Articles de revues : « Security, International – Europe »

1

Wettig, Gerhard. « Post‐Soviet central Europe in international security ». European Security 3, n^o 3 (septembre 1994) : 463–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09662839408407183.

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Walker, R. B. J. « Security, Critique, Europe ». Security Dialogue 38, n^o 1 (mars 2007) : 95–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010607075974.

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Antevski, Miroslav, Dobrica Vesic et Ljiljana Kontic. « Regional and international aspects of energy security ». Medjunarodni problemi 63, n^o 2 (2011) : 260–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1102260a.

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Energy security may be defined, generally, as the availability of clean energy sources at affordable prices. If a country or region does not have its own sources of energy in the necessary extent, their energy security is in a long-term threat. To this point, countries seek to achieve diversification of energy sources and transport routes. This is one of the reasons for launching new energy projects in Europe and Asia; the other is an attempt by Russia to consolidate its dominant position on the part of the international energy market; the third factor is the oil transnational corporations. Russia is the dominant natural trading partner and Europe?s energy supplier. Problems with the transit of natural gas and oil from Russia to Europe, which directly threaten its energy security, were the reason to launch the new energy projects.

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Smolar, Aleksander. « Democratization in central‐eastern Europe and international security ». Adelphi Papers 32, n^o 266 (décembre 1991) : 25–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/05679329108449081.

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Hammond, Paul. « Review : Europe : Reforging European Security ». International Journal : Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 47, n^o 1 (mars 1992) : 187–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070209204700110.

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Dean, Jonathan. « Military Security in Europe ». Foreign Affairs 66, n^o 1 (1987) : 22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20043290.

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Berger, Christian. « OSCE and International Law ». International Journal of Legal Information 24, n^o 1 (1996) : 36–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500000056.

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The Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) pursues a concept of co-operative security which encompasses commitments by participating States in the areas of military security, political co-operation, human rights, economy, culture and the environment. Its priorities are to consolidate common values and build civil societies, prevent local conflicts, restore stability and bring peace to war-torn areas, overcome real and perceived security deficits and avoid the creation of new divisions by promoting a co-operative system of security. The OSCE is the primary instrument for early warning, conflict management and crisis management in the OSCE region, i.e. Europe, Central Asia and North America. Its basic feature is the strict equality of all 55 participating States, which is well reflected in its decision-making process. With a few exceptions, decision-making at meetings within the framework of the OSCE is only possible by consensus, which is considered to be achieved if no State has expressed an objection. States are, however, allowed to make reservations or interpretative statements.

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Gębska, Marta Halina. « HUMAN TRAFFICKING AS A CHALLENGE FOR INTERNATIONAL SECURITY AND SECURITY IN EUROPE ». Torun International Studies 1, n^o 13 (24 avril 2020) : 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/tis.2020.004.

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Malnar, Dario, et Ana Malnar. « Demographic Security Trends in Southeastern Europe ». Croatian International Relations Review 21, n^o 73 (1 août 2015) : 57–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/cirr-2015-0011.

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Abstract Over the past three decades we have witnessed an evolution of the concept of security in general and of demographic security as a specific field of security studies. The approach to security has been changing both in regards to a widening of subjects and referent objects of security, and a widening of the security domain. Consideration of the demographic component in the security sphere has evolved in accordance with this development; the scope of perspectives through which demographic security is viewed and defined has expanded - the population composition, population dynamics and human capital paradigm. Aspects of demographics and security are in continuous interaction and interdependence which significantly determines demographic security and national security. The aim of this paper is to establish a specific link between demographic security and security in ten post-socialist countries of South Eastern Europe (SEE). In accordance with this aim, an analysis has been made of the compositional elements and population dynamics in order to determine demographic security of the observed states. The analysis indicates unfavourable demographic security, and negative demographic composition and dynamics in most of observed states, which suggests that demographic security will have a continuing negative impact on the security of the countries analysed and the region as a whole.

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Kaldor, Mary. « Europe at the Millennium ». Politics 20, n^o 2 (mai 2000) : 55–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00112.

