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1
Hengel, Gabriel Josiah. « 21st century energy security tensions within the transatlantic security community ». Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2017. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=235817.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Much has been written during this century's energy security debate about the external threats the West faces to oil and natural gas supplies. This literature is often prescriptive, offering solutions to address these assumed threats. This research takes a much-needed look inward at the pressures placed on the multi-dimensional relationships within the transatlantic security community. An original contribution to knowledge is made through the exploration of these energy security tensions within the community and how they impact the two energy security prerequisites, availability and affordability. An examination of key oil and natural gas issues in the United States, Europe and the main transatlantic institutions demonstrates that the transatlantic community is very secure and often acts inadvertently to undermine its own energy security condition. Thus, the conventional wisdom that the supply of fossil fuel energy is a leading and high-priority security issue is challenged. Contrary to most literature, the conclusion is reached that energy security is actually not a high-level concern to the transatlantic security community, and that on occasions leading members of the community, who are high energy consumers, choose to put fossil fuel energy supply at risk to pursue political and strategic policies assigned a higher priority. In practice, producer states are found to be much more dependent on uninterrupted energy trade than consumer states, positively contributing to the reliability of oil and natural gas supply. In fact, through highly competitive political engagement with Russia and the Middle East North Africa region, the transatlantic states risk undermining the energy security of the community. Nevertheless, transatlantic energy security tensions have not risen to an actionable level. When placed in the overall context of transatlantic security issues, these energy security tensions do not threaten to divide the transatlantic community in any meaningful way.
2
Nasho, Ah-Pine Elda. « Une communauté de sécurité en Europe ? : l'exemple des Balkans occidentaux ». Thesis, Université Grenoble Alpes (ComUE), 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015GREAH034.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Les Balkans occidentaux (BO), déchirés après 1989 par les guerres dont les plus sanglantes et les plus problématiques en Bosnie-Herzégovine, au Kosovo, et en Albanie, ne pouvaient plus laisser indifférentes les puissances occidentales, et en particulier l’OTAN et l’UE. La survenue de ces conflits a confronté en effet les pays européens à la guerre près de chez eux signifiant une éventuelle déstabilisation de la région et la gestion d’un grand nombre d’immigrés en provenance des BO. C’est pourquoi l’OTAN et l’UE se sont depuis largement investies dans des missions de pacification et de reconstruction étatique dans cette région, par la mise en place de politiques de sécurité et de défense, puis par le biais de politiques d’élargissement. L'action de ces différentes organisations, à côté de celle des BO, a permis la fin de la guerre et une certaine stabilisation de ces pays. Mais, cette dernière est loin d'être complétement acquise. En effet, c'est la non consolidation des institutions étatiques et de la démocratie qui menace encore l’effondrement de l’Etat et qui continue à constituer un enjeu de taille pour les pays des BO.Notre thèse a pour objet d’analyser l'évolution de la stabilisation des BO depuis la chute du mur de Berlin en étudiant et en mettant en confrontation des ensembles complexes de relations entre acteurs, enjeux, moyens et processus. Afin d'analyser ce processus complexe, nous proposons un modèle qui s'appuie sur le concept des « communautés de sécurité » (CS) de Deutsch et al. (1957). Cependant, pour les besoins de notre étude, nous reconceptualisons ce concept à l’aide de variables que nous avons choisies en européanisation et en démocratisation que les auteurs n’avaient pas pu prévoir à l’époque de la rédaction des CS.Ainsi, le concept de CS reconceptualisé permet de répondre à notre problématique: pourquoi et comment une CS comprenant les pays de la région encore instable des Balkans occidentaux se construit-elle sur le continent européen autour de l'OTAN et de l'UE, depuis la chute du Mur de Berlin ?Notre hypothèse est la suivante : la construction d’une CS s’explique par la combinaison de deux éléments : d’une part la pression exogène des organisations régionales exigeant des changements concrets en termes de démocratisation et de sécurisation, et d’autre part l’acceptation de ces exigences de la part aussi bien des élites que des populations des pays concernés. En d’autres termes, plus la pression des organisations régionales est perçue comme légitime et mise en œuvre, plus la création d’une CS est probable.La variable dépendante que nous analysons est la construction d’une CS européenne comprenant les Balkans occidentaux (CSEBO) pluraliste. Les moyens de construction de cette communauté de sécurité correspondent à nos variables indépendantes choisies en sécurité, européanisation et démocratisation et qui sont de deux types : endogènes et exogènes. Il s’agit d’une part, des variables portant sur le rôle des facteurs et acteurs externes (OTAN et UE) en vue de la stabilisation des BO, et donc de leur contribution à la construction de la CSEBO. Il s’agit