Articles de revues : « Señor presidente »

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Rachwalska von Rejchwald, Jolanta. « Un geste fantôme du président. Reconfigurations dans les rapports entre l’État laïc et la religion dans l’ère post-séculière ». Romanica Wratislaviensia 66 (4 octobre 2019) : 133–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0557-2665.66.11.

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THE PRESIDENT’S PHANTOM GESTURE: RECONFIGURATIONS BETWEEN A SECULAR STATE AND RELIGION IN TIMES OF POST-SECULARISM The personal attitude of the successive presidents of the Fifth Republic of France to religion, although different, did not violate the general principle of the secularity of the state. Meanwhile, the ambiguity of some gestures of president Emmanuel Macron, visible during the funeral ceremony of Johnny Hallyday, sparked protests among the laicity defenders, especially since it fell exactly on the anniversary of the 1905 law on the separation of Churches from the State. Is it possible to see in the president’s behaviour signs of striving to push the limits of secularity that seemed so far unshakeable? An analysis of Macron’s speeches, forming a kind of political theology, will allow us to feature the outlines of the new post-secular laicity that is emerging during his presidency.

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Beyers, Jan, et Bart Kerremans. « Relativiteit en succes van een Europees voorzitterschap : Het Belgisch voorzitterschap van naderbij bekeken ». Res Publica 36, n^o 2 (30 juin 1994) : 129–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v36i2.18745.

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The Belgian Presidency is generally seen as being a success. On many difficult questions, the Belgians succeeded in forging compromises between the member states. There is a risk however, that the apparent successes of this Presidency will lead to an over-estimation of the role which a EU-president can play. Therefore, it is important to pay attention to its limits and possibilities. It can help to relativize the Belgian presidency and to improve insights into the potential role of EU-presidents within the decision-making of the European Union.

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Lähteenmäki, Maria. « A Political Profile of Tarja Halonen, the First Finnish Female President ». Journal of Finnish Studies 20, n^o 2 (1 novembre 2017) : 7–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/28315081.20.2.03.

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Abstract Neither historiographers nor social scientists have paid much attention to the position of women among the highest political elite, as heads of state and especially as presidents. Such women are rare: there are few female presidents, and their role is often ceremonial. At the end of 2016, there were four female presidents in the nineteen republics belonging to the European Union. Yet female presidency is a very important theme from the perspective of women's roles in politics, the trend toward gender equality, and female empowerment in society. This article takes a look at Finland's first female president, Tarja Halonen, who held office from March 2000 to February 2012. The Finnish president still has real political power, which makes this topic particularly interesting. On the one hand, the article examines the profile that emerged of President Tarja Halonen and the reflection of her gender in her work as president. On the other hand, the article looks to see whether she succeeded in challenging the male institution of the president to change, and whether she was able to fracture the glass ceiling that still exists between women—even in Europe—and the highest echelons of political power.

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Galam, Serge. « Geometric vulnerability of democratic institutions against lobbying : A sociophysics approach ». Mathematical Models and Methods in Applied Sciences 27, n^o 01 (janvier 2017) : 13–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0218202517400012.

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An alternative voting scheme is proposed to fill the democratic gap between a pre-sident elected democratically via universal suffrage (deterministic outcome, the actual majority decides), and a president elected by one person randomly selected from the population (probabilistic outcome depending on respective supports). Indeed, moving from one voting agent to a group of [Formula: see text] randomly selected voting agents reduces the probabilistic character of the outcome. Accordingly, building [Formula: see text] such groups, each one electing its president (elementary bricks), to constitute a group of the groups with the [Formula: see text] local presidents electing a higher-level president, does reduce further the outcome probabilistic aspect. The process is then repeated [Formula: see text] times to reach a bottom-up pyramidal structure with [Formula: see text] levels, [Formula: see text] elementary bricks at the bottom and a president at the top. Agents at the bottom are randomly selected but higher-level presidents are all designated according to the respective local majorities within the groups which elect them. At the top of the hierarchy the president is still elected with a probability but the distance from a deterministic outcome reduces quickly with increasing [Formula: see text]. At a critical value [Formula: see text] the outcome turns deterministic recovering the same result a universal suffrage would yield. This alternative hierarchical scheme introduces several social advantages like the distribution of local power to the competing minority, which thus makes the structure more resilient, yet preserving the presidency allocation to the actual majority. It also produces an area around 50% for which the president is elected with an almost-equiprobability slightly biased in favor of the actual majority. However, our results reveal the existence of a severe geometric vulnerability to lobbying. It is shown that a tiny lobbying group is able to kill the democratic balance by seizing the presidency democratically. It is sufficient to complete a correlated distribution of a few agents at the hierarchy bottom. Moreover, at the present stage, identifying an actual killing distribution is not feasible, which sheds a disturbing light on the devastating effect geometric lobbying can have on democratic hierarchical institutions.

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González Pérez, Clodio. « Antonio Fraguas, etnógrafo ». Boletín da Real Academia Galega, n^o 380 (7 avril 2020) : 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.32766/brag.380.766.

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O propósito deste relatorio é contribuír ao coñecemento da obra de Antonio Fraguas Fraguas de contido etnográfico e/ou folclórico, dende os primeiros traballos de campo na parroquia natal de Loureiro (Cotobade), que comezou de bacharel por consello do profesor Antón Losada Diéguez, ata o pasamento en 1999. Cofundador da Sociedade da Lingua en 1924, membro do Seminario de Estudos Galegos, do Instituto de Estudios Gallegos Padre Sarmiento (director durante varios anos da Sección de Etnografía e Folclore), do Plenario do Consello da Cultura Galega (coordinador algún tempo da Sección de Antropoloxía Cultural), director do Museo do Pobo Galego e presidente do Padroado do segundo. Académico numerario da Real Academia Galega (1951, o discurso de ingreso versou sobre as cantigas dos seráns da súa terra de Loureiro), Premio de Investigación da Xunta de Galicia, Cronista Xeral de Galicia, Premio Ramón Otero Pedrayo etc. Entre as publicacións etnográficas, sen ter en conta os artigos en revistas especializadas, sobresaen: La Galicia insólita: Tradiciones gallegas, El traje gallego, Aportacións ao cancioneiro de Cotobade, Romarías e santuarios e A festa popular en Galicia. Gran divulgador da nosa cultura tradicional, ameno conferenciante e colaborador en xornais e revistas.

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Tavares, Eliana Da Silva. « A IDEIA DE JUSTIÇA : PROMETEU ACORRENTADO E O LAWFARE ». Revista do GEL 17, n^o 1 (6 juillet 2020) : 308–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.21165/gel.v17i1.2829.

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Buscamos analisar a maneira com que diferentes agentes do Estado utilizaram o aparato jurídico para julgar e condenar o ex-presidente Luís Inácio Lula da Silva, bem como para estabelecer as condições de cumprimento da pena a ele impetrada. Nessa medida, nosso objetivo consistiu em aferir se houve abuso de meios jurídicos para a condenação do réu, o que caracteriza, de acordo com a literatura, prática de lawfare. Nosso corpus de análise é constituído por dois artigos, um do site Rede Brasil Atual, outro do site Consultor Jurídico. Como metodologia, cotejamos os argumentos dispostos nos artigos referidos, à luz da fundamentação teórica estabelecida como aporte, a qual aborda, por um lado, a argumentação enquanto prática discursiva (TAVARES, 2007; BAKHTIN, 2010) e, por outro lado, o imbricamento das noções de justiça e de legitimidade (BENJAMIN, 2003; MEYER, 2010; SEN, 2011). É possível afirmar, enquanto resultado do estudo, que não é a estrutura institucional que garante justiça, como se fosse uma entidade transcendente à dinâmica social. Assim, chegamos à conclusão geral de que é a maneira como os agentes fazem girar a roda dessa estrutura, ou seja, o jogo de relações humanas efetivas, que determinam e legitimam a ideia de justiça.

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Levin, John S. « The Paradox of the Presidency : The Difference a President makes in Institutional Functioning at Three Community Colleges ». Canadian Journal of Higher Education 22, n^o 3 (31 décembre 1992) : 28–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.47678/cjhe.v22i3.183141.

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Do presidents make a difference? Presidential impact on colleges and universities has been called into question for decades. Most recently, there is evidence to suggest that institutional functioning may not be affected by who presidents are or by what presidents do (Birnbaum, 1989). Such questioning fits within the mainstream of thinking on the presidency at higher education institutions. This thinking conveys a dualism of perceptions about presidents (Benezet et al., 1981). On the one hand, presidents are seen to have both power and authority to direct their institutions; on the other hand, presidents are seen as having limited control over their institutions. Twenty-four governing board members at three Canadian community colleges were interviewed to determine whether and to what extent presidents are seen to make a difference in institutional functioning. This study concludes that from the perspective of board members, presidents do make a difference in institutional functioning. Presidential impact can be seen in public and government perceptions of the college, in institutional decision-making, and in the preservation of college philosophy. Furthermore, the president is the educational leader, not as a determiner of educational programs or teaching performance, but rather as the communicator of institutional orientations and actions.

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Mukhlisin, Syamsul. « Mobilisasi Politik Kelompok Kepentingan Dalam Pilpres 2014 Di Desa Dasan Borok (Studi Nahdlatul Wathan) ». POPULIKA 9, n^o 2 (29 juillet 2021) : 60–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.37631/populika.v9i2.385.

