebus. In the context of the fall of the Roman Empire Sidonius really appreciated those who reach for the teachings of ancient philosophy, rhetoric, astronomy and music in the proclamation of the Gospel. So Claudianus Mamertus, author of the book „De statu animae” did. According to Sidonius he was a great master of the three cultures: Roman, Greek and Christian. In the works of Sidonius we can see a gradual transition from the vision of the Empire as a political power to the vision of the Church as a spiritual power. In this context, he gladly stated that the Plato’s Academy was working for the Church of Christ. For this reason, he appreciated each quotation from pagan’s works in Christian works. Polish reader can see common elements in Sidonius and Sienkiewicz: both writers were living in a difficult political situation, the home of the two was ruled by foreign rulers: both writers set themselves the same goal – to write to encourage hearts with glorification of excellent people. Both writers wanted to help people get out of the crisis and to lay the foundations for a better future.

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Konkov, Dmitriy S. « “Doctiloquus” by Sidonius Apollinaris : Word as a Social Action ». Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, n^o 444 (juin 2019) : 130–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/444/16.

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Roberts, Michael. « Sidonius Apollinaris and the Fall of Rome. Jill Harries ». Classical Philology 91, n^o 2 (avril 1996) : 196–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/367510.

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Daly, William M. « An Adverse Consensus Questioned : Does Sidonius's Euchariston (Carmen XVI) Show That He Was Scripturally Naïve ? » Traditio 55 (2000) : 19–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900000027.

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Sidonius Apollinaris needs no introduction as by far our best informant for the history of Roman Gaul in the late fifth century and as one of the most accomplished practitioners of the complicated literary style so admired in his age and so often contemned in ours. Because his poems and letters provide abundant evidence for political and social history, most historians have until recently tended to see him as a predominantly secular figure. That impression is heightened by the literary genres he chose for his writings and whose accepted rules and forms he meticulously followed. However, a handful of studies since mid-century, and recently a political biography, have drawn attention to one or another neglected religious dimension of his life. Gradually a hidden Sidonius has been emerging from between the lines of reluctant sources that are not autobiographical by nature or by his intent.

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Klingshirn, William E., et Jill Harries. « Sidonius Apollinaris and the Fall of Rome, A.D. 407-485. » American Historical Review 101, n^o 3 (juin 1996) : 822. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2169447.

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Visser, Jelle. « Sidonius Apollinaris, Ep. II.2 : The Man and His Villa ». Journal for Late Antique Religion and Culture 8 (15 décembre 2014) : 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.18573/j.2014.10324.

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Colton, Robert E. « Some Echoes of Martial in the Letters of Sidonius Apollinaris ». L'antiquité classique 54, n^o 1 (1985) : 277–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/antiq.1985.2160.

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Gleason, Michael, et Jill Harries. « Sidonius Apollinaris and the Fall of Rome, A.D. 407-485 ». Classical World 90, n^o 5 (1997) : 379. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4351976.

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Wolff, Étienne. « The image of Augustus in the work of Sidonius Apollinaris ». Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 55, n^o 1-4 (mars 2015) : 469–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/068.2015.55.1-4.32.

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Alciati, Roberto. « SIDONIUS APOLLINARIS - (S.) Santelia (ed., trans.) Sidonio Apollinare : Carme 16, Eucharisticon ad Faustum episcopum. (Biblioteca della Tradizione Classica 4.) Pp. 174. Bari : Cacucci Editore, 2012. Paper, €18. ISBN : 978-88-6611-199-3. » Classical Review 64, n^o 2 (15 avril 2014) : 476–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x14000353.

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Schwitter, Raphael. « Rival Friends : Sidonius Apollinaris and Literary Competitiveness in Late Antique Gaul ». Journal of Late Antiquity 13, n^o 1 (2020) : 73–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jla.2020.0012.

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Mastandrea, Paolo. « SIDONIUS APOLLINARIS’ POETRY - (M.) Onorato Il castone e la gemma. Sulla tecnica poetica di Sidonio Apollinare. (Studi Latini 89.) Pp. 530. Naples : Paolo Loffredo Iniziative Editoriali, 2016. Paper, €36.80. ISBN : 978-88-99306-43-4. » Classical Review 68, n^o 1 (24 janvier 2018) : 114–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x17002475.

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Scarcia, Riccardo. « Sub imagine frondis (nota a Sidonio Apollinare) ». Euphrosyne 19 (janvier 1991) : 325–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.euphr.5.126467.

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Kovács, Péter. « Emperor Avitus in Pannonia ? » Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 71, n^o 2 (30 novembre 2020) : 661–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/072.2020.00019.