d’autre part, d’une série de variables endogènes portant cette fois-ci sur le rôle des facteurs et acteurs internes (élites et populations des pays des BO) dans la formation de la CSEBO. Nous montrons que les niveaux interne et externe sont en permanente interaction.Les résultats de notre étude, obtenus dans le cadre de la méthode de process-tracing à partir de sources primaires et secondaires, ainsi que d’entretiens semi-directifs, montrent un découpage dans le temps dans la construction de la CSEBO: avant et après 2000. Ainsi une première période allant de la chute du Mur de Berlin jusqu'au début des années 2000 connaît l’absence quasi-totale des conditions constitutives des CS et donc la CSEBO est très embryonnaire ici. Nous montrons ensuite qu’une CSEBO se construit progressivement à partir du début des années 2000The Western Balkans (WB) were torn apart after 1989 due to wars, which were particularly cruel and problematic in Bosnia and Herzegovina, in Kosovo and in Albania. Western powers, and especially NATO and EU, could not anymore turn a blind eye. These conflicts indeed confronted European countries to war in a neighbouring state which could lead to destabilization of the region and to more migrants coming from the WB. This is the reason why NATO and UE have since been deeply involved in peace building and state building missions throughout the region. They started with implementing security and defense policies, then turned to enlargement policy. These organisations’ actions, as well as the efforts done by the WB, led to the end of the war and, to a certain extent, to a stabilization of these countries which is however not fully achieved. WB State security is indeed still a major objective. The threat lies nowadays in the non consolidaton of state institutions and democracy.Our thesis is aiming at analyzing the stabilization of the WB since the fall of the Berlin wall. It will focus on studying and confronting a complex set of actors, goals, means and processes in order to have a better understanding of the evolution of the stabilization of the region. In order to analyze this complex process, we are using a model based on the concept of « security communities » (SC) developed by Deutsch and al., at the end of the 1950’s. However, for the need of our study, we will « reconceptualize » this concept using several variables selected in europeanisation and democratisation studies which the authors could not have predicted at the time they elaborated their concept of « security communities ».Therefore, the concept of SC, « reconceptualised », helps answering our research problem : why and how has a SC including countries from the instable region of the Western Balkans been built on the European continent, around NATO and the EU, since the fall of the Berlin wall ?Our research hypothesis consists in the combination of two elements to explain the building of a SC: on one side, an exogenous pressure from regional organizations imposing concrete changes in terms of democracy and securitization and, on the other side, the acceptance of these demands from both the elites and the population of the concerned countries. In other terms, the more legitimized and implemented the pressure from these regional organizations is, the more probable is the creation of a SC.The dependent variable that we analyze is the building of a pluralistic European SC which includes the Western Balkans. The means for building this security community correlate with our independent variables which are endogenous and exogenous and have been selected in security, democratisation and europeanisation studies. On one side, exogenous variables stand on the role of external actors and factors (NATO and the EU) leading to the stabilization of the WB, and therefore to their contribution to the building of an European security community including the Western Balkans (ESCWB). On the other side, there is a range of endogenous variables being the role of internal actors and factors (elites and populations of the WB) in the shaping of ESCWB. We will show that both internal and external levels are in constant interaction.Our study results based on primary and secondary sources as well as semi-directed interviews and using the « process-tracing » method highlight two distinct periods regarding the building of the ESCWB: before and after the year 2000. Thereby between the fall of the Berlin wall and the year 2000, there is almost a complete lack of the necessary conditions to build a SC and therefore the ESCWB merely exists in an embryonic form. ESCWB then progressively emerges from the beginning of the 2000’s
3
Woods, Robert David. « Lessons from Central and Southeast Europe for the expanding alliances ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA483585.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Europe, Eurasia))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2008.Thesis Advisor(s): Abenheim, Donald. "June 2008." Description based on title screen as viewed on August 26, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 79-87). Also available in print.
4
Polser, Brian G. « Theater nuclear weapons in Europe : the contemporary debate / ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Sep%5FPolser.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Defense Decision-Making and Planning))--Naval Postgraduate School, Sept. 2004.Thesis Advisor(s): Jeffrey Knopf, Peter Lavoy. Includes bibliographical references (p. 111-117). Also available online.
5
Jurski, Robert. « The Conventional Armed Forces in Europe Treaty and its contribution to Euro-Atlantic security after 1990 ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Jun%5FJurski.pdf.