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Abstraksi Nahdlatul Wathan merupakan suatu kelompok kepentingan yang melakukan mobilisasi politik terhadap masyarakat desa Dasan Borok pada saat Pemilu PILPRES RI 2014. Mobilisasi politik ini dilakukan karena Nahdlatul Wathan adalah salah satu pengusung pasangan kandidat calon Presiden dan Wakil Presiden RI 2014. Terpecahnya Nahdlatul Wathan menjadi dua Pengurusan Besar berdampak pada perbedaan dukungan terhadap pasangan kandidat calon Presiden dan Wakil Presiden RI 2014 seperti Nahdlatul Wathan Pancor mengusung pasangan Prabowo-Hatta dan Nahdlatul Wathan Anjani mengusung Pasangan Jokowi-JK dan masing-masing kubu memiliki massa yang besar di desa Dasan Borok. Adapun tujuan dilakukannya penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui “Peran Kelompok Kepentingan Dalam Memobilisasi Politik Masyarakat Desa Dasan Borok Pada PILPRES 2014”. Dalam memetakan masalah dari penelitian yang bersetting di desa Dasan Borok, Kec. Suralaga ini, maka peneliti menggunakan pendekatan metode penelitian kualitatif dengan jenis penelitian deskriptif dengan tujuan agar data yang disajikan relevan dengan pendekatan yang dipakai. Adapun tekhnik yang dipakai dalam penelitian ini menggunakan tekhnik purposive sampeling. Di samping itu untuk meningkatkan kevalidan data yang diperoleh, maka penelitian ini menggunakan tekhnik pengumpulan data observasi berbentuk participant observation dan wawancara tidak terstruktur serta dokumentasi dengan teknik analisis domain (domain analysis). Dari hasil temuan di lapangan dapat dideskripsikan bahwa PILPRES RI 2014 dipandang sebagai arena pertarungan oleh dua kubu Nahdlatul Wathan selaku kelompok kepentingan karena perbedaan usungan kandidat pasangan calon Presiden dan Wakil Presiden. Sebagai Kelompok Kepentingan, Nahdlatul Wathan berperan sebagai tim sukses dengan menggunakan peran dakwah sebagai media untuk melakukan mobilisasi politiknya terhadap masyarakat desa Dasan Borok pada PILPRES 2014. Hal ini terlihat ketika Nahdlatul Wathan mengadakan pengajian akbar maupun lawatan-lawatan agama dengan menghadirkan pasangan calon presiden yang diusungnya dengan dihadiri oleh ribuan jamaah NW maupun sosialisasi pasangan kandidat ketengah masyarakat yang dilakukan oleh pengurus NW ditingkat cabang dan ranting yang ada di desa Dasan Borok. Kata Kunci: Kelompok Kepentingan, Pilpres, dan Nahdlatul Wathan Abstract Nahdlatul Wathan is a group interest conducting political mobilization on the society in Dasan Borok in president election in 2014. It is done because Nahdlatul Wathan is a group that brings the candidate of president and vice president of RI in 2014. Nahdlatul Wathan becomes two managing committee which affects the support of the president and the vice candidate of RI in 2014. Nahdlatul Wathan Pancor carried Prabowo-Hatta and Nahdlatul Wathan Anjani carried Jokowi-JK, and each group has a great amount of mass in Dasan Borok. This research purposed at knowing “the role of political mobilizationof group interest in the president election in 2014 in Dasan Borok”. This research is a qualitative research approach utilizing descriptive in order the data is relevant. The technique used is purposive sampling. The data collection used is observation in from of participant observation, unstructured interview as well as documentation using domain analysis technique. Based on the found data, it can be described that the president’s election of RI 2014 seemed to be a strange struggling arena done by two sides group of Nahdlatul Wathan as the group interest. As the group interest, Nahdlatul Wathan personated as the success team, it was done through religious endeavor or dakwah in the society in Dasan Borok in president’s election of RI 2014. It can be seen when Nahdlatul Wathan held a great meeting (great religious endeavor) as well as a visit of the candidate of the presidents. It was also done by the chapter and the subsection of NW in Dasan Borok. Keyword: Group Interest, President Election (Pilpres), Nahdlatul Wathan

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Prémont, Karine. « La vice-présidence américaine contemporaine : une école pour la présidence ? » Canadian Journal of Political Science 41, n^o 4 (décembre 2008) : 953–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423908081109.

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Résumé.La vice-présidence est probablement l'institution la plus sous-estimée de la démocratie américaine. Souvent la cible de quolibets, elle a cependant réussi à se transformer et à se définir au fil des années. Aujourd'hui, les vice-présidents sont presque automatiquement pressentis à la présidence et d'ailleurs, la majorité d'entre eux ont cette ambition. Que s'est-il donc passé pour que la vice-présidence devienne une institution d'où peut émaner un éventuel président? Pour répondre à cette question, nous examinons, dans un premier temps, les changements externes qui ont contribué à modifier les fonctions vice-présidentielles. Dans un deuxième temps, nous comparons quatre vice-présidents contemporains (Nixon, Ford, Mondale et Bush) pour tenter de voir s'il existe une corrélation entre le mode de gestion qu'ils ont adopté et leur succès ou leur échec durant leur campagne présidentielle. Finalement, nous abordons d'autres pistes de réflexion afin de cerner les éléments qui permettraient d'expliquer en quoi la vice-présidence est un atout pour d'éventuels candidats à la présidence.Abstract.The vice-presidency is probably the most unappreciated and the most underestimated institution of the American democracy. Often the target of gibes, it nevertheless achieved a radical transformation years after years. Now, vice-presidents are almost always considered for the presidency and moreover, the majority of them have the ambition to be president someday since World War II. What can explain that the vice-presidency, not ridiculed anymore, is now an institution where one can find the next president of the United States? To answer this question, we initially examine the external changes that affected the vice-presidential functions. Secondly, we compare four contemporary vice-presidents (Nixon, Ford, Mondale and Bush) in order to see if their management style is linked to their chances to be president. Finally, we talk about other considerations that could explain why the vice-presidency is a significant asset for those who want to be president.

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Küntay, Ismail Burak. « Would Isolationist Presidents Cause War ? » European Journal of Social Sciences 5, n^o 2 (1 octobre 2022) : 39–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/eujss-2022-0014.

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Abstract In American politics, it has been seen that the presidents, who came to power from an isolationist perspective, contrary to their rhetoric, find themselves in the greatest wars in American History. In this study, it was researched whether the isolationist rhetoric of some Presidents who were sitting in the presidency during the period of the great chaos experienced in the USA and the world resulted in great wars, or whether the discourses that winning the elections to these Presidents should have an isolationist approach as a result of decomposition of the world and reflection of economic problems to their countries. The assumption of this study is that the Presidents who won the elections with their isolationist rhetoric were later faced with major wars during their presidency as a result of the processes that had laid their foundations before they were President and their infrastructure had been formed in the light of developments in the world. In this context, the internal political and international conjuncture of William McKinley, Woodrow Wilson and Franklin D. Roosevelt periods will be evaluated. Accordingly, domestic and foreign policy statements and decisions of the presidents will be analyzed. As a result of the analysis carried out in the conclusion section, there will be an inference and foresight on American internal policy and foreign policy regarding the isolationist discourse in the Donald Trump period that is on the agenda.

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Küntay, Ismail Burak. « Would Isolationist Presidents Cause War ? » European Journal of Social Sciences 5, n^o 2 (1 octobre 2022) : 39–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ejss.v1i1.p21-30.

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Abstract In American politics, it has been seen that the presidents, who came to power from an isolationist perspective, contrary to their rhetoric, find themselves in the greatest wars in American History. In this study, it was researched whether the isolationist rhetoric of some Presidents who were sitting in the presidency during the period of the great chaos experienced in the USA and the world resulted in great wars, or whether the discourses that winning the elections to these Presidents should have an isolationist approach as a result of decomposition of the world and reflection of economic problems to their countries. The assumption of this study is that the Presidents who won the elections with their isolationist rhetoric were later faced with major wars during their presidency as a result of the processes that had laid their foundations before they were President and their infrastructure had been formed in the light of developments in the world. In this context, the internal political and international conjuncture of William McKinley, Woodrow Wilson and Franklin D. Roosevelt periods will be evaluated. Accordingly, domestic and foreign policy statements and decisions of the presidents will be analyzed. As a result of the analysis carried out in the conclusion section, there will be an inference and foresight on American internal policy and foreign policy regarding the isolationist discourse in the Donald Trump period that is on the agenda.

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Muchlisin, Muchlisin Muchlis. « PANDEMI COVID-19 SEBAGAI ALASAN IMPEACHMENT PRESIDEN PRESPEKTIF HUKUM TATA NEGARA ». Tafáqquh : Jurnal Penelitian Dan Kajian Keislaman 8, n^o 2 (1 décembre 2020) : 163–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.52431/tafaqquh.v8i2.271.

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In the development of carrying trust as head of state as well as head of government, a president must execute the mandate that is contained in the law. This research was conducted to see the foundation used in the presidential impeachment, as well as whether the Covid-19 pandemic could be a reason for the president's impeachment. The author finds that there are several reasons for the impeachment in Indonesia, which is appropriate in security – Constitution 1945 Article 7A fourth amendment. States that the President and Vice-Presidents may be dismissed during his tenure by the MPR on the proposal of the DPR. In this case, of course, if it is proven to commit a violation of the law in the form of a blasphemy against the state, corruption, bribery, or other serious criminal acts.

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Widjayanto, Riono, et Martani Huseini. « Transformasi Organisasi Sekretariat Kabinet Republik Indonesia dari Era Presiden Soeharto Sampai Presiden Joko Widodo ». Jurnal Manajemen dan Ilmu Administrasi Publik (JMIAP) 5, n^o 4 (29 décembre 2023) : 402–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.24036/jmiap.v5i4.777.

