Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Shir (Beirut, Lebanon) »

On 4 August 2020, a strong explosion occurred near the Beirut seaport, Lebanon and killed more than 200 people and damaged numerous buildings in the vicinity. As Amonium Nitrate (AN) caused the explosion, many studies claimed the release of large amounts of NO2 in the atmosphere may have resulted in a health hazard in Beirut and the vicinity. In order to reasonably evaluate the significance of NO2 amounts released in the atmosphere, it is important to investigate the spatio-temporal distribution of NO2 during and after the blast and compare it to the average day-to-day background emissions from vehicle and ship traffic in Beirut. In the present study, we use Sentinel-5 TROPOMI data to study NO2 emissions in the atmosphere close to the affected area prior, during, and after the Beirut explosion (28 July–8 August 2020). Analysis shows an increase in NO2 concentrations over Beirut up to about 1.8 mol/m2 one day after the explosion that was gradually dissipated in about 4 days. Seven days before the blast (on 28 July 2020) NO2 concentration was, however, observed to be up to about 4.3 mol/m2 over Beirut, which is mostly attributed to vehicle emissions in Lebanon, ships passing by the Beirut seaport and possibly the militant activities in Syria during 20–26 July. It is found that the Beirut blast caused a temporarily and spatially limited increase in NO2. The blast mostly affected the coastal areas in Lebanon, while it did not have much effect on inland regions. TROPOMI data are also analyzed for the Greater Cairo Area (GCA), Suez Canal, Egypt, and in Nicosia, Cyprus to confirm the effect of human activities, vehicles, and ship traffic on NO2 emissions in relatively high and relatively low populated zones.

_ As of September, TotalEnergies together with partners Eni and QatarEnergy will have spud exploration well 31/1 on Block 9 of Lebanon’s Qana prospect. It is the consortium’s second attempt in 6 years to strike gas in the EastMed where upstream riches at the crossroads of markets east and west struggle against the fiercest of global geopolitical headwinds. Lebanese media hailed the 16 August arrival of the Transocean Barents semisubmersible drilling platform at Block 9 with guarded optimism, reporting on the Barents journey from the North Sea like a sports play-by-play, detailing the landing of the first crew transport helicopter and the offloading of pipe and other equipment delivered by ship to the Port of Beirut. The Lebanese Petroleum Administration busily dotted the i’s and crossed the t’s on the drilling license application that TotalEnergies EP Lebanon had submitted in June while MP Ibrahim Kanaan, head of the parliament’s finance and budget committee, announced creation of the Lebanese Sovereign Fund for Oil and Gas to protect future revenues from political interference. “The rig will start working in Lebanon in September ... before the end of the year we will know if there is a discovery,” Lebanon’s caretaker Energy Minister Walid Fayyad told Reuters at an event earlier this summer in Abu Dhabi. Built to operate in harsh environments the Barents will drill in deep water, its crew hoping to hit the sweet spot that is the Tamar Sands Formation from which Israel, Cyprus, and Egypt are already producing gas for domestic needs and for export. Assuming commercial gas reserves are confirmed in Qana, Lebanon will join the club of EastMed gas producers—a development that would ease Beirut’s seemingly endless energy crisis, give the financially bankrupt country a share of revenues for gas exported to Europe and Asia, and attract further global investment. The World Bank has described Lebanon’s economic collapse as possibly one of the top three most severe worldwide since the 1850s. But while all seems like business as usual, this is the EastMed where political and military conflicts that dog oil and gas projects throughout the world can escalate quickly, driven by political fragmentation and violence within and across borders of countries with the most to gain from big international projects. What might be called a harsh environment in the UK sector of the North Sea where the Barents worked most recently differs greatly from what can be called harsh in the EastMed where technology can’t solve all of a hydrocarbon project’s problems. Drawing Lines in the Sand Beirut awarded exploration licenses in 2017 to drill on its offshore Blocks 4 and 9 to the Total-lead consortium with Eni and, at the time, Russia’s independent gas producer and LNG exporter Novatek. This past January, QatarEnergy farmed in for a 30% stake after Novatek exited. TotalEnergies and Eni each now hold 35%. In the 6 years following the license award, the consortium drilled only one well on the Lebanese shelf—a dry hole on Block 4 in 2020. Though data suggested that the Qana prospect in Block 9 might be different, TotalEnergies delayed further appraisal drilling pending settlement of the maritime boundary between Israel and Lebanon.

The largest and most luxurious passenger ship in the Adriatic was the steamship “Queen Mary”, that initially held constant 12-days line from Sušak, via Split and Dubrovnik to Greece. Later, that line was extended to Palestine and Egypt, and has attracted the attention of members of the Zagreb elite. Among the first ones who have travelled that line, from September 13th until October 7th, 1933, was the prominent Zagreb’s entrepreneurial family Deutsch-Maceljski. Their experience and atmosphere from the cruise and places they visited were recorded by the film camera. They recorded footage and descriptions of Istanbul, the Bosphorus, Rhodes, Beirut, Lebanon and Damascus, and the most fascinating images and descriptions were the family visits to Jaffa, Jerusalem, the Dead Sea, Bethlehem, Tel Aviv and Cairo. In this article, we will analyze this rare film that has been preserved in the Cinematheque of the Croatian State Archives in Zagreb.