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This article argues that the future of the European project depends on the capacity to maintain security. It traces the link between security and political institutions in the case of nation states and, subsequently, blocs. The security of nation states and blocs was defined in terms of the defence of borders against an external enemy and the preservation of law and order within borders. Today, the distinction between internal and external has broken down; ‘new wars’ are a mixture of war, organised crime and violations of human rights. Security can only be maintained through the extension of law and order beyond borders – through enlargement, migration and citizenship policies, and effective humanitarian intervention. Any other approach could lead to a reversal of the process of integration. This type of security policy is likely to be associated with a very different type of polity.

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Parakhonsky, Borys, et Galina Yavorska. « DESTABILIZING EUROPE : RUSSIA’S HYBRID WARFARE ». Strategic Panorama, n^o 1-2 (7 décembre 2021) : 5–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.53679/2616-9460.1-2.2021.01.

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The European Union is in a political and security crisis. The crisis tends to become existential, which undermines the future of the EU as an integration project. The conflict of values between liberal democracy and authoritarianism is becoming an important factor in international security. Negative current trends in the international security environment increase risks for the EU. In its foreign policy the EU does not demonstrate the ability to speak with one voice. It does not support EU’s ambition to be a global international actor. Within the EU, centrifugal tendencies and Euroscepticism appear to be gaining ground. Among the destructive external and internal factors affecting European security, the hybrid threat posed by Moscow’s ambitious plans and aggressive actions is at the forefront. These actions are aimed at undermining democracies, international solidarity and security. Russia is systematically acting to destabilize the EU, using a set of means of destructive influence, trying to undermine European unity both externally and internally. Russia’s aggression against Ukraine, operations in Syria and Libya, interference in domestic processes in the EU, etc., are exacerbating destructive trends in the European security environment. In this con- text, the EU faces the need to increase its resilience, as a tool to deter destructive actions of the Russian Federation and a means to mitigate their effect. The purpose of the article is to analyze the causes and consequences of Russia’s hybrid influence against the EU, plus to identify the means of Russia’s destructive impact, such as the spread of misinformation, active special operations, energy pressure, etc. The article examines the imperatives of Russian foreign policy, the impact of the value crisis on the European project and its future, as well as obstacles to strategic dialogue between the EU and Russia. Europe returns to searching for its collective European identity, discussing revitalization of the global European narrative. Maintaining a system of liberal democratic values is a key precondition for the future of the EU in order to avoid the risk of disintegration of the European Union. Sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine, its national security could be guaranteed only by full-fledged integration into the European political, economic and security space. Europe’s hesitations regarding the European perspective for Ukraine, which arise under pressure from the Kremlin and internal contradictions in the EU, negatively affect the security environment in Europe.

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de Lange, Herman. « The CSCE and Security in Europe ». Helsinki Monitor 3, n^o 3 (1992) : 25–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181492x00174.

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Hogg, Douglas. « Central Europe : The new security relationships ». RUSI Journal 139, n^o 4 (août 1994) : 15–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071849408445834.

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Gabor, Gabriel. « Security as a Power Element within Contemporary International Relations ». Scientific Bulletin 20, n^o 1 (1 juin 2015) : 123–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bsaft-2015-0019.

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Abstract Today, more than ever, in a globalized and constantly changing world, Europe has to face new stakes and challenges. The globalization, climate change, power supply and the new threats to security are challenges that Europe of the XXIst century has to cope with. The early XXIst century coincides with a new era in the international politics, the future evolution of the worls and the new international order, with the economy and security being the central spots.

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Szkurłat, Izabela. « Migration as a Threat to International Security ». Security Dimensions 32, n^o 32 (23 décembre 2019) : 64–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.0987.

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The article presents migration as a threat to international security in the 21st century. The first part presents the problem of people migrating to Europe, including third-country nationals. It is shown that uncontrolled mass migration has forced European countries to provide budget, shelter and counselling for migrants. Furthermore, there were many cases when migration met with disapproval of indigenous people and fear of the impossibility of integrating different cultures and customs. European Union has introduced financial tools to support member countries in financing migration-related problems including the Asylum, Migration and Integration Fund; and the Internal Security Fund. The article also mentions the European immigration policy adopted in 1999. The second part of the article refers to negative effects of migration: trafficking in human beings and forced labour. It is shown that they are widely practiced. To eliminate illegal activities, actions, which the author describes, are being taken within Europe. Polish people have also experienced trafficking in human beings and forced labour abroad. Such crimes have been reported within Poland as well. Finally the author states that the security of the European Union is threatened not only by external migrants, but also by citizens who migrate internally.