Texte intégral
6
Boillat, Emilie. « International Mediation The Role of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe / ». St. Gallen, 2009. http://www.biblio.unisg.ch/org/biblio/edoc.nsf/wwwDisplayIdentifier/05600531001/$FILE/05600531001.pdf.
Texte intégral
7
Pereira, Demetrius Cesario. « A política externa e de segurança comum da União Europeia após o Tratado de Lisboa : a caminho da supranacionalidade ? » Universidade de São Paulo, 2013. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-12062013-113155/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Esta tese pretende analisar a emergência da União Europeia (UE) como ator político relevante das relações internacionais. Para isso, avaliou-se a influência do Tratado de Lisboa na supranacionalidade da Política Externa e de Segurança Comum (PESC) da UE. No trabalho, procurou-se apresentar as teorias das relações internacionais, concentrando-se na perspectiva institucionalista para a análise da PESC. A partir daí, discute-se o conceito de supranacionalidade, para então identificar seus elementos característicos nas organizações internacionais, como a composição dos órgãos, o processo decisório, o ordenamento jurídico e a personalidade. Estudou-se também a evolução da Europa como entidade influente na política mundial, desde o Concerto Europeu, passando pela Comunidade Europeia (CE) e Cooperação Política Europeia (CPE) até as discussões que levaram à criação da UE e da PESC pelo Tratado de Maastricht, para depois examinar suas características e evoluções nos Tratados de Amsterdã e Nice. Por fim, o Tratado de Lisboa é analisado, verificando-se a hipótese do aumento no grau de supranacionalidade que ele trouxe à PESC. Assim, o trabalho relaciona os avanços do Tratado de Lisboa com as previsões feitas pelos teóricos institucionalistas, avaliando a validade de seus argumentos e tecendo cenários futuros com o auxílio da teoria, especialmente em relação à coesão da política externa européia.This thesis aims to analyze the emergence of the European Union (EU) as a relevant political actor in international relations. For this, we evaluated the influence of the Lisbon Treaty in the supranationality of Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). At this paper, we tried to present the theories of international relations, focusing on the institutionalist perspective to analyze the CFSP. Thereafter, we discuss the concept of supranationalism, and then identify its characteristic features in international organizations such as the composition of the bodies, decision-making, juridical order and the legal personality. It was also studied the evolution of Europe as an influential entity in world politics since the European Concert, passing by the European Community (EC) and the European Political Cooperation (EPC) to the discussions that led to the creation of the EU and the CFSP in the Maastricht Treaty, and then examined their characteristics and developments in the Treaties of Amsterdam and Nice. Finally, the Lisbon Treaty is analyzed, verifying the hypothesis of an increased degree of supranationalism that it brought to the CFSP. Thus, the research relates the progress of the Lisbon Treaty with the theoretical predictions made by institutionalists, assessing the validity of their arguments and weaving future scenarios with the aid of the theory, especially in relation to the cohesion of European foreign policy.
8
Jansky, Vlastimil. « Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe : past, present and future missions ». Thesis, Monterey California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/2211.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Approved for public release, distribution is unlimitedThis thesis examines the role of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) among organizations dealing with security issues, such as the United Nations, the European Union, and NATO. This study further analyzes the OSCE commitments in the fields of human rights, democracy, rule of law, and national minorities. This analysis is performed in order to promote the OSCE to a broader public. The thesis further analyzes and describes the origins of the Conference for Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) and its development since 1975, when the Helsinki Final Act was signed by the Heads of State or Government of all participating States. The development of the international situation in Europe, the end of Cold War, and escalation of violence, especially in South Eastern Europe, Caucasus, and Central Asia, caused fundamental changes in the European, and subsequently, the world security environment. The CSCE identified and responded to this new situation, resulting in a dramatic growth of its own role in shaping a common security area. Consequently, the CSCE changed its name to the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. However, some critics think that OSCE is a "dead" organization, lacking tangible results and the necessary "teeth." It is necessary to review the main ideas why the CSCE was established and to properly identify the role of the OSCE in the European Security Architecture. Therefore, the main part of the thesis focuses on the European Security Architecture, the OSCE itself, and the OSCE missions, three of which are detailed and evaluated as case studies.
