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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Serbia – Politics and government – 2000-2002"
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Irvine, Jill A., et Carol S. Lilly. « Boys Must be Boys : Gender and the Serbian Radical Party, 1991–2000 ». Nationalities Papers 35, no 1 (mars 2007) : 93–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990601124553.
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On 27 June 2004, Serbian voters went to the polls for the third time in a year to choose a president. The winner of the first two rounds of voting, Tomislav Nikolić, Deputy to the President of the extreme right Serbian Radical Party (SRS), lost the third round of voting to the more liberal Borisav Tadić by just under 8 percentage points (53.2 to 45.4), and the Radicals failed to form a ruling coalition in government. Nevertheless, more than five years after the last war in the disintegration of the Yugoslav state, the largest political party in the largest of the successor states has been characterized as the most extreme right party in the Balkans today. Indeed, the Radicals have been an enduring force in Serbian politics for the past decade and a half, sometimes ruling in coalition with Slobodan Milošević's Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS). SRS founder Vojislav Šešelj, a flamboyant, obstreperous, highly influential figure, and his fellow Radicals have sought and in many ways succeeded in shaping the post-communist transformation of Yugoslav politics and society, calling for a return to the true spirit of Serbia, when the nation was strong because its men defended its honor as well as its borders.
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Kisić, Izabela. « The Media and Politics : The Case of Serbia ». Southeastern Europe 39, no 1 (8 avril 2015) : 62–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-03901004.
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For over a decade media legislation, controversial as it was, has been a matter of controversy in Serbia. It was only in 2011 that a newly adopted media strategy developed by European Union and Council of Europe criteria hinted at change for the better as it envisaged the amendment of the entire media legislation (about 18 laws). Consequently, three new laws were passed in 2014: on public information and the media; on broadcast media; and, on public broadcasting service. Ten laws are still pending – either to be amended or adopted. After the change of the regime in 2000, the media legislation was changed but not in line with a democratic value system. This specially refers to media freedoms. Repression against the media characteristic of the 1990s was replaced by “soft censorship” and self-censorship. Serbia’s media market is small and underdeveloped, and under strong influence of the government. The adopted strategy provides against state ownership of the media except in the case of the two public broadcasting services. Media outlets, especially electronic, are too many for such a limited media market; the state has a hand in media businesses in many ways, including subsidies and paid advertisements for large public enterprises. Non-transparent media ownership and money flow are among key problems of media transition.
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Golubovic, Zagorka. « Politics and everyday life : Serbia 1999-2002 ». Filozofija i drustvo, no 19-20 (2002) : 307–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid0209307g.
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A field study is accomplished in 20 towns in Serbia by the method of deep interview. The objective of the investigation: to find out how the citizens themselves have experienced the last years of the former regime as well as the change after the 5th of October, 2000. The study is focused on the attitudes of the informants regarding the reasons of the fall of the former regime and the motives which have (or have not) moved them to involve in the struggle for social change; of the experience of the very date of the turnover: of the changes after that period, as well as of the attitudes toward the International community and their opinions about war-crimes, with a particular emphasis on attitudes concerning the Hague Tribunal. The accumulated data will be elaborated by the qualitative method which makes it possible to consider the responses in the context of everyday life situation and preserve their original expressions, different from the schemes from the media and official reports.
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Hebda, Wiktor. « Wybory parlamentarne w Serbii w 2020 roku – szczyt dominacji politycznej Serbskiej Partii Postępowej ? » Politeja 18, no 5(74) (15 décembre 2021) : 377–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.18.2021.74.22.