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Vukadinovic, Radovan. « Southeastern Europe and European security architecture ». Southeast European and Black Sea Studies 2, n^o 1 (janvier 2002) : 126–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683850208454677.

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Jakobson, Max. « Collective security in Europe today ». Washington Quarterly 18, n^o 2 (juin 1995) : 59–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01636609509550146.

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Zwolski, Kamil. « Wider Europe, Greater Europe ? David Mitrany on European Security Order ». JCMS : Journal of Common Market Studies 55, n^o 3 (6 novembre 2016) : 645–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jcms.12489.

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Brittan, Leon. « International security in a time of change : Europe within NATO ». RUSI Journal 136, n^o 2 (juin 1991) : 35–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071849108445512.

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Pedi, Revecca. « Book Review : Small States and International Security : Europe and Beyond ». Political Studies Review 14, n^o 1 (février 2016) : 79–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478929915609468b.

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Mironenko, Viktor. « «FATIGUE UKRAINE». GORDIAN EUROPEAN SECURITY KNOT ». Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 25, n^o 1 (28 février 2022) : 25–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran120222534.

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The article prepared in the Center of Ukrainian Studies of the Institute of Europe of the Russian Academy of Sciences is devoted to the most acute and dangerous international crisis in Europe – the Ukrainian. By the time it was written, it was getting used to, a little tired of it, but he recalled himself again with predictions and the expectation of a great war in Eastern Europe. In the article some of the insufficiently visible features, conditions and means of resolving it has been highlighted. It concludes that its causes and significance go far beyond Ukrainian post-Soviet transit and Ukrainian-Russian inter-State relations. The depth and duration of it, the unsuccessful attempts to resolve it, have once again attested to the dangerous distance between political thinking and the changes that have taken place in Europe and the world. That the old security system and the mechanisms for dealing with such crises are obsolete. The Ukrainian crisis will either completely destroy it, setting international relations back to the state they were in before Helsinki, or it will become a point from which not only a new security system must and can be constructed, but also a new, more just and sustainable world order.

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Trifunović, Darko, et Milan Mijalkovski. « TERRORIST THREATS BY BALKANS RADICAL ISLAMIST TO INTERNATIONAL SECURITY ». POLITICS AND RELIGION JOURNAL 8, n^o 2 (1 décembre 2014) : 291–326. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj0802291t.

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The decade-long armed conflict in the Balkans from 1991 to 2001, greatly misrepresented in the Western public, were the biggest defeat for the peoples of the former Yugoslavia, a great defeat for Europe - but a victory for global jihad. Radical Islamists used the wars to recruit a large number of Sunni Muslims in the Balkans (Bosnian and Herzagovina and Albanian) for the cause of political Islam and militant Jihad. Converts to Wahhabi Islam not only provide recruits for the so-called “White Al-Qaeda,” but also exhibit growing territorial claims and seek the establishment of a “Balkan Caliphate.” Powers outside the Balkans regard this with indifference or even tacit approval. Radical Islamist activity is endangering the security of not only Serbia, Macedonia, Montenegro and BosniaHerzegovina, but also Europe and the world.

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BEBLER, ANTON. « SECURITY CHALLENGES IN SOUTH EASTERN EUROPE ». CONTEMPORARY MILITARY CHALLENGES, me 2013/ ISSUE 15/3 (30 septembre 2013) : 39–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179/bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.15.3.3.

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The purpose of this article is to identify the principal security challenges in South Eastern Europe. The mix of challenges has changed radically since the end of the Cold War and the wars in the former Yugoslavia, in favour of non-military threats. The era of wars of religion, ideology and redrawing of state borders in the Western Balkans seems to be over. The tranquillity in the region, imposed from the outside has been buttressed by two international protectorates. The suppression of armed violence did not add up to long-term stability as the underbrush of nationalism, in- tolerance and inter-communal hatred still survives in the Balkans. The potential for interethnic conflicts and for further fragmentation in the former Yugoslavia has not yet been fully exhausted in spite of much improved interstate relations. Prominent among the non-military threats to security are organized crime, corruption, natural and ecological disasters, climate change and weak energy security. The inclusion of the entire South Eastern Europe into Euro-Atlantic structures offers the best promise. There are thus good reasons for moderately optimistic expectation that the South Eastern Europe will eventually become a region of democracy, prosperity and stability.