Lieutenant Colonel, Czech Republic Army
9
Stojanovits, Gabor. « The changing nature of security in post-Cold War Central and Eastern Europe : predicaments, perceptions and policy-responses ». Thesis, Loughborough University, 2001. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/34382.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In the wake of the Cold War, a complex transition process began in Central and Eastern Europe that has engendered immense change not only in the political, economic and social situations in the countries of the region, but also in their security situation. The aim of the thesis is to explore the changing nature of security in post-Cold War Central and Eastern Europe. Drawing on some pertinent features of traditional and new schools of thought in International Relations, it sets up an analytical framework, which is applied to an analysis of security in the Central and Eastern European region and to Hungary more particularly. The premise of the study is that the issue of security in post-communist Central and Eastern Europe requires the deployment of an analytical framework that can accommodate its multifaceted and multi-dimensional nature. This framework focuses on three main centres of interest: predicaments, perceptions and policy-responses. The thesis applies this framework to Central and Eastern Europe with a particular focus on Hungary. Conclusions are drawn both about the utility of the framework and about the nature of security itself.
10
Major, Claudia. « "Europe is what member states make of it" - An assessment of the influence of nation states on the European Security and Defence Policy ». Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2009. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/289/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) has since its inception in 1999 developed with enormous speed. The crucial role of the member states herein has been recognised in that both ESDP’s weaknesses and strengths are usually explained by their considerable influence. This thesis identifies, analyses, and compares the influence of France, Britain and Germany on the development and design of ESDP. To what extent have the three countries been able to shape ESDP according to their preferences? How did they proceed? These questions are addressed through a comparative analysis of the national agendas, the effective influence, and the mechanisms of influencing in three case studies representing key steps in ESDP development: the first institutions (1999/2000); the European Security Strategy (2003); and the Battlegroup concept (2003/2004). The analysis applies the concept of Europeanisation supported by policy analysis in order to grasp both, the uploading capacity of the countries as a process and the content wise result in form of ESDP. The analysis confirms that the three countries decisively directed ESDP’s development in institutional, strategic and material terms. The preferences, which they intentionally uploaded to the EU level, informed the final outcome in form of ESDP.
11
Barnutz, Sebastian. « What do they mean by saying ESDP ? Exploring the social construction of European security ». Thesis, University of Warwick, 2009. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/2739/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis addresses the question of how actors of the EU’s security policy were able to say ESDP at the turn of the 21st century. Despite previous attempts to implement a security policy at the EU or EC level, ESDP was first launched in 1999 and became operational in 2003. The very interest of the thesis is how central EU actors – who were responsible for the institutional development and implementation of ESDP – understood security; that is: what they perceived as referent object, what they perceived as threats or as security problems, and how this made possible the implementation of a security policy at the EU level. By asking these questions the thesis does what discourse analysis is best in: discourse analysis enables the researcher to discover the underlying rationalities which led EU actors to presume a security policy as being necessary at the EU level. This argument on discourse analysis is derived from Nicolas Onuf’s work, which most plausibly conceptualises the role of language in the construction of social reality. The thesis starts from a constructivist perspective arguing that actors’ behaviour is based on their identity and that they perceive the world from this intersubjective perspective. The rational of security is based on this intersubjective perspective and constructed by relating identity to the perception of threats or security problems. This relation of threats and referent objects lead to the construction of rules of appropriate behaviour in the case of security. These processes of social interaction take place through language and can best be studied from a discursive perspective. The concept of security established at the EU level leading to the institutionalisation of ESDP is understood to be a result of this type of social interaction. Overtime, it led EU actors to a robust construction of the EU as an international actor in the field of security facing dynamic security problems by a cooperative and multilateral approach but also by using civilian and military capabilities.
12
Nara, Takako. « The roles of regional organisations in international peace and security in the post-modern era : the case of the Organization for Security and Co-Operation in Europe with the former Soviet Union Republic States ». Thesis, University of Bradford, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/5660.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The thesis analyses the systems, dynamics and conditions of international cooperation/non-cooperation in the international community that is embodied through international/regional institutions and organisations. As Robert Cooper describes, the international community consists of the three worlds in which the differences between them may be confrontational in international cooperation. While the post-modern civilisation and values are introduced into the institutions and organisations for international peace and security, the state actors from the pre-modern and modern civilisations and values are vigorously defending the traditional version of state sovereignty. Then, all these are equally the member of the international community and, as Robert Axelrod's Prisoner Dilemma game sets, neither state actors nor structural actors of international relations can escape from it. Therefore, it is hoped that, as Axelrod's theory suggests, the closed community, in the end, produces cooperation and a positive peace for a better future for all. In the case studies, the OSCE faces a number of non-cooperative state actors, like Russia. An anti-OSCE civilisation exists and is resisting the organisational values, while it is staying in the framework. Thus, the organisation is suffering from defectors and free-riders. Knowing the limitation of the organisation, it still has a space for improvement and a useful function which is to provide a long term process to make a non-cooperate actor cooperative.