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In his paper the author examines the sources of the supposed Western Roman military expedition of Emperor Avitus in Pannonia in 455 that was thought to be the last Roman military action in the territory of the former Roman province. Analizing the sources, he comes to the conclusion that during his short reign, Avitus had no time to visit the province and his route (iter) mentioned by Sidonius Apollinaris must be identified with his journey from Arelate to Rome. The Roman military action in Pannonia can probably be identified with a short demonstrative campaign in the SW region of the dioecesis (i.e. Savia) or with a legation of the Pannonian Barbarians to the emperor in Northern Italy.

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Styka, Jerzy. « Standards of Cultural Behaviour of the Romans in the Light of Sidonius Apollinaris' Letters ». Classica Cracoviensia 22 (29 octobre 2020) : 79–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/cc.20.2019.22.03.

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Standards of Cultural Behaviour of the Romans in the Light of Sidonius Apollinaris' Letters The cultural and political situation of the Gallo-Roman elite in the 5th century CE, during the period of the great barbarian invasions, became the reason for the emergence, among its members, of certain standards of behaviour; their aim was to preserve, cultivate and develop the Roman identity as well as a sense of belonging to the elite cultural circle, now endangered by barbaric chaos. The paper presents selected examples of such standards of behaviour in spheres both private and public; they serve as an exemplification of conscious actions and choices designed to preserve traditional Roman system of values

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Formisano, Marco. « The King Listens : Origins, Noises, and Panegyric in Sidonius Apollinaris' Carmen 1 ». Arethusa 54, n^o 3 (septembre 2021) : 275–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/are.2021.0009.

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Henke, Rainer. « Brief des Sidonius Apollinaris an Burgundio (Epist. 9,14) und seine versteckte Zeitkritik ». Hermes 135, n^o 2 (2007) : 216–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/hermes-2007-0022.

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Overwien, Oliver. « Kampf um Gallien. Die Briefe des Sidonius Apollinaris zwischen Literatur und Politik ». Hermes 137, n^o 1 (2009) : 93–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/hermes-2009-0006.

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Romer, F. E. « Book Review : Sidonius Apollinaris and the Fall of Rome, A.D. 407-485 ». American Journal of Philology 117, n^o 4 (1996) : 663–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ajp.1996.0053.

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Lepelley, Claude. « THE USE OF SECULARISED LATIN PAGAN CULTURE BY CHRISTIANS ». Late Antique Archaeology 6, n^o 1 (2010) : 475–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134522-90000142.

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The attitudes of educated Christians to the pagan literary culture of Late Antiquity have long attracted scholarly debate. Jerome and Augustine express the unease that many Christian men of letters felt, and Christian apologists repeatedly attacked the absurdity and immorality of pagan mythology. Yet both Jerome and Augustine nevertheless believed that classical culture could contribute to the Christian life, and mythology remained a source of inspiration for certain Christian authors. This is demonstrated vividly by the writings of two important late antique figures, Sidonius Apollinaris in 5th c. Gaul and the 6th c. African poet Corippus. In their works we can trace an evolving acceptance of classical mythology as a cultural rather than religious inheritance, moving towards the later Christian Humanism of the Renaissance.

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Arnold, Ellen F. « Fluid Identities : Poetry and the Navigation of Mixed Ethnicities in Late Antique Gaul // Identidades fluidas : Poesía y la navegación de etnias mixtas en la Galia de la antigüedad tardía ». Ecozon@ : European Journal of Literature, Culture and Environment 5, n^o 2 (22 septembre 2014) : 88–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.37536/ecozona.2014.5.2.615.

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This paper uses the work of Late Antique (4th-6th century) Latin poets to demonstrate the ways that pre-modern sources can be a part of scholarly discussions of the development of environmental imaginations and can usefully contribute to the development of the environmental humanities. The three poets (Ausonius, Sidonius Apollinaris, and Venantius Fortunatus) have many works that explore and describe nature; one theme that emerges is that they closely connected the rivers of Gaul to their concerns over political and cultural identity. Rivers, including the Rhone and the Mosel, were intricately woven into the daily life and cultural identities of 4th-6th century Gaul, and were both tangible and fluid political boundaries. These poems use rivers to confirm cultural identities, validate the Christian cultural experience, and express broader cultural and political concerns about cultural integration and hybridity. Resumen En este ensayo se utilizan textos de poetas latinos de la antigüedad tardía (siglos IV y VI) para demostrar cómo algunos recursos pre-modernos pueden formar parte de discusiones académicas sobre el desarrollo de la imaginación ambiental y contribuir al desarrollo de las humanidades ambientales. Los tres poetas que se discuten aquí—Ausonio, Sidonio Apolinar y Venancio Fortunato—tienen obras que exploran y describen la naturaleza. Uno de los temas que surgen es que ellos conectan los ríos de la Galia con su preocupación por la identidad política y cultural. Algunos ríos, entre ellos el Ródano y el Mosela, eran fronteras políticas fluidas y tangibles que estaban intrincadamente relacionadas con la vida diaria y las identidades culturales de la Galia durante los siglos IV y VI. Estos poemas usan los ríos para confirmar las identidades culturales, validar la experiencia cultural cristiana, y expresar profundas inquietudes culturales y políticas sobre la integración cultural y la hibridez.