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Bidwell, Sybill, et Krzysztof Wójtowicz. « Non-Military Security Issues in Central Europe ». International Relations 18, n^o 1 (mars 2004) : 43–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047117804041740.

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Lengwiler, Martin. « Cultural Meanings of Social Security in Postwar Europe ». Social Science History 39, n^o 1 (2015) : 85–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2015.43.

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The emergence of postwar welfare states in Europe is usually understood as a social and political phenomenon, as a social policy to prevent against forms of mass poverty and to grant general social rights and entitlements to populations during a period of rising prosperity. Beyond these sociopolitical aspects, the foundation of systems of social security after 1945 also had important cultural and epistemic implications. The promise of the state to provide a generalized form of security represented an important cultural factor in securing the social and political stability of postwar societies in Europe. This article examines some exemplary aspects of the meaning of social security by tracing their historical roots and their effects on postwar welfare states in Western Europe. In order to chart the various, interconnected cultural meanings of social security, it juxtaposes two institutional contexts in which social security and prevention were discussed: an international organization of social security experts and a Swiss life insurance company with an innovative health promotion service. The article shows how security was seen ultimately as an utopian response to the multiplication of risks and damages through the processes of industrialization and modernization and thus reveals how security served as both a technical concept for managing integrated systems of insurance and an instrument of control and calculation to help administer the economic and social policies of modern societies. By focusing on the example of life insurance, it demonstrates how security acted as an umbrella term for a generalized model of prevention that targeted the specific risks of a modern, middle-class consumer society.

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MccGwire, Michael. « A mutual security regime for Europe ? » International Affairs 64, n^o 3 (1988) : 361–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2622846.

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Nelson, Daniel N. « America and collective security in Europe ». Journal of Strategic Studies 17, n^o 4 (décembre 1994) : 105–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402399408437572.

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Varga, Tamás Csiki. « Security perception and security policy in Central Europe, 1989–2019 ». Defense & ; Security Analysis 37, n^o 1 (2 janvier 2021) : 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14751798.2020.1831224.

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Singh, Anne-Marie, et Matthew Light. « Constraints on the growth of private policing : A comparative international analysis ». Theoretical Criminology 23, n^o 3 (10 octobre 2017) : 295–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1362480617733727.

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While much has been written on private security expansion in a few English-speaking industrialized democracies, less is known about why the industry does not develop uniformly around the world. We propose some hypotheses about constraints on private security growth in other settings, based on three comparative case studies in authoritarian states (Russia and Georgia), developing countries (Guyana and Trinidad) and non-‘Anglosphere’ industrialized democracies (continental Europe). In authoritarian states, private policing is more politically sensitive than in democratic states, sometimes resulting in more draconian restrictions on it. In developing societies, despite widespread fear of crime, potential consumers sometimes favour in-house measures over private security firms and electronic devices. In developed democracies, variation in private security growth reflects regulatory, institutional and ideological differences between the Anglosphere and continental Europe. We conclude that constraints on the private security industry’s growth potential are more significant than many scholars have acknowledged.

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Voronov, K. « Security Modus Operandi of the Northern Europe ». World Economy and International Relations 65, n^o 1 (2021) : 82–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-1-82-89.