13
Hebel, Kai. « Britain's contribution to détente : the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, 1972-1975 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:aa245538-86bd-4942-a842-4eaeaae93a5f.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis examines Britain’s role in the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE). Based on multi-archival research and interviews with key diplomats, it presents the first in-depth study of Britain’s involvement in the negotiations leading up to the Helsinki Final Act of 1 August 1975. It draws on Marc Trachtenberg’s notion of the ‘constructed peace’, and Alexander Wendt’s concept of ‘cultures of anarchy’ to elucidate how the rapprochement process at once stabilised and transformed the East-West conflict. This forms the theoretical framework of the thesis. The thesis revises the interpretation of détente as a status quo project driven by the imperatives of ‘Realpolitik’. Rather, different conceptions of stability and change challenged each other during the Helsinki talks. British diplomacy and the Final Act to which it contributed in fact linked the consolidation of the status quo to an ultimately transformative agenda that was infused with liberal ideas such as human rights. Realpolitik blended with Moralpolitik. To develop this argument, the thesis’ narrative first assesses Britain’s role in the early days of détente politics in the 1950s and 1960s. It then traces Britain’s role in the three main phases of the Helsinki process: the transition from bilateral to multilateral détente (1970-1972); preliminary talks (1972-1973); official negotiations (1973-1975). The British were defensive détente sceptics at the beginning of this process, but became ambitious and positive contributors over the course of the talks. The thesis thus argues that London played a significant part in the CSCE. British foreign policymakers were initially architects of the Cold War, but then early and active proponents of détente until the mid-1960s, when their continental partners adopted a more proactive approach. London was to return to the forefront of détente diplomacy when the CSCE process got under way. Its involvement in the CSCE also marked an important step in Britain’s own transformation into a European middle power. The multilateralisation of détente coincided with Britain’s integration into the European Community, providing a propitious environment in which London’s negotiators acted with determination and skill, thus reasserting their country’s influence despite its continuing relative decline.
14
Pereira, Demetrius Cesario. « União Europeia : a politica externa e de segurança comum em um mundo unipolar ». [s.n.], 2005. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281929.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Orientador: Sebastião Carlos Velasco e CruzDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-05T06:16:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pereira_DemetriusCesario_M.pdf: 764027 bytes, checksum: b9a8c5e7343e7ce9113c81502fe47e94 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005
Resumo: Esta dissertação pretende analisar a influência do sistema internacional após a Guerra Fria no regionalismo europeu por meio do estudo da Política Externa e de Segurança Comum (PESC) da União Européia (UE). No trabalho, procurou-se apresentar as teorias sistêmicas de integração regional, concentrando-se na perspectiva neo-realista para a análise da PESC. A partir daí, contextualiza-se o cenário mundial e regional, para então inserir o estudo da PESC na análise. Estudou-se também as discussões que levaram à criação da PESC pelo Tratado de Maastricht, com a análise das posições dos três principais países envolvidos na negociação, Alemanha, França e Reino Unido, para depois examinar suas características e evoluções. Assim, o trabalho relaciona os avanços e retrocessos da PESC com as previsões feitas pelos teóricos realistas, avaliando a validade de seus argumentos e tecendo cenários futuros com o auxílio da teoria, especialmente em relação à independência de uma política externa européia em relação aos EUA e à OTAN
Abstract: This paper is an analysis of the post-Cold War international system in the European regionalism through the study of the Common Foreign and Security Polity (CFSP) of the European Union (UE). The regional integration systemic theories are presented, concentrating in the neorealist perspective to the analysis of CFSP. From this starting point, the global and regional scenarios are contextualized, and then the study of the CFSP is inserted. It was also studied the discussions that led to the creation of CFSP by the Maastricht Treaty, along with the analysis of the positions of the three main countries involved in the negotiation, Germany, France and United Kingdom, to then examine its characteristics and evolutions. The paper correlates advances and backlashes of the CFSP with the previsions made by the realist scholars, evaluating the validity of their arguments and building future scenarios with the aid of theory, especially in relation to the independence of a European foreign policy in relation to the US and NATO
Mestrado
Mestre em Relações Internacionais
15
Kavalski, Emilian. « Peace in the Balkans : the influence of Euro-Atlantic actors in the promotion of security-community-relations in southeastern Europe ». Thesis, Loughborough University, 2005. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/7771.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis examines processes of peace-promotion in the Balkans since the end of the Cold War. It is conducted from the perspective of International Relations theory and as such identifies peace as a pattern of order defined by the analytical framework of security communities. In this respect, the thesis argues that the initiation of a security community in the Balkans is a result of the post- 1999 international socialisation of regional decision-making by the EU and NATO. It, therefore, advances the concept of an elite security community as the embryonic stage of securitycommunity- building. The focus on state-elites is an outcome of the procedural dynamics of socialisation, where it is the decision-making behaviour that signifies compliance with externallypromoted standards. The conjecture is that the promotion of peace in the Balkans is the result of the extension of the Euro-Atlantic security community. The inference is that both the EU and NATO tend to be more convincing agents of socialisation as a result of their association/partnership and accession programmes. Being a complex and context specific process, the conditioning of Balkan states into a security-community-pattern of relations is underwritten by the Euro-Atlantic exercise of socialising power. This notion of power, however, is not defined as the control of policy-outcomes, but instead emphasises the ability of external actors to cause change in decision-making behaviour. The thesis also argues that the process of international socialisation has different effects depending on the nature of statehood in the target entities - in integrated states the external agency is both more immediate to discern and implement, while in awkward states the process tends to be longer and more intricate. Yet, as the case of the Balkans attests, the extension of the Euro-Atlantic security community to the region depends on the viable (even if distant) prospect of membership in the EU and NATO. In this way the thesis contributes to understanding the early stages of initiating a security community, as well as the role played by international actors in its promotion.