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Serbia’s Parliamentary Elections in 2020: The Peak of Political Domination of the Serbian Progressive Party? The Serbian parliamentary elections in 2020 were not groundbreaking in political terms, but their results directly determine the immediate future of Serbs. Taking into account the current geopolitical situation in Serbia, it should be emphasized that the next four years may prove critical for the international position of this country. The elections on June 21 were special due to the circumstances in which they were held. Among them, the global problem should be mentioned – the coronavirus pandemic, which paralyzed the functioning of many countries, including Serbia. The second important factor relates to the largest anti-government protests since 2000, which began in late 2018 and lasted until the state of emergency declaration due to the threat of COVID-19. The results of the parliamentary elections in 2020 should be interpreted as the strengthening of the Serbian Progressive Party and its leader Aleksandar Vučić. Moreover, it is a clear signal that the opposition still do not have adequate public support to compete effectively with the ruling party. Nowadays, there are no political conditions for an alternation of power in Serbia. Following the impressive victory in the parliamentary elections, the Serbian Progressive Party may continue the process of increasing influence in the most important state organs.
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Satjukow, Elisa. « The Making of 24 March. Commemorations of the 1999 NATO Bombing in Serbia, 1999–2019 ». Comparative Southeast European Studies 70, no 2 (1 juin 2022) : 289–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2022-0011.
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Abstract The author takes the 20th anniversary of the NATO intervention as a starting point to reflect on the commemorations of 24 March 1999, distinguishing three phases of memory politics: First, the Making of 24 March (1999–2000) by Slobodan Milošević, which initiated a hegemonic narrative of Serbian martyrdom; second, the Long Period of Ambiguity (2001–2014) shaped by the former democratic governments, who pursued a policy of reconciliation without questioning the one-sided memory in relation to the war in Kosovo; and third, the Return of 24 March with Aleksandar Vučić’s rise to power, which describes the 78 days of air raids as a collective trauma of Serbian society, from which, however, strength and defiance can be derived. The author shows that memory politics in Serbia today continue to focus almost exclusively on Serbian sacrifices made due to the bombing, while the war in Kosovo remains silenced.
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Nielsen, Christian Axboe. « The goalposts of transition : football as a metaphor for Serbia's long journey to the rule of law ». Nationalities Papers 38, no 1 (janvier 2010) : 87–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990903386611.
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Football (soccer) provides a useful prism for analysis of the long transition of the Serbian state and society since 1991. To a striking extent, the world of professional football and the attendant phenomena of financial corruption and football hooliganism have informed both the dissolution of the former Yugoslavia and the current concerted attempt to create a “European Serbia.” During the 1990s, football in Serbia to a significant extent became synonymous with organized crime and the criminalization of the Serbian state. Since 2000, the persistent phenomena of crime, violent hooliganism and lethargic reforms have mirrored the difficult and halting transition of the post-Milošević state. Although recent events highlight the reluctance of the Serbian authorities to confront these problems, both government and sports officials are coming to see reform of Serbian football as a key element of the establishment of the rule of law.
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Kuburic, Zorica, et Milan Vukomanovic. « Religious education : The case of Serbia ». Sociologija 47, no 3 (2005) : 229–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc0503229k.
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The confessional religious education was introduced, as an optional subject in Serbian public school system by a governmental regulation published in July 2001. Such a decision was preceded by an incomplete public debate that lasted from November 2000 to July 2001. Major arguments for and against religious education are discussed in this paper. Other topics include religiosity in Serbia; models of religious education and main actors that participated in the debates and decision-making process; legislation curricula, textbooks; goals of religious education; teacher training; some empirical data on the attitudes towards religious education in schools, etc. Four years later, it is possible to assess not only the preconditions of the Serbian government decision, but also the consequences regarding some initial experiences in the primary and secondary schools and church-state relations (religious rights and freedoms) in general. More precisely, the issue of public religious education in Serbia appeared to be a litmus test for the forthcoming legislation on religious organizations and for the new social and political role of religious communities in Serbia today.
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Jarić, Isidora. « Generation W : From the Young People’s Perspective ». Issues in Ethnology and Anthropology 3, no 3 (1 décembre 2008) : 203–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.21301/eap.v3i3.11.
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This paper discusses the position of young people in Serbia after October 5th 2000, as can be inferred from the evidence collected in the study ‘Politics and everyday life: Serbia 1999-2002’. The author identifies amongst young people four basic modes of selfpositioning within the current social context, as described by the following labels: ‘B92 generation’, ‘provincials’, ‘fundamentalists’ and ‘guests’. These views encompass politics, their own social and political engagement, views of the future, and their own selves.