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The article analyses the complex influence of dangerous changes, which took place after 2014 in the international political environment in Europe, on the ongoing transformations, suggests essential revision of national policies of the five Nordic countries (Denmark, Norway, Iceland, Sweden and Finland) in the field of their security and defenсe. The degree of military and political tension in the North of Europe has increased significantly after 2014. The conflict is escalating due to additional deployment within the so-called reinforcement of the “eastern flank” of the Alliance with three allied battalions, and NATO weapons in the Baltic States and Poland. However, great strategic stability in the zone of direct contact between NATO and Russia is still possible to maintain. The international political situation in the subregion has also deteriorated markedly as a result of the U.S., NATO and EU sanctions policy against Russia, strengthening of transatlantic relations of the Nordic countries, and reinforcement of allied ties within the framework of the Western bloc policy as a whole. It noted signified not only a revision in favor of further strengthening of transatlantic ties in the policy of bloc allegiance of the Nordic countries – members of NATO (Denmark, Norway, Iceland), but also an obvious intensification of practical cooperation between formally non-aligned states (Sweden and Finland) with the Alliance structures. The Nordic Defenсe Cooperation (NORDEFCO) has also started to acquire a risky pro-Atlantic style, losing its previous autonomous subregional nature. Apparently, in the present complex situation, the Nordic Five is disposed to solve security and defence problems by: 1) having a greater many-sided cooperation with NATO; 2) giving a real, limited meaning to the European Union in the military-political sphere; 3) continuing to bear pressure upon Russia for the purpose of limiting Russian influence in the subregion, especially in the Baltic region. In the near future, the problem of NATO accession for Sweden and Finland may remain in the same precarious condition unless some dangerous force majeure circumstances occur in the Baltic region.

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BROŽIČ, LILIANA. « PESCO – MORE SECURITY FOR EUROPE ». CONTEMPORARY MILITARY CHALLENGES, VOLUME 2018, ISSUE 20/3 (15 septembre 2018) : 9–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179/bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.20.3.00.

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The end of this year, more precisely 13 December, will mark the first anniversary of the initiation of PESCO. The acronym PESCO is derived from the English name Permanent Security Cooperation. The objective of PESCO is to deepen defence cooperation of EU Member States (EU) in the development of common defence capabilities, joint projects and operational readiness as well as military contribution. In its early beginnings, the EU devoted most of its attention to the economic progress of its member states, which was a very logical goal in the decade following the end of World War II. Later on, the rudiments of security and defence appeared in the form of the Western European Union, Common Foreign and Security Policy and the like. Until the start of war in the former Yugoslavia, the EU did not have a serious need or reason to particularly focus on security. Security policy was just one of the policies that had mainly been present on paper and in various debates. This became particularly obvious in the case of the intensive developments in the Balkans. This case very well tested the functioning of the EU and revealed the need for fundamental changes. One of the results was also an increased engagement in the field of international operations and missions: an observation mission in Georgia, a police and the rule of law mission in Kosovo, mission to assist in the aftermath of a tsunami in Indonesia, a counter-piracy mission in Somalia, and a mission protecting refugees in Mali. The second key milestone in the EU's security and defence engagement was the European migration crisis in 2015. Here, the lack of appropriate policies at the EU level became most evident. More precisely, it revealed the contradictory application of the policies within the EU to member states and their citizens, and to those other countries and their inhabitants who do not benefit from the high values, ethical standards and social advantages when they arrive in unimaginably large numbers. Before the important EU bodies met, consulted, decided and acted, many problems in different areas had been identified. One of the key issues was the security problem. However, there were still many other influences that gave rise to the creation of PESCO. They are discussed by the authors in this issue. Nevertheless, let me just mention that the EU has in some way found itself at a turning point due to the increasingly present Euroscepticism, which was also discussed at this year’s Strategic Forum at Bled.

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Lee, Chung Min. « Security issues in Europe : An Asian perspective ». Global Economic Review 29, n^o 1 (janvier 2000) : 97–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/12265080008449784.

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Tuzin, A. « Providing Conventional Security in Europe : Past, Present, Future ». World Economy and International Relations, n^o 5 (2011) : 43–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2011-5-43-54.

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The article discusses the issues of control over the size and the use for military purposes of five categories of conventional offensive weapons: battle tanks, armored combat vehicles, 100 mm+ artillery, combat aircrafts and attack helicopters. These are subjects to the restrictions in Atlantic-Ural area in accordance with the Treaty on conventional armed forces in Europe (CFE) which is the key, though not the only one to date, international regulatory and legal instrument in this field.

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Wouters, Jan, et Frederik Naert. « How Effective is the European Security Architecture ? Lessons from Bosnia and Kosovo ». International and Comparative Law Quarterly 50, n^o 3 (juillet 2001) : 540–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/50.3.540.