16
Souamaa, Nadjib. « La France et l’OIT (1890-1953) : vers une « Europe sociale » ? » Thesis, Paris 4, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA040061.
Texte intégralRésumé :
L’année 1919 a été décisive dans l’histoire sociale. En effet, elle fut marquée par la création de l’Organisation internationale du travail (OIT), issue de la partie XIII du traité de Versailles. Cette institution à vocation universelle se plaçait dans la continuité d'expérimentations et de réflexions menées, depuis le XIXe siècle, sur le Vieux Continent. L’objectif des puissances européennes était de définir un cadre international de règles, communes aux Etats, pour empêcher à la fois les excès de certains patrons, les conflits avec les travailleurs, tout en combattant la pratique du dumping social et en garantissant une concurrence loyale, non seulement entre eux mais aussi à l’échelle internationale. La France joua un rôle majeur dans la rédaction de ces textes et dans la création de l’OIT, chargée de poursuivre ce travail. De ce fait, cette institution dut concilier l’européocentrisme dominant le BIT et sa vocation universelle. La solution apparut, durant la Seconde Guerre mondiale, à travers l’interrégionalisme développé par Paul van Zeeland, et que l’institution tenta de mettre en œuvre durant l’après-guerre et la guerre froide. Il s’agissait de créer des regroupements régionaux et de les faire coopérer dans les domaines politique, économique et social pour garantir la paix dans le monde ; l’Europe occidentale devait en être le laboratoire. Cette région, notamment la France, influença donc durablement les réflexions de l’OITThe year 1919 was decisive in the social history. Indeed, it was marked by the creation of the International Labour Organization (ILO), resulting from part XIII of the treaty of Versailles. This institution with universal vocation placed itself in continuity of experiments and of carried out reflections, since the 19th century, on the Old continent. The objective of the European powers was to define an international framework of common rules for States, to prevent at the same time excesses of some managers, the conflicts with the workers, while fighting the practice of the social dumping and guaranteeing a fair competition, not only between them but also on an international scale. France played a major role in the writing of these texts and the creation of the ILO, charged to continue this work. So this institution had to reconcile the europeocentrism dominating the International Labour Office and its universal vocation. The solution appeared, during the Second World War, through the interregionalism developed by Paul van Zeeland, and that the institution tried to implement during the post-war period and the cold war. It was a question of creating regional regroupings and of making them cooperate in the policy fields, economic and social to guarantee peace in the world; Western Europe had to be the laboratory about it. This region, in particular France, thus influenced durably the reflections of the ILO
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Jäger, Thomas. « Unipolarität und Gegenmachtbildung : Anmerkungen zur deutschen Außenpolitik ». Universität Potsdam, 2003. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2006/960/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This issue of WeltTrends features the debate about the future of the transatlantic
relationship and world order after the Iraq war. It was started by Thomas Risse
with his article in the previous edition. Thomas Risse elaborated on three main
points of contention between the United States and Europe: the role of international
law and multilateralism, democracy and human rights, and the strategy
towards new security threats. Most of the scholars, contributing to the debate in this issue agree with Risse in that there is no alternative to the transatlantic partnership and offer possible paths towards its renewal. The debate will be continued with additional comments and a rebuttal by Thomas Risse in the next Winter issue.