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The Cabinet Secretariat is one of the institutions within the Presidency whose job is to provide support for the management of the cabinet to the President and Vice President in administering government. The duties of the Cabinet Secretariat, based on Presidential Regulation Number 55 of 2020 concerning the Cabinet Secretariat, are the newest duties and roles that the Cabinet Secretariat has after it continues to change every time there is a change in national leadership. This research discusses the organizational transformation of the Cabinet Secretariat under six presidents (Suharto, Habibie, Abdurrahman Wahid, Megawati, Yudhoyono, and Jokowi). The results of this study indicate that the organization of the Cabinet Secretariat changes every time there is a change of President, with significant changes seen after 2019, namely the Cabinet Secretariat is no longer specifically an institution that provides support in the field of legislation to the President, as was the task of the Cabinet Secretariat since the New Order era in 1960s. The organizational arrangement of the Cabinet Secretariat was greatly influenced by the situation that occurred (particularly political considerations) when the organizational arrangement was carried out.

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Ridho, Muhammad, et Muhammad Amin. « TINJAUAN YURIDIS TENTANG KEWENANGAN PRESIDEN DALAM MEMBENTUK UNIT KERJA PRESIDEN BERDASARKAN PERATURAN PERUNDANG-UNDANGAN ». Limbago : Journal of Constitutional Law 1, n^o 3 (31 octobre 2021) : 364–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.22437/limbago.v1i3.16211.

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Abstract This study aims to determine the limits of the President's authority in establishing the Presidential Work Unit and the relationship between the Presidential Work Units and the legal consequences of the judicial process with other institutions. The results show that, not necessarily because Indonesia adheres to the “supreme constitution,” everything the President does if it is not prohibited (textually) by the constitution is constitutional. It should be understood that we adhere to "constitutional supremacy" and understand "democracy," or what is also called a "constitutional democracy". So every policy, whether it is a product of legislation or other political policies, must be in line with the values of the community or in line with the wishes of the people. so the limit of the President's authority to make any policy is to see whether the policy steps that will be taken are in accordance with constitutional democracy, if not it is not in line then it is a limitation that the President cannot do that. Then, the institutional relationship between UKP4 and the State Ministry, Cabinet Secretariat as well as between the Legal Mafia Eradication Task Force and law enforcement agencies such as the KPK, the Police, and the Prosecutor's Office, has the potential for overlapping authorities in the practice of government administration and law enforcement. Keywords: President's Authority, President's Work Unit, Constitutional Democracy ABSTRAK Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui batasan kewenangan Presiden dalam membentuk Unit Kerja Presiden dan hubungan Unit Kerja Presiden bagaimana akibat hukum dari proses dari proses yuridis tersebut dengan lembaga lain. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa, tidak serta merta karena Indonesia menganut “supreme konstitusi,” segala sesuatu yang Presiden lakukan jika itu tidak dilarang (secara tekstual) oleh konstitusi adalah konstitusional. Perlu dipahami bahwa kita menganut “supreme konstitusi” dan paham “demokrasi,” atau yang juga disebut “Negara demokrasi konsitusional”. Jadi setiap kebijakan baik itu berupa produk Peraturan Perundang-Undangan atau kebijakan politik lainnya harus sesuai/sejalan dengan nilai-nilai masyarakat atau sejalan dengan keinginan rakyatnya. jadi batasan kewenangan Presiden untuk membuat kebijakan apapun adalah dengan melihat apakah langkah kebijakan yang akan dilakukan sesuai dengan demokrasi konstitusional, jika tidak itu tidak sejalan maka itu merupakan batasan bahwa Presiden tidak bisa melakukan hal tersebut. Kemudian, hubungan kelembagaan antara UKP4 dengan Kementerian Negara, Sekretariat Kabinet maupun antara Satuan Tugas Pemberantasan Mafia Hukum dan lembaga penegakan hukum seperti KPK, Kepolisian, dan Kejaksaan, sangat berpotensi untuk terjadinya tumpang-tindih kewenangan di dalam praktik penyelenggaraan pemerintah dan penegakan hukum. Kata Kunci: Kewenangan Presiden, Unit Kerja Presiden, Demokrasi Konstitusional

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KUBIAK, Adam. « THE MIDDLE KINGDOM AS DEPICTED IN THE US STRATEGIC DOCUMENTS IN 2010-2019 ». National Security Studies 14, n^o 2 (19 décembre 2018) : 357–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.37055/sbn/132141.

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The article’s goal is to summarize the perception of China in key US strategic documents in the period of 2010-2019. The rationale behind the selection of such a period was based on an assumption, that the 2012 Defense Strategic Guidance issued by the Secretary of Defense upon order from the President, marked and announced, what has been nick-named the „Pacific Pivot”. To get a better understanding of the dynamics of the perception the author suggests a one step backwards move to the 2010 National Security Strategy issued by President Obama on the verge of withdrawing large US contingents from Middle East and just after receiving the Nobel Peace Prize. To meet the goal, author will follow the changes in China-oriented parts of the strategic documents issued by the US Presidents and the Secretaries of Defence until the recently announced NSS and National Defense Strategy.

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Pati, Niranjan, et Jooh Lee. « Benchmarking presidents’ compensations in institutions of higher education relative to sustainability and other institutional practices ». Benchmarking : An International Journal 23, n^o 6 (1 août 2016) : 1500–1521. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/bij-03-2016-0034.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to investigate the strategic effects of academic institutional factors including environmental, social, and economic sustainability indices on the compensation of the president of an institution of higher education (IHE). The objective is to build relationships among variables to benchmark compensation measures for IHE presidents across US universities to proliferate sustainability initiatives. Some of the variables of the study were environmental sustainability, social sustainability, cost efficiency as a measure of economic sustainability, tenure, institutional control of the university such as public or private fundraising reputation, endowment and professor’s salary. Design/methodology/approach – In total, 236 universities have been included in the study. The data for various dependent variables were studied to see the relationship between the independent and select dependent variables. The OLS regression approach was used to ascertain the relationships between the president’s salary, and a selected set of independent variables that includes the measures of sustainability. Findings – The key findings of this study is that variables such as environmental sustainability, tenure, classification, endowment, and professor salary were significantly and positively associated with the IHE president’s salary. Research limitations/implications – The current study is limited to the IHEs within the USA. Thus, the study cannot be generalized or extrapolated to other countries or contexts or cultures. Practical implications – The results of the study show that the trustees rarely use proliferation of sustainability as a criterion to compensate IHE presidents. The study concludes with the plea to trustees to benchmark sustainability across IHEs in evaluating and compensating IHE presidents. Originality/value – This paper extends the compensation study of IHE presidents to include environment, social, and economic dimensions of sustainability. These variables are important in this age where IHEs have been challenged to do more to make our planet sustainable.

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Stein, Julian U. « Physical Fitness of Children and Youth with Handicapping Conditions : Testimony before the President’s Council on Physical Fitness and Sports1 ». Adapted Physical Activity Quarterly 2, n^o 1 (janvier 1985) : 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/apaq.2.1.1.

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The President’s Council on Physical Fitness and Sports was created and is maintained by presidential executive order. Originally called the President’s Council on Youth Fitness and established by President Dwight D. Eisenhower in 1957, the Council has continued under every president since its inception. The name of the Council has evolved to President’s Council on Physical Fitness (President John F. Kennedy) and then to its present name during the administration of President Lyndon B. Johnson. It is the only official body in the United States Government responsible for physical fitness and sport. Currently chaired by long-time professional football coach George Allen, the Council consists of 15 individuals appointed by the President from sport, education, business, and industry. A professional staff, now directed by Dr. Ash Hayes, former Director of Physical Education in San Diego, is responsible for administering all Council programs and activities.

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Yudhistira, Elsan. « Pembatasan Masa Jabatan Presiden Sebagai Upaya Menghindari Terjadinya Abuse of Power ». Al-Ishlah : Jurnal Ilmiah Hukum 23, n^o 2 (20 octobre 2020) : 132–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.33096/aijih.v23i2.43.

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President term limitation is an effort to prevent a President who takes control of the nation for a long time because the President will make it possible to abuse power. Presidential term limitation is a crucial thing to be regulated because it will make the potential abuse of power, and the authoritarian government will grow in some countries. In every nation, we can see adopting a presidential system organize about Presidential term limitation to President's candidate. Seeing that there are several types adopted by various countries that adopt the Presidential system, then it will be studied which system is the best system to decrease the possibility of the occurrence abuse of power performed by the President. The research method uses a statue approach, a historical approach, and a conceptual approach. The results of this study indicate that of the 20 (twenty) countries that adhere to the presidential system, it shows that the most widely used method is only one re-election and no re-election because with this system it is supposed that it can easily limit the term of office of the President and also can be determine fixed government. The chance of abusing power will reduce, while the system No Immediate re-election and No limitation re-election is a country that allows it to be in control for a long time without any restrictions to run for President so that the possibility of abuse of authority will be more open. Abstrak:Pembatasan masa jabatan presiden merupakan suatu upaya untuk mencegah adanya Presiden yang memgang kekuasaan dalam waktu yang panjang akan memiliki kecenderungan untuk menyalahgunakan kekuasaan (Abuse of Power) tersebut hal ini penting tiadur karena apabila tidak dibatas maka akan membuka kemungkinan terjadinya penyalagunaan wewenang dan timbulnya otoritarianisme pada suatu negara, dapat dilihat bahwa hampir seluruh negara yang menganui sistem pemerintahan Presidensial menggatur mengenai pembatasan masa jabatan pada calon presiden. Melihat dengan adanya beberapa tipe yang dianut berbagai negara yang menganut sistem Presidensial maka akan dikaji sistem mana yang paling baik untuk mengurangi kesempatan untuk terjadinya penyalahgunaan wewenang yang dilakukan Presiden. Metode penelitian menggunakan pendekatan perundang-undangan, pendekatan historis dan pendekatan konseptual. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukan bahwa dari 20 (dua puluh) Negara yang menganut sistem Presidensial ini menunjukan bahwa sistem yang paling banyak digunakan adalah sistem Only one re-election dan No re-election dikarenaakan dengan sistem ini dianggap dapat dengan mudah membatasi masa jabatan Presiden dan juga dapat menentukan fixed government sehingga kemungkinan untuk menyalahgunakan kewenangan dapat diminimalisir, sedangkan sistem No Immediate re-election dan No Limitation re-election merupakan negara yang memungkinkan Presidennya untuk berkuasa dengan waktu yang panjang tanpa ada Batasan untuk mencalonkan diri sebagai Presiden sehingga kemungkinan untuk terjadinya penyalahgunaan wewenang akan lebih terbuka