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Fatić, Aleksandar. « Corruption and clientele relations in Serbia : Post-revolutionary state 2000-2003 ». Glasnik Advokatske komore Vojvodine 75, no 9-10 (2003) : 264–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/gakv0308264f.
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The author analyses forms, causes and consequences of corruption in Serbia after the political changes of October 2000. He comes to the conclusion that the people experience infiltration of crime into society as a result of previous government, but that however there is an urge for certain measures of social control to be established and undertaken.
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Gordon, Bardos. « The Balkans' new political dynamic ». Balcanica, no 37 (2006) : 283–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0637283g.
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The Balkans is currently going through its most profound period of change since Slobodan Milosevic's overthrow in October 2000. Montenegro has declared its independence from the state union of Serbia and Montenegro; the Kosovo future status talks are in their final stages and by all indications will suggest some form of independence for the Serbian province; new governments are in place in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Macedonia; while the results of Serbia?s January 2007 elections suggest that Serbian politics will be unstable for the foreseeable future. All of this is occurring at a time when two of the pillars promoting stability in the Balkans - a substantial U.S. military presence and the foreseeable prospect of EU accession for the countries of the region - are being withdrawn. Meanwhile, anew variable is being introduced into the strategic equation in The region - the return of Russia as a serious player. As a result of all of these new developments without a more serious commitment to the region from both Washington and Brussels over the next few years, there is a serious likelihood that the democratic and economic transitions in the region will suffer serious setbacks or delays.
Thèses sur le sujet "Serbia – Politics and government – 2000-2002"
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Djerasimović, Sanja. « Formation of the civic education policy as a discursive project in post-2000 Serbia ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2a15894a-8189-44e5-a6b6-edcc14bf5c54.
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The introduction of civic education to Serbian primary and secondary schools in 2001 marked a beginning of an all-encompassing education reform that followed the country's 2000 'democratic revolution'. In the context of a socio-political shift from various authoritarian regimes, including the 1945-1990 state socialism and 1990-2000 nationalist authoritarianism, the policy set the tone for future changes that were designed to support democratisation of Serbia, and assist its return to Europe (Birzea, 1994). A part of the broader programme for democratisation of education and education for democracy in Serbia, the policy enabled various discursive elements constitutive of the desired post-2000 ideology to enter the national educational discourse. This thesis explored its formation. I approached the policy as a way to explore the beginning of Serbia's first proper post-communist reform, and analyse the actors and ideologies that had shaped it. I used Ball's notion of policy-as-discourse and conceptualised civic education policy as a part of a discursive project of creating a 'new Serbia'. Using elite interviews and documentary analysis, I explored its formation and development, its place in the wider reform, and its relation to religious education, (re)introduced at the same time. Combining the elements of Fairclough's critical discourse analysis, and elements of Bourdieu's social theory, I looked into the meaning and function of civic education as a part of the ideological construction of the future Serbia, as well as capital used to position Serbia favourably in the global field in the early days of its educational transition. Within the wider transition literature, I attempted to establish a comparison between Serbia's 'belated' post-communist transition, and educational changes happening across formerly communist countries of Central and Eastern Europe in early-to-mid 1990s. I also explored the applicability and usefulness of the recent theoretical developments in the transition literature that go against the conceptualisation of post-communist transitions as modernising projects, and argue instead for a focus on unique transformations that happen as a result of a meeting between globally dominant and desirable discursive elements and local contexts. I conclude that the discursive elements of the Serbian civic education policy were used as capital by Serbian policy actors to ensure their better positioning not only in the global, but also in the national field, as suggested by differences in the ideological construction of the policy discourse in different fields. This prompts a concern with the concept of various 'policyspeaks', as recently explored by Halász (2012) and Steiner-Khamsi (2014). I argue that as a part of a discursive project intended to construct post-2000 Serbia, civic education policy worked more towards eradicating the undesirable ideology of violent nationalist authoritarianism, than towards eradicating the ideology of communist authoritarianism. In this sense, the specificity of the context proved important for the shape and meaning of a post-communist reform and ideologies that it was designed to propagate. However, instead of rejecting modernist concepts of transition and democratisation, I advise a future focus on careful unpacking of their context-dependent ideological-discursive constructions.