On a Sunday morning at 06:22 on October 23, 1983, in Beirut, Lebanon, a semitrailer filled with TNT sped through the guarded barrier into the ground floor of the Civilian Aviation Authority and exploded, killing and wounding US Marines from the 1st Battalion 8th Regiment (2nd Division), as well as the battalion surgeon and deployed corpsmen. The truck bomb explosion, estimated to be the equivalent of 21,000 lbs of TNT, and regarded as the largest nonnuclear explosion since World War II, caused what was then the most lethal single-day death toll for the US Marine Corps since the Battle of Iwo Jima in World War II. Considerable neurological injury resulted from the bombing. Of the 112 survivors, 37 had head injuries, 2 had spinal cord injuries, and 9 had peripheral nerve injuries. Concussion, scalp laceration, and skull fracture were the most common cranial injuries.Within minutes of the explosion, the Commander Task Force 61/62 Mass Casualty Plan was implemented by personnel aboard the USS Iwo Jima. The wounded were triaged according to standard protocol at the time. Senator Humphreys, chairman of the Preparedness Committee and a corpsman in the Korean War, commented that he had never seen such a well-executed evolution. This was the result of meticulous preparation that included training not only of the medical personnel but also of volunteers from the ship’s company, frequent drilling with other shipboard units, coordination of resources throughout the ship, the presence of a meticulous senior enlisted man who carefully registered each of the wounded, the presence of trained security forces, and a drilled and functioning communication system.Viewed through the lens of a neurosurgeon, the 1983 bombings and mass casualty event impart important lessons in preparedness. Medical personnel should be trained specifically to handle the kinds of injuries anticipated and should rehearse the mass casualty event on a regular basis using mock-up patients. Neurosurgery staff should participate in training and planning for events alongside other clinicians. Training of nurses, corpsmen, and also nonmedical personnel is essential. In a large-scale evolution, nonmedical personnel may monitor vital signs, work as scribes or stretcher bearers, and run messages. It is incumbent upon medical providers and neurosurgeons in particular to be aware of the potential for mass casualty events and to make necessary preparations.

This book is an exploration of modernism in Arabic poetry, a movement that emerged in Beirut during the 1950s and became the most influential and controversial Arabic literary development of the twentieth century. The book introduces English-language readers to a poetic movement that will be uncannily familiar—and unsettlingly strange. It provides an intellectual history of Lebanon during the early Cold War, when Beirut became both a battleground for rival ideologies and the most vital artistic site in the Middle East. Arabic modernism was centered on the legendary magazine Shi'r (“Poetry”), which sought to put Arabic verse on “the map of world literature.” The Beiruti poets—Adonis, Yusuf al-Khal, and Unsi al-Hajj chief among them—translated modernism into Arabic, redefining the very idea of poetry in that literary tradition. This book includes analyses of the Arab modernists' creative encounters with Ezra Pound, Saint-John Perse, and Antonin Artaud, as well as their adaptations of classical literary forms. The book also reveals how the modernists translated concepts of liberal individualism, autonomy, and political freedom into a radical poetics that has shaped Arabic literary and intellectual debate to this day.

In June 1982, when Israeli tanks crossed the border and headed towards Beirut, Tel Aviv's troops has already been occupying a portion of Lebanon's territory that the Israelis called the "security zone" and that the Lebanese called "the occupied strip". They remained there for eighteen more years, until May 2000, when they left Lebanon, defeated by the IRL. A period of glory then started for the IRL and Hezbollah. Meanwhile, Hezbollah's style in its relationship to the Shia and the Lebanese in general remained hesitant for a few years, before going through a thorough transformation into what would be perceived as a "civilized" party "with clean hands".

In his 21 May 2017speech to the Arab-Islamic summit in Riyadh, US President Donald Trump conflated Shia radicalism with Sunni jihadism. His thesis fell apart on 7 June when ISIS suicide bombers attacked Iran’s parliament. Undeterred, Crown Prince Muhammad bin Salman led a diplomatic and commercial boycott of Qatar for maintaining normal relations with Tehran. His move drew Qatar and Iran closer. After declaring Lebanese Hizbollah a terrorist organization, Bin Salman pressured Saad Hariri, the Sunni prime minister, to dismiss the two Hizbollah ministers in his cabinet. When Hariri dithered, he was summoned to Riyadh where he announced his resignation under duress. Fearing destabilization of Lebanon, holding one million Syrian refugees, America and France pressed Bin Salman to let Hariri return to Beirut, where he withdrew his resignation. On 6 December, Trump recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel, thus legitimizing the annexation of East Jerusalem after the 1967 Arab-Israeli War in violation of international law. As Organization of Islamic Cooperation president, Turkey called a summit in Istanbul to denounce Trump’s move. King Salman was not among the fifty-odd heads of state or government attendees. With that, Saudi Arabia forfeited its claim to be primus inter pares among Muslim nations.