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Mukhtarrija, Muhammad, I. gusti Ayu Ketut Rachmi Handayani et Agus Riwanto. « The Ideal Concept of Presidential Threshold Arrangement to Achieve Constitutional Rights of New Political Parties in a simultaneous general election in Indonesia ». International Journal of Multicultural and Multireligious Understanding 5, n^o 3 (1 juin 2018) : 88. http://dx.doi.org/10.18415/ijmmu.v5i3.244.

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This study raises the legal issue against the enactment of Law No. 7 of 2017 on General Elections in Indonesia. The law has violated the constitutional rights of new political parties of the simultaneous general election participants that began in 2017. The injustice is seen in article 222 which requires the provision of presidential threshold for political parties nominating the president and vice-presidential pairs based on the results of general elections in 2014. If this provision is applied, automatically the new political parties of the simultaneous general election participants in Indonesia do not have the opportunity to nominate a couple of presidents and vice presidents. Based on the Constitution of the 1945 Constitution, the president and vice president are nominated by a political party or a coalition of political parties participating in the general election. Considering the constitution applicable in Indonesia should every political party participating in the general election have equal rights and opportunity in carrying the candidate of president and vice president to be elected by the people in a democracy.

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Tevis, Tenisha. « “It’s a sea-change” : Understanding the role the racial and socio-political climate play on the role-shift of the American college presidency ». education policy analysis archives 29 (29 mars 2021) : 40. http://dx.doi.org/10.14507/epaa.29.5153.

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This inquiry is part of a larger study focused on whether white male presidents in higher education can respond to racism. In the initial study, the author concluded that while presidents were responsive, their responses were not void of privilege, and highlighted the need to further address white Fragility amongst this group. In an effort to advance our understanding of the American college presidency, particularly how the racial and socio-political climate has shaped their leadership, in the current study, the author analyzed data using the perspective offered by the presidents – higher education is in a sea-change, which was also a finding, as well as specific facets of Astin and Astin’ (2000) and Buller’s (2015) respective frames of change. The analysis yielded the importance of naming that higher education is in a sea-change, grappled with the reality of power within the presidency, and articulated the value of being willing over being ready to incite change. In light of these findings, these leaders recognized that not only is higher education due for a change, but so is the postsecondary presidency. Such an understanding expands both the organizational leadership and diversity in higher education literature, respectively.

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Ramírez García, Jessica. « Los sustantivos de persona en -nte. El caso de la alternancia -nte/-nta para el femenino ». Itinerarios. Revista de estudios lingüísticos, literarios, históricos y antropológicos, n^o 32 (30 décembre 2020) : 221–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.7311/itinerarios.32.2020.12.

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En cuanto a los sustantivos de persona que terminan en el sufijo -nte, llaman la atención aquellos que presentan alternancia -nte/-nta, pero que, a su vez, son comunes en cuanto al género, como, por ejemplo, presidente/presidenta al lado de el/la presidente, de manera que alternan para el femenino la terminación -nte/-nta (la presidente/la presidenta). Ahora bien, el objetivo de esta investigación consiste, por un lado, en determinar si en el Diccionario académico (2014-2019) se ha producido un incremento de sustantivos de persona en -nte comunes en cuanto al género o con alternancia de género, ya sea por incorporaciones recientes o por cambios producidos en los masculinos en -nte. Y, por otro lado, en recoger información actual sobre los femeninos en -nta que cuentan con sus correspondientes femeninos en -nte, para lo cual se han realizado consultas en el Corpus del Español del Siglo XXI (CORPES XXI). Los resultados obtenidos confirman que sí se ha producido un incremento de este grupo de voces en -nte en el Diccionario, así como que existe un mayor empleo de los sustantivos en -nta en América, respecto de España, con ciertas excepciones.

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Syukri, Ahmad, Ridho Al-Hamdi, Suswanta Suswanta et Danang Kurniawan. « Narrative Policy Framework : Analysis of Policy Discourse for the Three-Term Presidential Term ». Journal of Government and Civil Society 7, n^o 2 (4 octobre 2023) : 242. http://dx.doi.org/10.31000/jgcs.v7i2.5880.

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The discourse on the policy of a three-term presidential term raises pros and cons in the political circles of the government and the people of Indonesia. The narrative can be seen through the opinions of policy actors, government, political parties, Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs), and the community. This study uses a method with a Q-DAS (Qualitative Data Analysis Software) approach. The data in the study were taken through four national online news media with a high level of credibility. This research will conduct a study using the Narrative Policy Framework (NPF) which can explain the structure of the political narrative in the policy-making process of changing the President's term of office. This study aims to examine the role of the media in shaping public narratives in formulating policies for the Presidential General Election in Indonesia. The results of this study indicate that the votes in the group that is against the narrative of the presidential term policy are more dominant for three periods. President Joko Widodo's firm refusal was able to influence the intensity of the discussion on the policy to increase the President's term of office.Wacana kebijakan masa jabatan presiden tiga periode menimbulkan pro dan kontra di kalangan politik pemerintah dan masyarakat Indonesia. Narasi tersebut dapat dilihat melalui pendapat dari aktor-aktor kebijakan, pemerintah, partai politik, Lembaga Swadaya Masyarakat (LSM), dan masyarakat. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode dengan pendekatan Q-DAS (Qualitative Data Analysis Software). Data pada penelitian diambil melalui empat media berita online nasional dengan tingkat kredibilitas yang tinggi. Penelitian ini akan melakukan studi menggunakan Narrative Policy Framework (NPF) yang dapat menjelaskan bagaimana struktur narasi politik pada proses pembuatan kebijakan perubahan masa jabatan Presiden. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk melihat peran media dalam membentuk narasi publik dalam penyusunan kebijakan Pemilihan Umum Presiden di Indonesia. Hasil pada penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa suara pada kelompok yang kontra terhadap narasi kebijakan masa jabatan presiden menjadi tiga periode lebih dominan. Penolakan secara tegas yang disampaikan oleh Presiden Joko Widodo mampu mempengaruhi intensitas pembahasan wacana kebijakan penambahan masa jabatan Presiden.

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Hudi, Moh. « KEDUDUKAN DAN TANGGUNGJAWAB PRESIDEN DALAM SISTEM PRESIDENSIAL DI INDONESIA ». MIMBAR YUSTITIA 2, n^o 2 (20 décembre 2018) : 173–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.52166/mimbar.v2i2.1401.

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The Government system greatly determines the position and responsibility of the president. Even in the same system of government, the president’s position and responsibility may change, depending on The Rule of Law in a particular country. The position and responsibility of the president in the presidential system in Indonesia has change several times. This can be seen before and after the amandement. President in presidential System as Head of Government and Head of State. So that the president has broad authority. The president is not responsible to the parliament, because institutionally the parliament is not higher than the president as the chief executive, but is responsible to the people as voters.

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Jordan, Kayla N., Joanna Sterling, James W. Pennebaker et Ryan L. Boyd. « Examining long-term trends in politics and culture through language of political leaders and cultural institutions ». Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 116, n^o 9 (11 février 2019) : 3476–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1811987116.

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From many perspectives, the election of Donald Trump was seen as a departure from long-standing political norms. An analysis of Trump’s word use in the presidential debates and speeches indicated that he was exceptionally informal but at the same time, spoke with a sense of certainty. Indeed, he is lower in analytic thinking and higher in confidence than almost any previous American president. Closer analyses of linguistic trends of presidential language indicate that Trump’s language is consistent with long-term linear trends, demonstrating that he is not as much an outlier as he initially seems. Across multiple corpora from the American presidents, non-US leaders, and legislative bodies spanning decades, there has been a general decline in analytic thinking and a rise in confidence in most political contexts, with the largest and most consistent changes found in the American presidency. The results suggest that certain aspects of the language style of Donald Trump and other recent leaders reflect long-evolving political trends. Implications of the changing nature of popular elections and the role of media are discussed.

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Machado Domingos, Charles Sidarta. « O Presidente e o Professor : a defesa da paz, da não-intervenção e da ». Cadernos do Tempo Presente 9, n^o 2 (16 mai 2019) : 44–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.33662/ctp.v9i2.11169.