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Hoogbaard, Morne. « China's rise to superpower status : problems and prospects ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52163.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2001.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The research assignment examines pertinent factors affecting the political, economic and social landscape of the development of the People's Republic of China (PRC). Domestic conditions within the PRC are influencing its foreign policy behaviour in the international arena. The PRC's internal environment will thus determine the extent of its external presence.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die werkstuk bestudeer die relevante faktore wat die politieke, ekonomiese en sosiale landskap ten opsigte van die Republiek van China (PRC) se holistiese ontwikkeling beïnvloed. Omstandighede binne die Republiek beïnvloed die land se buitelandse beleidsgedrag in die internasionale arena. Dit sal dus regverdig wees om te sê dat binnelandse faktore 'n beslissende rol speel ten opsigte van hoe die land homself binne die globale arena hanteer.
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MARJANOVIC, Dragana. « An empirical study of the changes in the attitudes about nationality-related issues among the Serbian population related to the political context of 2000-02 ». Doctoral thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/6342.
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Defence date: 29 June 2006Examining board: Prof. Jaap Dronkers, European University Institute (Supervisor) ; Prof. Dejan Jović (Stirling, UK) ; Prof. Michael Keating (European University Institute) ; Prof. Aleksandar Pavković (Macquarie, Australia)(Co-Supervisor)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
By using empirical data, this research considers whether there are changes in the saliencies of attitudes about nationality-related issues in contemporary Serbia, and if so, whether they can be linked to the political context of the period. Demonstrating the susceptibility of the saliencies of these attitudes to ‘external’ influence is its main goal. I maintain that this research is best framed by a constructivist approach to the study of nationalism. This thesis also addresses the ongoing debate concerning the origins of the late eighties and early nineties resurgence of nationalism in Serbia. A particular emphasis is devoted to the consideration of the role of the political elites in the emergence of the ethnic conflicts of former Yugoslavia and in general. The data included in the analyses have been collected by the Centre for Policy Studies, the United Nations Developmental Program and the World Value Survey. The period examined in most depth is 2000-02 encompassing the Milosevic regime change. Additionally, an analysis of the ‘nationalizing’ content of the most read newspaper Blic is conducted in order to provide evidence of the transmittance of the ‘nationalizing’ potential of political events and processes through the media to the public. The conclusion of these analyses is that there are detectable changes in the saliencies of the attitudes about nationality-related issues in Serbia during the period 2000 - 02 and these changes are attributable to the corresponding political context.
Livres sur le sujet "Serbia – Politics and government – 2000-2002"
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Milošević, Milan. Political guide to Serbia 2000. 2e éd. Beograd : Media center, 2000.
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Serbia, Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in. Human rights in Serbia 2000. Belgrade : Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia, 2001.
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Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia. Human rights in Serbia 2000. Belgrade : Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia, 2001.
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Alendar, Branislava, et Jelica M. Minić. South Eastern Europe 2000 : A view from Serbia. Belgrade : Stubovi kulture, 1999.
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1965-, Spasić Ivana, et Subotić Milan, dir. R/Evolution and order : Serbia after October 2000. Belgrade : Institute for Philosophy and Social Theory, 2001.
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Kongres, Socijalistička partija Srbije. Serbia 2000 : A step into the new century. Belgrade : Socialist Party of Serbia, 1996.
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Human rights in the shadow of nationalism : Serbia 2002. [Belgrade] : Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia, 2003.
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Mitrovic, R. V. Milosevic down fall and collapse of orthodox militarism and communism in Serbia : Diary Serbia 2000. Beograd : Gea, 2001.
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Panajotović, Tomislav G. Dnevnik jednog poslanika : (2001-2002) : (Skupština iznutra). Pirot : NESSK, 2002.