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Security (in a broad sense, see infra, II.B) in Europe is the realm of several regional international organisations, mainly the European Union (“EU”), Western European Union (“WEU”), North Atlantic Treaty Organization (“NATO”), the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (“OSCE”) and, to a lesser extent, the Council of Europe, creating a patchwork of regional security institutions that is unique in the world. These organisations interact in many ways and claim to be mutually reinforcing. Is that the case? Is there room for improvement?

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Möller, Kay. « East Asian Security : Lessons from Europe ? » Contemporary Southeast Asia 17, n^o 4 (mars 1996) : 353–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs17-4a.

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Gromyko, Al A. « Greater Europe : Internal and External Security Threats ». Herald of the Russian Academy of Sciences 88, n^o 3 (mai 2018) : 185–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1134/s1019331618030024.

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Michalski, Anna, et Ludvig Norman. « Conceptualizing European security cooperation : Competing international political orders and domestic factors ». European Journal of International Relations 22, n^o 4 (26 juillet 2016) : 749–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066115602938.

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It is commonly argued that political elites in Europe are increasingly acting in accordance with shared norms, identities and practices, thus shaping the character of international cooperation in Europe, not least in the field of security. However, in contrast to such expectations, European security cooperation often displays highly irregular and unpredictable patterns. This article offers a conceptual framework that seeks to make sense of these irregular patterns without refuting the assumption that social institutions in the sphere of international security shape cooperation in fundamental ways. Our point of departure is the observation that European states are embedded in international orders that produce norms and practices that sometimes complement and sometimes compete with each other. We contend that a general situational mechanism traceable through a number of domestic-level factors conditions the propensity of European states to coordinate national security policy. The framework, designed to make sense of the often-irregular patterns of European security cooperation, is illustrated by examples from European states’ response to the 2011 crisis in Libya.

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Buteux, Paul, Alexander Moens et Christopher Anstis. « Disconcerted Europe : The Search for a Security Architecture ». International Journal 51, n^o 2 (1996) : 387. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40203803.

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KUŹNIAR, Zbigniew, et Artur FRONCZYK. « SECURITY OF POLAND IN UNITED EUROPE. SELECTED CONDITIONS ». Scientific Journal of the Military University of Land Forces 162, n^o 4 (1 octobre 2011) : 38–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0002.3161.

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The article discusses the issues of the security and defence of Poland as compared to the European Union, the problems of strengthening the EU’s potential in the field of crisis management and the reinforcement of cooperation in the area of security and defence. The article also presents the general situation of the process of increasing European integration, which consists in moving towards more and more superior forms of cooperation between Member states. The authors of the article also discuss the issues of national and international security and describe selected organisations and political and military units acting for peace both within the European Union and NATO.

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Mihalka, Michael. « Building consensus : The Security Model in light of previous security arrangements in Europe ». Helsinki Monitor 7, n^o 3 (1996) : 20–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181496x00413.

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Bregnsbo, Michael. « Securing Europe after Napoleon : 1815 and the New European Security Culture ». Diplomacy & ; Statecraft 31, n^o 1 (2 janvier 2020) : 197–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2020.1721096.

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Christensen, Thomas J. « Perceptions and alliances in Europe, 1865–1940 ». International Organization 51, n^o 1 (1997) : 65–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002081897550302.

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While some structural realists and their liberal and institutionalist critics continue to fight a high-profile battle about the fundamental nature of international politics, a quieter discussion is progressing about how to integrate various aspects of realist thinking into a more coherent approach to security politics. The goal of this discussion is to marry the two major strands of contemporary realist thought: balance-of-power theory and security dilemma theory. Recent works advocate combining structural variables, such as the number of great actors in the system and the distribution of capabilities among them, with security dilemma variables, such as the comparative efficacy of offensive versus defensive doctrines given available weaponry and military training.

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Muskaj, Blerina. « The International Organization, OSCE and Its Presence in Central Eastern Europe ». European Journal of Social Sciences 3, n^o 1 (1 janvier 2020) : 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejss-2020.v3i1-87.