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Recebido: 02/10/2018Aprovado: 25/11/2018Publicado: 10/12/2018Em outubro de 1962, o presidente John Fitzgerald Kennedy anunciava publicamente que a União das Repúblicas Socialistas Soviéticas tinha instalado mísseis nucleares em Cuba. Poucas horas antes, Kennedy havia comunicado a situação a todos os presidentes americanos – incluindo o brasileiro João Goulart – e solicitado apoio público as medidas tomadas pelos Estados Unidos da América naquele que era o momento de maior tensão em toda a Guerra Fria. O que o presidente John Kennedy não contava, entretanto, era que a posição do governo Goulart constituísse um obstáculo para os interesses dos Estados Unidos. Através de seus pronunciamentos públicos e mesmo pela troca de correspondência privada com o presidente estadunidense, o presidente João Goulart dizia não ao poderoso presidente dos EUA e continuava enfatizando a defesa da paz, a não-intervenção e autodeterminação dos povos, pedras angulares da sua Política Externa Independente. O que o presidente do Brasil não podia saber, contudo, é que sua negativa ante a solicitação do presidente dos Estados Unidos ensejaria uma nova relação entre os dois países, propiciando as condições internacionais que acabariam fortalecendo a conjuntura política que teria como resultado final o golpe de 1964. Palavras-chave: Governo João Goulart; Crise dos Mísseis; Política Externa Independente; Francisco San Tiago Dantas; Guerra Fria

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Edwards, George C. « Nowhere to Go and No Way to Get There : Congressional Relations in the Early Bush Administration ». Political Science Teacher 2, n^o 3 (1989) : 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896082800000660.

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The transition and the president's first year in office is the most important period for establishing the tone and character of the White House's relationship with Congress. It is the time of closest scrutiny and the greatest vulnerability to making major mistakes. Taking the right steps early and avoiding errors can lay in the foundation for a productive working relationship. Actions taken in this period create lasting impressions. According to Max Friedersdorf, the “enemies and mistakes made in the first week will dog a President throughout his term in office.” Stuart Eizenstat adds, “I don't think Carter's image ever recovered from some of those early mistakes.”This essay examines George Bush's relations with Congress early in his term. First I focus on the context in which the new president is operating to explore the opportunities and constraints present in his environment. Then I assess the primary components of his legislative strategy.When George Bush took the oath of office on January 20, 1989, he was already fighting an uphill battle in his relations with Congress. He began his tenure with one of the worst strategic positions of any newly-elected president in our history. There are two dimensions of his strategic position that bear examination: his leadership resources and his leeway in taking policy initiatives.New presidents traditionally claim a mandate from the people, because the most effective means of setting the terms of debate and overcoming opposition is the perception of an electoral mandate, an impression that the voters want to see the winner's programs implemented. Indeed, major changes in policy, as in 1933, 1965, and 1981, virtually never occur in the absence of such perceptions.

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Queiroz, Marcos, Thaís Duarte Zappelini et Waleska Miguel Batista. « De metalúrgico a presidente : o Brasil visto a partir da biografia de Lula ». Revista Brasileira de História 42, n^o 90 (mai 2022) : 407–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1806-93472022v42n90-20.

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Sirait, Ferdinand Eskol Tiar. « Policy Communication and the Solidity of the Jokowi's Second Term Coalition in Handling Covid-19 ». Jurnal Bina Praja 13, n^o 2 (31 août 2021) : 257–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.21787/jbp.13.2021.257-268.

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Abstract: The impact of the Covid-19 pandemic, which has had a major impact on people's lives, has prompted the president and his cabinet members to respond with various policy stimuli. This study wants to see the solidity of the president's assistants in responding to President Jokowi's general policies in dealing with the Covid-19 pandemic and analyze the causes of the ineffectiveness of policies taken with an applied communication approach the policy field. By using the literature study method, this research finds that the implementation of policies made by the president's assistants is not in line with the wishes of the president as the Head of Government. This is probably due to the political power dynamics contained in the Jokowi's second term coalition members. In addition, the interests of coalition members may impact the process and decision-making of a policy. The results of this study recommend that the government strengthen the role of the structure in charge of managing and ensuring that the policies taken by the president's assistants in handling Covid-19 are in line with the president's wishes. Furthermore, it is necessary to communicate the policy to all stakeholders involved in the policy process so that the policies taken in handling Covid-19 do not represent the political interests of coalition members. In addition, to maintain the solidity of the coalition cabinet in handling Covid-19, the positions of cabinet members involved in the policy implementation process must submit to the power of the President as Head of Government.

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Harlow, Summer. « A political boss and the press : The impact on democracy of two Brazilian newspapers ». Journalism 13, n^o 3 (22 septembre 2011) : 340–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464884911421575.

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When Brazil’s then-president, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, was implicated in a bribery scandal in 2005, Senator Antônio Carlos Magalhães from the state of Bahia emerged as one of the president’s most vocal critics. This study relied on a content analysis of scandal coverage in two competing Bahia newspapers: A Tarde, which had no overt political ties, and Correio da Bahia, which Sen. Magalhães owned. Results showed that Magalhães’s newspaper, Correio da Bahia, excluded citizens’ voices and covered Sen. Magalhães more extensively and favorably than did the competing newspaper, A Tarde. Thus, Correio da Bahia succumbed to owner influence, potentially threatening democracy by allowing Magalhães to set the newspaper’s agenda.

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Zulhidayat, Muhammad, et Melly Risfani. « POLITIK HUKUM PEMBATASAN MASA JABATAN PRESIDEN ». Riau Law Journal 7, n^o 2 (30 novembre 2023) : 188. http://dx.doi.org/10.30652/rlj.v7i2.8214.

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AbstractThis research is conducted by discussing in a legal perspective the discourse that will be carried out by increasing the term of office of the president. Although this did not happen, if this discourse continues to be developed in the future it will have a negative effect on leadership in Indonesia. This can be seen from the legal facts that occurred during the New Order era, the President led 32 years so that it had a bad influence on the government. This research utilizes a normative legal approach to clarify the research conducted. All sources are adjusted to secondary sources that have been published through various sources. The conclusions in this study are, first, the extension of the presidential term in the view of the law is not allowed because it will violate the provisions of the state constitution that have been strengthened in the 1945 Constitution. For this reason, from a legal perspective, this extension means that there is a contradiction in the constitution and violates the Indonesian constitution. Secondly, if we make a comparison with the United States, then there the President's term of office is limited to 2 periods, with 1 period of only 4 years. The lesson from many countries is that if a ruler is in power for too long, the enthusiasm to run the government is exhausted, but the lust for power remains great. AbstrakPenelitian ini dilakukan dengan membahas secara perspektif hukum mengenai wacana yang akan dilakukan dengan menambah masa jabatan dari presiden. Walaupun hal ini tidak terjadi, apabila wacana ini terus dikembangkan kedepannya akan berpengaruh buruk pada kepemimpinan di Indonesia. Hal ini bisa dilihat dari fakta hukum yang terjadi pada masa orde baru, presiden memimpin 32 tahun sehingga membawa pengaruh buruk dalam pemerintahan. Penelitian ini memanfaatkan pendekatan hukum normatif untuk memperjelas penelitian yang dilakukan. Semua sumber disesuaikan dengan sumber sekunder yang sudah dipublikasikan melalui berbagai sumber. Kesimpulan dalam penelitian ini adalah pertama, perpanjangan masa jabatan presiden tidak diperbolehkan karena akan melanggar ketentuan konstitusi negara. Kedua, jika kita membuat suatu perbandingan dengan Amerika Serikat, maka di sana masa jabatan presiden dibatasi 2 periode, dengan 1 periode hanya 4 tahun saja, Jika seorang penguasa terlalu lama berkuasa, semangat untuk menjalankan pemerintahan sudah habis, tapi nafsu untuk berkuasa tetap besar.

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Arguello Bueno, Mónica Paola, et Sandra Milena Miranda Olarte. « Avicultura : una industria en desarrollo frente a las fuerzas de la globalización ». SIGNOS - Investigación en sistemas de gestión 2, n^o 2 (1 juillet 2010) : 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.15332/s2145-1389.2010.0002.06.

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Este escrito orientado al sector avícola pretende relacionar la "globalización" con el impacto ambiental y social de sus actividades dentro del medio colombiano. La globalización es asumida como el proceso continuo y dinámico que involucra diferentes aspectos entre los que se encuentran consumo per cápita, avance de la producción, posibilidades de expansión a mercados internacionales e influencia de los Tratados de Libre Comercio (TLC).El trabajo se enmarca en los pensamientos de Amartya Sen y Joseph Stiglitz. El primero de ellos afirma que, entre otros, "los resultados del mercado dependen esencialmente de las políticas en educación, salud, reforma agraria y microcrédito", y que en estos campos aún hay mucho por hacer para transformar el resultado de las acciones locales y globales, dado que para el capitalismo global es más importante la expansión de las relaciones del mercado que la democracia, la educación elemental o las oportunidades sociales de los sectores subalternos. Así mismo, Stiglitz manifiesta que "el desequilibrio se ve en los ámbitos donde se desarrolla la globalización, desde el comercio, el medio ambiente y los mercados financieros".Esta situación se hace claramente visible en el sector avícola colombiano en el que los aspectos comerciales parecen ser los únicos que se tienen en cuenta.En tal sentido, Jorge Enrique Bedoya, Presidente de la Federación Nacional de Avícultores de Colombia (FENAVI), expresa: "Sería lamentable y totalmente reprochable que la presión política de algún gobierno, que sólo persigue un interés comercial, termine siendo más importante que la protección de la sanidad aviar y, de paso, que la misma protección de la seguridad alimentaria de nuestro país".El gobierno colombiano en los últimos dos años ha trabajado fuertemente en la implementación de normas como el Decreto 1500 de 2007 y la Resolución 4287 de 2007 para la industria avícola, con los que busca mejorar las condiciones de inocuidad y garantizar el tema de salud pública, lo que en últimas contribuye certificar en parte la seguridad alimentaria.