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Stanojlović, Seška. Tačka razlaza : Povodom polemike vođene na stranicama lista Vreme od 1. avgusta do 21. novembra 2002. Beograd : Helsinški odbor za ljudska prava u Srbiji, 2003.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Serbia – Politics and government – 2000-2002"
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Werth, Dirk. « E-Government Interoperability ». Dans Encyclopedia of Information Science and Technology, First Edition, 985–89. IGI Global, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-59140-553-5.ch174.
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The rise of the Internet has structurally changed not only the business area, but also governments and administrative authorities. The usage of information and communication technologies (ICT) influenced the organizational behavior and the daily work of public administrations. In parallel, a new management paradigm has grown in governments and administrations: The New Public Management (NPM) aims to a new orientation on the impact of public activities and on the benefit of public services for its customers, namely citizens and businesses (Barzelay, 2001). It puts the administration and its activities in the triangular relationship between politics, administration and citizens (Osborne & Gaebler, 1992). Within this “ecosphere”, decentralized steering models (Reichard, 2002) as well as market mechanisms are introduced and emphasized (Pollitt & Bouckaert, 2000).
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Cropf, Robert A. « The Virtual Public Sphere ». Dans Encyclopedia of Multimedia Technology and Networking, Second Edition, 1525–30. IGI Global, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-60566-014-1.ch206.
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The public sphere does not exist and operate in the same way everywhere. Every country is different with regard to its own economic, social, political, and cultural characteristics and relations; therefore, each country’s public sphere has its own roots which grow and develop within a unique set of conditions and circumstances. As a result, the impact of information technology (IT) on a public sphere will also vary considerably from one country to another. According to the German social theorist, Jürgen Habermas (1989,1996), the public sphere serves as a social “space,” which is separate from the private sphere of family relations, the commercial sphere of business and commerce, and the governmental sphere, which is dominated by the activities of the state. Its importance is that it contributes to the strengthening of democracy by, in effect, serving as a forum for reasoned discussion about politics and civic affairs. Furthermore, Habermas regards the public sphere as embodying such core liberal beliefs as individual rights, that is, the freedoms of speech, press, assembly and communication, and “privacy rights” (Cohen & Arato 1992, p. 211), which he thought were needed to ensure society’s autonomy from the state. Thus, for the purposes of this article, public sphere is defined as a “territory” of social relations that exist outside of the roles, duties, and constraints established by government, the marketplace, and kinship ties. Habermas’ conception of the public sphere is both a historical description and an ideal type. Historically, what Habermas refers to as the bourgeois public sphere emerged from the 18th century Enlightenment in Europe, for example, England and France, as well as early America, and which went into decline in the 19th century as a result of the increasing domination of the mass media, which transformed a reading public that debated matters of culture into disengaged consumers (Keane, 1998, p. 160). Along the way, active deliberation and participation were replaced by passive consumption of mass culture. As an ideal type, however, the public sphere represents an arena, absent of class and other social distinctions, in which private citizens can engage in critical deliberation and reasoned dialogue about important matters regarding politics and culture. The emergence of IT, particularly in the form of computer networks, as a progressive social force coincides with the apex of mass media’s domination of the public sphere in liberal democracies. Since the creation of the World Wide Web (WWW) in the early 1990s, various observers have touted IT’s potential to strengthen democratic institutions (e.g., Barber 2003; Becker & Slaton, 2000; Benkler, 2006; Cleveland, 1985; Cropf & Casaregola, 1998; Davis, Elin, & Reeher, 2002). The WWW, it is thought, provides citizens with numerous opportunities to engage in the political process as well as to take a more active role in the governance process. Benkler (2006), for example, asserts the WWW encourages a more open, participatory, and activist approach because it enables users to communicate directly with potentially many other users in a way that is outside the control of the media owners and is less corruptible by money than are the mass media (p. 11). Fulfilling the promise of the virtual public sphere, however, depends on political will; governments must commit the resources needed to facilitate public access to the technology and remove legal and economic barriers to the free flow of information inside and outside national boundaries.