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International organizations have gained the right importance and have been named as the main actors in international relations with the end of the wars. States realized that it would be more reasonable to cooperate, thus achieving higher and faster results. For this reason, organizations of different types began to be created either by the nature of the operation or the geographic extent. Their roles and objectives have been different, some focus on the political aspects of relations between states and others have more administrative or technical functions to facilitate the work of states and form faster services to individuals. Other organizations deal with security issues and police and human rights issues. In this category are created many organisms, such as NATO, charged with state security and military interventions or the Council of Europe, with the aim of promoting democratic values, implanting them and protecting human rights. The organization that will focus on this paper is the OSCE: Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe. Among the first created in this area, with objectives to coordinate the work in the fields of state and human security, the fight against terrorism, promotion of democracy and fundamental freedoms, environmental and economic protection, and the area of protection of Human Rights and Minorities, we will mainly see the focus of this organization in East Central Europe. During the time I've been involved with, I tried to bring a historical flow of events to understand how the OSCE missions work in the field and what is the difference with the theory and how the OSCE mission emerges CEE, as a case study Albania.

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Muskaj, Blerina. « The International Organization, OSCE and Its Presence in Central Eastern Europe ». European Journal of Social Sciences 3, n^o 1 (1 janvier 2020) : 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejss.v3i1.p83-89.

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Résumé :

International organizations have gained the right importance and have been named as the main actors in international relations with the end of the wars. States realized that it would be more reasonable to cooperate, thus achieving higher and faster results. For this reason, organizations of different types began to be created either by the nature of the operation or the geographic extent. Their roles and objectives have been different, some focus on the political aspects of relations between states and others have more administrative or technical functions to facilitate the work of states and form faster services to individuals. Other organizations deal with security issues and police and human rights issues. In this category are created many organisms, such as NATO, charged with state security and military interventions or the Council of Europe, with the aim of promoting democratic values, implanting them and protecting human rights. The organization that will focus on this paper is the OSCE: Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe. Among the first created in this area, with objectives to coordinate the work in the fields of state and human security, the fight against terrorism, promotion of democracy and fundamental freedoms, environmental and economic protection, and the area of protection of Human Rights and Minorities, we will mainly see the focus of this organization in East Central Europe. During the time I've been involved with, I tried to bring a historical flow of events to understand how the OSCE missions work in the field and what is the difference with the theory and how the OSCE mission emerges CEE, as a case study Albania.

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Rotfeld, Adam Daniel. « Europe : Strategies for Co-operation and Joint Solutions ». Security and Human Rights 25, n^o 2 (22 juin 2014) : 259–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18750230-02502007.

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The article examines the sustainability and adaptability of European security institutions, structures and organizations in the context of the fundamental and qualitative change of the post-Helsinki European security order. Suggestions are presented for managing the Ukraine crisis by military and political restraint, the observance of the Helsinki Decalogue of principles and by upgrading executive mechanisms of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (osce). In a new European security order, the core political components would be constituted by the inviolability of frontiers and the incontestability of internal political order. In broader international change, the relative decrease of the role of old powers has to be accommodated with the growing clout of emerging powers. Since most of the conflicts take place within the States and not between them the risks and new threats have to be dealt with by transformed and upgraded security institutions adapted to the new security environment. At the same time, there is a manifested lack of interests by the great powers to rely on multilateral security institutions unless they are used as instruments in pursuing their own strategies. The new common security arrangement for the West and Russia has to reconcile the adversary national security interests within the Euro-Atlantic Security Forum.

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Hamer, Ian. « Security and strategy in the new Europe ». International Affairs 69, n^o 3 (juillet 1993) : 564–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2622339.

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Lynch, Dov. « Russia and Europe : the emerging security agenda ». International Affairs 73, n^o 4 (octobre 1997) : 784–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2624485.

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Campbell, John C., Jeffrey Simon et Trond Gilberg. « Security Implications of Nationalism in Eastern Europe ». Foreign Affairs 64, n^o 5 (1986) : 1122. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20042832.

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Nelson, Daniel N. « Democracy, markets and security in Eastern Europe ». Survival 35, n^o 2 (juin 1993) : 156–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00396339308442691.

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Shin, Dong‐Ik, et Gerald Segal. « Getting serious about Asia‐Europe security cooperation ». Survival 39, n^o 1 (mars 1997) : 138–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00396339708442900.

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