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Anwar, Anwar, Tatum Derin, Ratih Saltri Yudar, Nunung Susilo Putri et Ichsan Jazzawi. « Delivering Positive Message Through #BaliAman Vlog : President Joko Widodo’s Communication Strategy ». Journal of Election and Leadership 1, n^o 1 (14 février 2020) : 57–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.31849/joels.v1i1.3402.

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Since the seventh and current president of Indonesia, Joko Widodo (Jokowi), launched his personal video blog (vlog) channel, there has been a relatively sharp increase of studies on the President’s use of communication strategies on his vlogs. One video in particular, hashtagged with #BaliAman, was quite unique in the fact that it was meant to reduce Indonesian citizens’ fear of the state of the island after the Mount Agung’s eruption on November 2017. This present study covered the gap of the #BaliAman vlog being never studied in terms of how President Jokowi communicated the idea that Bali was safe in the face of the public’s vehement belief of the opposite. Using Penelope Brown & Stephen Levinson’s politeness theory, this present study reviewed the #BaliAman vlog to see the president’s use of the communication strategy. The results indicated that President Jokowi employed three strategies: positive face, negative face, and face threatening acts. Aside from how politeness theory applies to all situations that occur in our daily lives, this present study is significant for leaders who need to communicate safety ideas during a crisis.

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CRAMER, ALEXANDER, et KENNETH CRAMER. « Identifying Families in C-SPAN's U.S. Presidential Ratings : 2000, 2009, and 2017 ». Michigan Academician 47, n^o 2 (1 janvier 2021) : 136–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.7245/0026-2005-47.2.136.

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ABSTRACT Since the inauguration of George Washington in 1789, the United States of America has seen the governance of some 44 individual presidents. Although such presidents share a variety of attributes, they still differ from one another on many others. Significantly, these traits may be used to construct distinct sets of “families” of presidents throughout American history. By comparatively analyzing data from experts on the U.S. presidency – in this case, the C-SPAN Presidential Historians Surveys from 2000, 2009, and 2017 – this article identifies a consistent set of six presidential families: the All Stars; the Conservative Visionaries; the Postwar Progressives; the Average Joes; the Forgettables; and the Regrettables. In situating these categories in history, this article argues that U.S. presidents can be accurately organized into cohesive, like-performing families whose constituents share a common set of criteria.

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Teehankee, Julio Cabral, et Yuko Kasuya. « The 2019 midterm elections in the Philippines : Party system pathologies and Duterte’s populist mobilization ». Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 5, n^o 1 (31 décembre 2019) : 69–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891119896425.

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The May 13, 2019 midterm elections were generally seen as a referendum on the first three years of the presidency of Rodrigo R Duterte. The elections tested and consolidated the political strength of Duterte as the country’s populist strongman president. Most of the national and local candidates he endorsed won their contests for the 18,066 national and local positions. The election also resulted in a victory for the administration’s nine senatorial candidates (out of 12 seats) and a majority of its governors, mayors, and local legislators. The results follow the historical patterns of midterm elections in the post-authoritarian period. But unlike previous Philippine presidents, Duterte did not personally endeavor to consolidate his political support under his dominant party solely through the systematic mobilization of patronage. Duterte eschewed patronage-based political party building in favor of populist mobilization or the rallying of mass supporters toward contentious political action with minimum institutional intermediation. With a record high trust rating, Duterte was not only an active endorser of candidates, but he was also both a staunch defender of his allies and a relentless attacker of the opposition. In the end, the biggest winners in the 2019 midterm elections were not the candidates but Duterte himself.

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Boschee, Pam. « Comments : Join Us at ATCE in San Antonio ». Journal of Petroleum Technology 75, n^o 09 (1 septembre 2023) : 10–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/0923-0010-jpt.

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We’re looking forward to attending the SPE Annual Technical Conference and Exhibition (ATCE) next month in San Antonio, Texas, at the Henry B. Gonzales Convention Center. It kicks off with the opening general session, “Expanding the Opportunities to Sustainably Fuel the World,” on Monday, 16 October. The offerings in a roster of 45 technical sessions begin Monday afternoon and continue through Wednesday. More than 15 pre-conference training courses are available, 1-day courses on 15 and 19 October and 2-day courses on 14 and 15 October. All will take place at the convention center meeting rooms and tickets must be purchased separately. Discounted pricing for advance registration is available until 14 September. Participants receive 0.8 Continuing Education Units (CEUs) for 1-day courses and 1.6 CEUs for 2-day courses. Special sessions are scheduled daily. Among the topics on Monday is the 11th SPE Comparative Solution Project (CSP). The call for participation was announced in March at the 2023 SPE Reservoir Simulation Conference. The goal is to provide a common platform and reference case for numerical simulation of geological carbon storage (GCS), specifically development of simulations of realistic complexity. This session will provide an overview of a recently completed forecasting and validation study conducted on a laboratory-scale proxy GCS system. The annual PetroBowl championship competition on 16 October pitches SPE student chapter teams against each other in a series of quick-fire rounds, answering technical and nontechnical industry-related questions. The contest has grown in size and popularity since its debut in 2002, and in 2015 expanded globally with the introduction of six regional qualifier contests. Regional qualifier competitions now take place in the Africa, Asia Pacific, Europe, South America and Caribbean, Middle East, and North America SPE regions, and the top 32 teams are invited to the PetroBowl championship. The Annual Awards Banquet on 17 October will recognize our members who were selected as the 2023 SPE International Awards recipients. The President’s Luncheon and Annual Meeting of Members on 18 October will feature 2023 SPE President Medhat Kamal’s “state of the Society” presentation and conclude with President Kamal passing the gavel to 2024 SPE President Terry Palisch. In this issue, JPT introduces President Palisch’s inaugural podcast episode and transcript in which he discusses the theme he has selected for his presidency, “Creating Our Energy Future.” He highlights the challenges facing our industry and SPE members, his outlook for our industry, and what his goals will be during his presidency. He will be recording podcast episodes which you can find with transcripts in the monthly digital editions of JPT and on the JPT website. Also on 17 October, the Startup Village Energy Startup Competition and the Competition Awards Ceremony will occur in person. The competition will begin in the morning, and a reception and award ceremony will take place in the afternoon. Be sure to visit the Exhibition Hall to learn about the latest technologies from a wide variety of companies. And swing by the SPE Pavilion, booth 630, where you can learn more about SPE with staff available to answer your questions. Southwest Research Institute facilities (SwRI) is offering attendees a tour of its facilities on 19 October. SwRI is an independent, nonprofit research company headquartered in San Antonio with world-renowned test facilities and expertise that have been used by the oil and gas industry for more than 75 years. Tour registration is required. On the lighter side, when you’re ready for some downtime, San Antonio offers many attractions and restaurants. Before you go, take a look at the variety of pre-ATCE content available to watch on SPE Energy Stream. For example, Lorenzo Simonelli, chairman and CEO of Baker Hughes, shares industry insights in an interview. Sushma Bhan, SPE Data Science and Engineering Analytics Technical Section chair, moderates a panel discussion about generative AI and its value for the energy industry. Nayeem Chowdhury, head of CCUS at Project Canary, discusses the enabling of startups and innovative entrepreneurs in oil and gas with a panel of experts. Enjoy the show and your time in San Antonio!

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Burianová, Miroslava. « Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk jako vizuální symbol první republiky ». Acta Musei Nationalis Pragae – Historia 76, n^o 1-2 (2022) : 5–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.37520/amnph.2022.002.

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The first Czechoslovak president, Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk, is inseparable from the values of the First Czechoslovak Republic (1918–1938). The three initials of his name, ‘TGM’, represented democracy and Czech statehood. His extraordinary personality inspired respect and Czechoslovak citizens were proud of their president, a man on horseback who was upstanding, vigorous and youthful. Masaryk was a charismatic man who took pride in his appearance. His white military-style riding outfit, seen in period films, photographs and portraits, has become symbolic. At a time when most men dressed in dark clothes, the president built his image and popularity with the help of this iconic clothing that became part of his identity and ingrained in the collective consciousness. He wore this typical outfit to ride through Prague on horseback during military parades, host important foreign guests in Topoľčianky, a summer residence of Czechoslovak presidents in Slovakia. He would play with his grandchildren in his white suit and was even buried in it.

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NELSON, DANA D. « BAAS Keynote Speech A Passion for Democracy : Proximity to Power and the Sovereign Immunity Test ». Journal of American Studies 50, n^o 2 (31 mars 2016) : 279–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875816000499.

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In the run-up to the 2004 presidential election, a Bush administration official memorably explained to New York Times reporter Ron Suskind, “when we act, we create our own reality. And while you're studying that reality … we'll act again … We're history's actors … and you … will be left to … study what we do.” This comment was taken both as the administration's assessment of the intellectual left, and as a window into Bush's executive philosophy. Then many believed then that a different President – a liberal or progressive President – would renounce such unilateralism. But these arguments didn't evidence the peculiarity of George W. Bush's Machtpolitik. Rather, they draw on a deep and relatively unnoticed tradition in US political history and government, of the ever more aggressive executive expansion of presidential powers. That expansion has come through the ambitions, machinations, and moxie of individual Presidents – some of them impressively gifted leaders. It has also come through the active and passive consent of citizens, Congress, and the Supreme Court. The President has come to symbolize both our democratic process and our national power: citizens see him simultaneously as democracy's heart and its avenging sword. That trust, trained into US citizens from our earliest days in school, reinforced by popular culture and by the media, makes citizens want to give the President more power, regardless of the Constitutional checks and balances we also learn to treasure as schoolchildren. Over time, this accumulating consent to ever-increasing presidential power means that Presidents are free to act – even in ways that upset the Constitution's balance of power – and that citizens by and large approve, and those who don't are left studying what they did.