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Berzins, Christopher Andrejs. « The puzzle of trust in international relations : risk and relationship management in the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2004. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1741/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In this thesis, I explore the prospects for trust in international relations. I advance an agency-centred model that paradoxically emphasises both vigilance and vulnerability between states. I argue that trust is created through the dual diplomatic pursuits of risk management (e.g. monitoring and securing individual state interests) and relationship management (e.g. promoting shared goals, institutions and values). This model is then employed to evaluate the evolution of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) into the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), 1972-2002. Despite a recent surge in the study of trust in the social sciences, trust has not been explored comprehensively in the discipline of international relations (IR). In particular, the work done in IR has neglected the kernel of trust that distinguishes it from other concepts such as prediction and cooperation; that is, the dynamic of suspension, originally elucidated by the sociologist Georg Simmel, which permits the leap from uncertainty (and unacceptable risk) to positive expectation. Rather than 'reasonable doubt', trust involves giving another 'the benefit of the doubt.' The trust model is capable of providing a novel interpretation of the history, normative declarations and activities of the CSCE during the late Cold War; and the OSCE's post-Cold War role in conflict prevention, conflict resolution and post-conflict rehabilitation among its member states. For example, the OSCE's absent military capacity (e.g. vis-a-vis NATO) restricts its 'thick' risk management competence. The OSCE's limited legal capacity (e.g. vis-a-vis the EU) likewise restricts its 'thick' relationship management competence. Nevertheless, the OSCE's confidence-building activities, combined with its role as a forum for interstate dialogue explicitly linking security with international norms-especially democracy and human rights-fosters a 'propensity to trust' upon which member states are increasingly seeking to give each other the benefit of the doubt.
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Sanbar, Sarah C. « De-Fence Europe ! The Defence Industry, the Refugee Crisis, and the Shaping of EU Border Policy ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1619.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis explores some of the connections between the defence industry and the European border policy that emerged leading up to, and following, the European refugee crisis of 2015. The paper is divided into two parts. The first seeks to examine and understand the context in which the refugee crisis occurred. In order to do this, I begin with a literature review that uses the integration theory of Multilevel Governance to understand how and where the European Union (EU) is susceptible to political pressure or special interest influence. Next, I present a brief history of the causes and course of the crisis, the pre-existing border regime, and the defence industry and lobby.
The second section synthesises the context provided in the first section in order to determine whether actors in the defence industry were lucky beneficiaries of policies movements that happened to benefit them, or, if they were proactive lobbyists. I identify four trends in policy, namely the militarisation, centralisation, privatisation, and externalisation of border controls, and I discuss each trend, lobbyist influence, and the implications each trend has for refugees. Finally, I conclude that although there is significant evidence of lobbyist influence in shaping the policies, the presence of a myriad of other factors makes it nearly impossible to quantify how big a role lobbyist influence was in determining outcomes. Nevertheless, the implications of such institutional susceptibilities to lobbying in the EU should be both cause for concern and further inquiry.
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Larsen, Henrik. « Discourse analysis and foreign policy : the impact of the concepts of Europe, nation/state, security and the nature of international relations on French and British policies towards Europe in the 1980s ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.269013.