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Hanaghan, Michael. « Sidonius Apollinaris contra Claudianus Mamertus : Jerome, Julianus Pomerius, and the Subversion of Praise ». Journal of Early Christian Studies 29, n^o 2 (2021) : 215–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/earl.2021.0020.

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Henke, Rainer. « Der Brief 3,12 des Sidonius Apollinaris an Secundus : Eine Novelle in einer Epistel ? » Hermes 140, n^o 1 (2012) : 121–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/hermes-2012-0012.

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Kelly, C. « Review. Sidonius Apollinaris and the fall of Rome, AD 407-485. J Harries ». Classical Review 47, n^o 1 (1 janvier 1997) : 132–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/47.1.132.

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Brolli, Tiziana. « La duplice prex del carme 13 di Sidonio Apollinare ». Wiener Studien 133 (2020) : 215–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1553/wst133s215.

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Furbetta, Luciana. « L’epitaffio di Sidonio Apollinare in un nuovo testimone manoscritto ». Euphrosyne 43 (janvier 2015) : 243–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.euphr.5.125480.

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Montone, Francesco. « “Vergilian” wolves in the Panegyric on Avitus by Sidonius Apollinaris (Carm. 7. 361–368) ». Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 53, n^o 2-3 (juin 2013) : 287–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aant.53.2013.2-3.10.

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Schlapbach, Karin. « Veriora Nomina Camenarum : Erudition, Uncertainty, and Cognitive Displacement as Poetic Strategies in Sidonius Apollinaris ». Journal of Late Antiquity 13, n^o 1 (2020) : 44–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jla.2020.0011.

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Mastandrea, Paolo. « SIDONIUS APOLLINARIS - (G.) Kelly, (J.) van Waarden (edd.) The Edinburgh Companion to Sidonius Apollinaris. Pp. xviii + 838, ills, map. Edinburgh : Edinburgh University Press, 2020. Cased, £195. ISBN : 978-1-4744-6169-6. » Classical Review 71, n^o 2 (12 août 2021) : 424–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x21001943.

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Hanaghan, Michael. « PAPERS ON SIDONIUS APOLLINARIS - J.A. Van Waarden, G. Kelly (edd.) New Approaches to Sidonius Apollinaris. With indices on Helga Köhler, C. Sollius Apollinaris Sidonius : Briefe Buch I. (Late Antique History and Religion 7.) Pp. xiv + 397. Leuven, Paris and Walpole, MA : Peeters, 2013. Cased, €89. ISBN : 978-90-429-2928-9. » Classical Review 65, n^o 1 (20 octobre 2014) : 163–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x14001632.

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Szopa, Adrian. « Wódz doskonały w świetle łacińskich panegiryków późnoantycznych ». Vox Patrum 63 (15 juillet 2015) : 307–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3566.

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In this article I am describing how Roman panegyric’s writers of Late Antiquity (XII Panegyrici Latini, Claudius Claudianus, Sidonius Apollinaris, Flavius Merobaudes, Priscian, Ennodius, Corippus and others) presented an image of the perfect general with reference to their object of praise. On the ground of detailed analysis of those features I am going to indicate the most expected ones according to the social reception. Moreover, I will point out those means which were used by the authors to create the image of the ideal general. Next, I will pay attention to how the authors change their way in presenting the perfect general and how this development was connected with the general evolution of the genre. Lastly, I will answer a quite perverse question: if the perfect general could lead his soldiers to a victory in a real battle. In the background there will be a continuous question, if the panegyric – despite its limitation – can or can’t be treated as a valuable historical source.

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Corke-Webster, James. « THE EARLY RECEPTION OF PLINY THE YOUNGER IN TERTULLIAN OF CARTHAGE AND EUSEBIUS OF CAESAREA ». Classical Quarterly 67, n^o 1 (3 avril 2017) : 247–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000983881700009x.

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In 1967 Alan Cameron published a landmark article in this journal, ‘The fate of Pliny'sLettersin the late Empire’. Opposing the traditional thesis that the letters of Pliny the Younger were only rediscovered in the mid to late fifth century by Sidonius Apollinaris, Cameron proposed that closer attention be paid to the faint but clear traces of the letters in the third and fourth centuries. On the basis of well-observed intertextual correspondences, Cameron proposed that Pliny's letters were being read by the end of the fourth century at the latest. That article now seems the vanguard of a rise in scholarly interest in Pliny's late-antique reception. But Cameron also noted the explicit attention given to the letters by two earlier commentators—Tertullian of Carthage, in the late second to early third century, and Eusebius of Caesarea, in the early fourth. The use of Pliny in these two earliest commentators, in stark contrast to their later successors, has received almost no subsequent attention.

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