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Taufikkurrahman, Taufikkurrahman. « Fungsi partai politik pada kekuasaan eksekutif dan legislatif berdasar pada sistem pemerintahan di Indonesia ». Jurnal Civics : Media Kajian Kewarganegaraan 16, n^o 2 (31 octobre 2019) : 145–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.21831/jc.v16i2.20788.

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Partai Politik memiliki peran strategis dalam konsolidasi demokrasi setelah Indonesia merdeka khususnya setelah bergulirnya era reformasi. Kehadiran partai politik memiliki fungsi urgen untuk diperhatikan dan diberikan ruang. Salah satu fungsinya adalah pada recruitment politik dalam pengisian jabatan politik pada kekuasaan eksekutif dan legislatif di Indonesia. Fungsi tersebut akan dirasa berbeda karena sistem pemerintahan yang diterapkan di Indonesia agak berbeda dengan sistem negara lain sekalipun sama-sama menggunakan sistem presidensial. Fungsi recruitment dapat dilihat pada sistem pemilu yang diselenggarakan di Indonesia baik pada pemilihan anggota legislatif atau juga dalam pemilihan pasangan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden. Disamping itu terdapat perbedaan fungsi partai secara kelembagaan pada dua kekuasaan tersebut. Pada kekuasaan legislatif, partai politik diberikan ruang yang cukup fundamental dengan diberikannya hak membentuk fraksi sesuai afiliasi politik sehingga akan memudahkan dalam menjalankan fungsi-fungsi lembaga perwakilan. Sedangkan pada kekuasaan eksekutif, sekalipun partai politik tidak diberikan hak yang sama karena indonesia menggunakan sistem pemerintahan presidensial tetapi pengaruh partai politik pada kekuasaan eksekutif dilakukan dalam hubungan ketatanegaraan antara DPR dan Presiden dalam menjalankan wewenang masing-masing.--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Political parties have a strategic role in consolidating democracy after Indonesia's independence, especially after the reform era. The presence of the political party certainly has a vital function to be considered and given space. One of its features is in political recruitment in filling political positions in the executive and legislative powers in Indonesia. This function is different because the government system implemented in Indonesia is somewhat different from other countries' systems even though they use presidential systems together. The recruitment function can see in the electoral system held in Indonesia both in the legislative elections and also in the election of the pair of Presidents and Vice Presidents. Besides that, there are differences in party functions institutionally in the two powers of eager. In legislative power, political parties are given a reasonably fundamental space by giving them the right to form a faction according to political affiliation so that it will facilitate the carrying out of the functions of representative institutions. While the executive power, even though political parties not give the same rights because Indonesia uses a presidential system of government but the influence of political parties on the executive power is carrying out in constitutional relations between the parliament and the President.

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Sevilla, Jr., Henelito A. « The Philippines’ Foreign Policy Direction : An Assessment of The First Year of President Duterte ». Journal of South Asian Studies 6, n^o 3 (23 octobre 2018) : 165–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.33687/jsas.006.03.2558.

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President Duterte’s election as the 16th president of the Republic of the Philippines has put the country into the international media limelight. President Duterte’s use of unconventional language in his public speeches, his infamous drug campaign and his being the second head of the state after President Marcos who tried to infuse the idea of an “independent foreign policy” in the conduct of the country’s foreign relations are just some of the reasons for such media attention. Under Duterte’s administration, the Philippines opened up and became friendly with China despite the latter’s “aggressive militarization” in the South China Sea. Along with China, Duterte has also opened a new vista of military cooperation with Russia. This article examines one-year of President Duterte’s foreign policy – vis-à-vis the Association of the Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), China, and its traditional ally, the United States. It aims to discuss the direction of Duterte’s Foreign Policy in his first year of presidency and its possible implications for the Philippines’ relations with ASEAN, and the United States.

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Rasji, Rasji, Amelia Abdullah Zimah, Febriany Febriany et Vennia Neshya Rusli. « Campaign Ethics for the President in the General Election ». AURELIA : Jurnal Penelitian dan Pengabdian Masyarakat Indonesia 3, n^o 2 (1 juillet 2024) : 868–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.57235/aurelia.v3i2.2381.

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Every five years, Indonesia holds General Elections that are held directly, generally, freely, secretly, honestly, fairly, or commonly known as Luber Jurdil. In the principle of ethics, in politics related to morals, the politics of a country if followed by ethics then a prosperous, just and prosperous nation will be achieved. At this time, campaigns are still widely used to invite commotion by spreading hoaxes. The president has an obligation to maintain neutrality. The president has an obligation to maintain his neutrality during the election campaign. Yesterday's campaign, the President was accused of carrying out a campaign that skewed towards one of the candidate pairs. In this study, juridical normative research was used to see issues related to campaign ethics for the President. When viewed from the context of democracy, the President has the right and freedom as a citizen to participate in the political process, including in election campaigns. As someone who is subject to the rules, the existence of rules regarding the President's right to campaign during the election period, the President must also maintain ethics and moral values outside of the existing legal rules.

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Babaev, Shahboz, et Tony Johnston. « Developing Tourism–the path out of poverty for Uzbekistan ». International Conference on Tourism Research 15, n^o 1 (13 mai 2022) : 578–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.34190/ictr.15.1.284.

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Ending poverty in all of its forms by 2030 is the top priority goal of the United Nations Sustainable Development Goal (UNSDG). It is well known that the tourism industry can play a vital role in eradicating poverty. While the decline of global poverty is obvious, progress has slowed and even reversed because of COVID-19 and is expected to grow in the coming years. In recent years, tourism development in Uzbekistan has seen unprecedented growth. Modern Uzbekistan history can be divided into two, both with very different political and economical approaches under the presidency of former president Islam Karimov and current leader Shavkat Mirziyoyev. Since 2016, Uzbekistan has begun an unprecedented political, economic and social transformation. The reforms the new president has started have been remarkable and are being seen as an opportunity to unlock the country’s potential. In ‘New Uzbekistan’, poverty is a new term following the President’s address to the parliament of Uzbekistan, in which he became the first Uzbek president in history to openly admit the existence of poverty in the country. In Uzbekistan, the population living below the poverty line accounts for about 12 to 15 percent, nearly 4 to 5 million people in the country are living for less than 10 to 13 thousand UZS a month. Considering the challenges the world is facing with climate change, uncertain epidemic situations, countries with conflict (e.g. extremists taking over the government in Afghanistan in 2021), and authoritarian regimes (e.g. Kazakh protests in early 2022), it looks challenging to eradicate poverty by 2030 in Central Asia, particularly in Uzbekistan. This research will initiate an exploration of both the present and potential future impacts of tourism on poverty alleviation in Uzbekistan. The overall aim of the research is to create a model for developing countries to reduce poverty by maximising the benefits of the tourism industry. The academic resources related to the topic of interest are sparse. Most studies seem to focus on tourism only and there is little or almost no evidence on the impacts of tourism on the poor in Uzbekistan. This paper has important implications for academics and proposes practical recommendations which will be beneficial to policymakers and tourism governance.

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Mietzner, Marcus. « Indonesia in 2016 ». Asian Survey 57, n^o 1 (janvier 2017) : 165–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2017.57.1.165.

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During his second year in power, Indonesian President Joko Widodo faced contradictory yet interrelated trends: while he consolidated his grip over parliament and improved his approval ratings, the president’s remaining opponents shifted the focus of political contestation from the state’s institutions onto the streets. Additionally burdened by economic uncertainty and rising regional tensions over the South China Sea, Indonesian democracy thus continues to be vulnerable, its outward stability notwithstanding.

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Hariadi, Wigid. « Analisis Intervesi Fungsi Step Efek Program Tol-Laut Terhadap Pergerakan Harga Saham TMAS.JK ». Unisda Journal of Mathematics and Computer Science (UJMC) 5, n^o 01 (13 juin 2019) : 47–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.52166/ujmc.v5i01.1484.

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Abstract. Intervention analysis is used to evaluate the effect of external events on a time series data. Sea-highway program is one of the leading programs Joko Widodo-Jusuf Kalla in presidential election 2014. So the author want to modeling the effect from Sea-highway programs on stock price movement in the shipping sector, TMAS.JK (Pelayaran Tempuran Emas tbk). After analyzing, proven that it has happened intervention on movement of daily stock price TMAS.JK caused by Sea-highway programs. Intervention I, on 11 August 2014, which was efect as a result of the election of the Joko Widodo-Jusuf kalla pair as President and vice President Republic of Indonesia on 22 july 2014. Intervention II, on 10 november 2014, president Joko Widodo speech in APEC about Sea-highway Program, and offering investment in port construction to foreign country. So that the model of time series analysis that right is intervention analysis model multi input step function, where the model is ARIMA (2,1,0), StepI (b=0, s=2, r=1), StepII (b=3, s=0, r=1). Keywords: Intervention Analysis, Multi Input, Step Function, Sea-highway. Abstrak. Analisis intervensi digunakan untuk mengevaluasi efek dari peristiwa eksternal pada suatu data time series. Program Tol-Laut merupakan salah satu program unggulan pasangan Joko Widodo-Jusuf Kalla dalam pemilu 2014. sehingga, penulis ingin memodelkan efek dari Program Tol-Laut terhadap pergerakan harga saham dibidang pelayaran, TMAS.JK (Pelayaran Tempuran Emas tbk). Setelah dilakukan analisis data, terbukti bahwa terjadi intervensi pada pergerakan harga saham harian TMAS.JK yang disebabkan oleh efek dari program Tol-Laut. Dimana intervensi I, pada tanggal 11 Agustus 2014, yang diduga sebagai dampak dari terpilihnya pasangan Joko widodo-Jusuf Kalla sebagai presiden dan wakil presiden Republik Indonesia pada tanggal 22 Juli 2014. Intervensi II, pada tanggal 10 November 2014, pidato Presiden Joko Widodo di forum APEC mengenai program tol laut, dan menawarkan investasi dibidang pembangunan pelabuhan kepada bangsa asing. Sehingga model analisis time series yang tepat adalah model analisis intervensi multi input fungsi step, dimana modelnya adalah ARIMA (2,1,0), StepI (b=0, s=2, r=1), StepII (b=3, s=0, r=1). Kata kunci: Analisis intervensi, Multi Input, fungsi step, Tol-Laut.

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Heleno, Alex Rezende. « O discurso do ex-presidente do Brasil, Bolsonaro, em conflito com a concepção de Estado laico ». REDIS : REVISTA DE ESTUDOS DO DISCURSO, n^o 12 (2023) : 160–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.21747/21833958/red12a6.

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This article aims to analyze political statements in ex-president Jair Bolsonaro’s dis-course that conflict with the concept of a secular State. From the campaign slogan to the reproduc-tion of a bible verse, the ex-president tends to direct his discourse, of a religious nature, to a conserv-ative and Christian audience, which contributed significantly to his victory in the 2018 elections. This discourse aims to please this part of society, in order to maintain a political base as president and, in 2022, as a candidate for re-election. This analysis is based on theoretical formulations of Dis-course Analysis, exploring the relations between the studies of Pêcheux (ideological formations), Foucault (power relations) and Orlandi, demonstrating the relations between language, subject and historicity present in the discourse. In this way, the ex-president’s discursive intentions to maintain a portion of the electorate can be seen.

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Sutaryanto, Sutaryanto. « WAYANG PRESIDEN : MEDIA PENANAMAN NILAI KARAKTER DAN PENINGKATAN HASIL BELAJAR SISWA SEKOLAH DASAR ». Jurnal Artefak 4, n^o 1 (25 avril 2017) : 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.25157/ja.v4i1.730.

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ABSTRAKWayang merupakan peninggalan leluhur yang telah diakui UNESCO sebagai Masterpiece of Oral and Intangible Heritage of Humanity. Wayang diakui sebagai karya agung karena wayang mempunyai nilai tinggi bagi peradapan umat manusia. Media pembelajaran wayang presiden digunakan untuk menanamkan nilai karakter dan meningkatkan hasil belajar siswa kelas 4 di SDN 2 Grogol kecamatan sawoo kabupaten Ponorogo. Bentuk penelitian ini adalah Penelitian Tindakan Kelas (PTK) yang terdiri dari 2 siklus. Setiap siklus terdiri dari perencanaan, pelaksanaan tindakan, observasi, dan refeksi. Teknik pengumpulan data yang digunakan adalah observasi, tes dan angket. Penelitian ini diuji dengan menggunakan triangulasi sumber dan triangulasi teknik. Hasil penelitian yang dilaksanakan dapat disimpulkan bahwa penggunaan media wayang presiden efektif dalam menanamkan nilai karakter bangsa dan dan meningkatkan hasil belajar siswa siswa sekolah dasar.Kata Kunci: Wayang presiden, karakter, hasil belajarABSTRACTPuppet is a relic ancestor had been recognized UNESCO as a Masterpiece of Oral and Intangible Heritage of Humanity. It is recognized as a masterpiece because it has a high value for the human civilization. Media puppet learning president used to imprint the value of a character and improve learning outcomes of the students in Grade 4 of State Primary School of sawoo, Ponorogo regency. This research used the classroom action research whit tho cycles. Each cycle consisted of four phases, namely: planning, implementation, observation, and reflection. The data of the research were gathered through observation, test and question form. This research tested by using source triangulation and technique triangulation. The results of the research carried out can be concluded that the use of media puppet president effective to infuse the value of a character the nation and improve learning outcomes primary school student.Keywords: Puppet President, character, learning outcomes

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Tinshe, Sonia, et Junaidi Junaidi. « WHO ARE AMERICANS ? ANALYSIS OF OBAMA AND TRUMP’S POLITICAL SPEECHES ON IMMIGRATION ». Celtic : A Journal of Culture, English Language Teaching, Literature and Linguistics 6, n^o 2 (26 décembre 2019) : 73–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.22219/celtic.v6i2.9947.

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Immigration has been a crucial discussion in the American politics ever since the nation was still writing its constitution. Seeing how immigrants have shaped the American society, it is important to see how they are perceived, as minorities, by significant political figures, such as the president. The objective of this paper is to understand the ideology behind Obama and Trump’s political speeches about immigration, as well as its relevance to the political discourse and social context in America. Five political speeches from Obama (2009-2014), as well as two political speeches from Trump (2016-2017) are analyzed, as the primary data, using Critical Discourse Analysis, particularly Fairclough’s (1993) three-dimensional framework. The finding shows that Obama’s and Trump’s ideology on immigration is related with their idea of the immigrant’s identity in American society. It is shown through their word choice, such as pejorative adjective, and the theme related with the issue of immigration. Seen from the political discourse, the speeches are showing perceived superiority that the presidents have over immigrants. Moreover, from the social perspective, it dehumanizes and reduces the identity of immigrants.

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Tinshe, Sonia, et Junaidi Junaidi. « WHO ARE AMERICANS ? ANALYSIS OF OBAMA AND TRUMP’S POLITICAL SPEECHES ON IMMIGRATION ». Celtic : A Journal of Culture, English Language Teaching, Literature, & ; Linguistics 6, n^o 2 (26 décembre 2019) : 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.22219/celticumm.vol6.no2.73-87.

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Immigration has been a crucial discussion in the American politics ever since the nation was still writing its constitution. Seeing how immigrants have shaped the American society, it is important to see how they are perceived, as minorities, by significant political figures, such as the president. The objective of this paper is to understand the ideology behind Obama and Trump’s political speeches about immigration, as well as its relevance to the political discourse and social context in America. Five political speeches from Obama (2009-2014), as well as two political speeches from Trump (2016-2017) are analyzed, as the primary data, using Critical Discourse Analysis, particularly Fairclough’s (1993) three-dimensional framework. The finding shows that Obama’s and Trump’s ideology on immigration is related with their idea of the immigrant’s identity in American society. It is shown through their word choice, such as pejorative adjective, and the theme related with the issue of immigration. Seen from the political discourse, the speeches are showing perceived superiority that the presidents have over immigrants. Moreover, from the social perspective, it dehumanizes and reduces the identity of immigrants.

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Adhira, Putri, et Devi Triasari. « Illiberal Peace in Sri Lanka : Reasons and Achievements of the Resulting Peace ». Journal of Law, Environmental and Justice 2, n^o 1 (27 mars 2024) : 63–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.62264/jlej.v2i1.92.

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Sri Lanka is one example that is often raised in the literature to describe what then categorized as illiberal peace process. In this country, the illiberal peace process needs to be seen as an new political option from Presiden Mahinda Rajapaksa to end a prolonged civil war. This study focused to answer two questions: (1) the reasons why President Mahinda Rajapaksa more prefer choose illiberal peace and (2) the peace created after the war was stopped in Sri Lanka. The study found at least three reasons behind President Mahinda Rajapaksa illiberal decision: the issue about threat of prolonged domectic instability, the ineffectiveness of negotiations, and finally, about political opportunity. About peace after war, this study found Sri Lanka led to the formation of a negative peace order.

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Leunig, Sven. « Parlamentsvizepräsidenten in Bundestag und Landesparlamenten : (Neu-)Regelungen und Ämterbesetzung im Schatten der AfD ». Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 53, n^o 4 (2022) : 757–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2022-4-757.

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Appointing vice presidents to the German state parliaments, as well as to the Bundestag, has come under greater public attention since the AfD has gained parliamentary representation . The AfD has often complained that it is prevented from exercising its right to nominate or appoint a vice president by the other parliamentary groups . This article examines the question of whether such rights actually exist and whether, as the AfD claims, changes have been made to constitutional provisions or parliamentary rules of procedure to the detriment of the AfD since 2014 . This is put in relation to the results that AfD candidates achieved in vice presidential elections in each case . While it can be seen that the legal provisions have indeed been changed frequently since 2014, there are only few cases that ostensibly followed the goal of preventing AfD-MPs from candidacies for the office of Vice President . At the same time, however, parliamentarians in most cases exercised their right to refuse to approve AfD candidates .

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Ortega-Ruiz, Manuela, et Francisco-Javier Luque-Castillo. « Reforming the core executive to undermine the influence of the minister of Finance ? A case study from Spain : The first Zapatero government (2004‐08) ». International Journal of Iberian Studies 35, n^o 2 (1 juin 2022) : 105–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ijis_00070_1.

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Claims from the media and academic research suggest that during the first Zapatero government (2004‐08), the Oficina Económica del Presidente (President’s Economic Office) played an activist role, not only in the development of its legal functions but also in the decision-making process related to economic policy. Given that the OEP was headed by individuals who had no political experience at the time they were appointed, and moreover were assisted by technical experts of the same background, this article intends to examine the extent to which this kind of reform of the core executive ‐ seen as a product of presidentialization ‐ undermined the influence of the minister of Finance.

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