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El, Mossadak Ahmed. « Terrorisme et sociologie politique de l'International ». Thesis, Paris 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA030097.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Le Terrorisme est devenu le mal du système-monde moderne. Comment repenser l’acte du terrorisme est devenue une question pressante, surtout quand l’incompréhension est dominante sinon triomphante. D’où, la nécessité d’étudier l’acte terroriste, de le comprendre loin des idées reçues et des sentiers battus. La politique américaine a axé son ordre de priorité sur la guerre contre le terrorisme, au point d’élever la raison sécuritaire à un nouveau paradigme des relations internationales. Les politiques sécuritaires américaines ont entraîné dans la foulée une mise sous tutelle sans précédent des libertés publiques sur le territoire américain (USA Patriot Act, Projet Patriot Act II, Homeland Security Act, National Strategy of Security…) comme la mise en place d’un véritable état d’exception international: Camp Guantanamo, Abou Gharib, transferts extrajudiciaires des terroristes, prisons secrètes. Ce qui provoque des réactions de rejets et d’oppositions. En effet, si Les Etats de l’Union européenne n’ont pas adhéré du premier coup à la logique antiterroriste américaine, ils finiront par s’aligner sur la politique anti-terroriste américaine. Lemonde arabe est acculé et accusé comme étant le berceau du terrorismemondial,mais il s’avère en réalité, celui qui a plus subi dans les faits les aléas directs et indirects du terrorisme. C’est dans ce contexte que la plupart des pays arabes se sont inscrit tambours battant dans "la guerre contre le terrorisme" mais sans véritable adhésion réelle. Cette politique par contre est devenue un enjeu politique interne et externe. Le choix de "l’immobilisme", du "statuquo" et "l’absence d’initiative" de la part du monde arabe répondent aux contraintes d’être en même temps cible et au cœur de "la guerre contre le terrorisme"Terrorism has become an illness of the modern World-System. How to rethink the act of terrorism has become an urgent question because it seems that the non understanding is dominant if not triumphant. Thus the necessity to see the terrorist act "included and overcame rather than felt with fantasy". The American policy has remobilized the world around the security objectives to intervene in the international policy. American security policies, based on the reinforcement of exceptional juridical legislation on global techniques of surveillance and on the military mobilization, have led to public liberties, with unprecedented tutoring (USA Patriot Act, Project Patriot Act, Homeland of security, National Strategy of Security) and the establishment of a real international exception state. Refractory to the American antiterrorist logic "war against terrorism", the European Union members have claimed before to be their allies: "we will fight terrorism by the law and in the frame of law". This logic has quickly made the allies adopt the American model. In reality, it is the Arab World that has suffered the consequences of terrorism. The events of the September 11, 2001 have thrown projectors on Islam as a source of terrorism although the Arabs and Muslims were the first targets of Islamic terrorism, and the first to suffer the consequences. One of the effects of this situation is the mitigated and ambiguous reaction of the Arab and Muslim opinions about the September attack. It is in this context that most of the ArabWorld has been inscribed in "War against terrorism" without almost any motivation but with a lot of hesitation because of the pressure made by the international coalition and especially the American one. Indeed to side this position presupposes a recurrent reality in the Arabs political and strategic choices. The choice of "immobilism" of the "statuquo" and "the absence of the initiative" answers to constraints to be at the same time a target and at the center of the "war against terrorism"
22
Hecht, Catherine Anne. « Inclusiveness and status in international organizations : cases of democratic norm development and policy implementation in the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe and the United Nations ». Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/43509.
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Papastathopoulos, Stavros. « Expanding the European Union's Petersberg tasks : requirements and capabilities / ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Jun%5FPapastathopoulos.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Defense Decision-Making and Planning)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2004.Thesis advisor(s): David S. Yost. Includes bibliographical references (p. 57-64). Also available online.
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Battiss, Samir. « Les relations transatlantiques dans le cadre de la politique européenne de sécurité et de défense (PESD) : l’Alliance atlantique face à l’émergence d’un acteur stratégique européen (1989-2009) ». Thesis, Paris 2, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA020056.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Tentant de sortir du seul modèle connu et qui s’offre aux partenaires européens, à savoir l’OTAN, l’UE se fonde sur un système original et spécifique qui se veut plus efficace devant les défis de sécurité d’aujourd’hui et de demain. En parallèle, l’Alliance atlantique, qui tire pour beaucoup, sa légitimité de l’Histoire du continent européen, essaie de se maintenir en tant qu’acteur privilégié en matière de défense et de sécurité collective. L’objectif de cette thèse est de défendre l’idée de la pertinence de l’Union européenne en tant qu’acteur majeur dans le domaine de la défense et de sécurité tout en mettant en évidence les différences fondamentales entre celle-ci et l’action de l’Alliance atlantique. Ce travail de recherche fournit une analyse doctrinale et conceptuelle, à la fois « éclectique et pluraliste », pour répondre à la question de l’établissement de relations entre plusieurs institutions internationales de sécurité à partir des comportements étatiques en matière de sécurité et de défense collective. Cette analyse ne peut se faire sans se fonder sur les développements politiques et techniques ayant marqué ces vingt-cinq dernières années. Ces faits constituent des éléments tant explicatifs qu’évaluatifs du processus par lequel ces institutions naissent ou se modifient. Ils contribuent également à mettre en lumière les mécanismes d’interdépendance étroite entre l’Alliance atlantique et le processus de la PESD de l’Union européenne, et par ailleurs, de souligner l’originalité de cette dernière. Cette interdépendance existe sur le plan politique et dans ses différents aspects militaires (stratégique, opérationnel et tactique), ainsi que dans le volet technico-industriel ; elle résulte directement tant de la double appartenance historique des États membres à des instruments multilatéraux de sécurité, d’événements politiques majeurs touchant le continent européen, que des efforts entrepris pour faire converger les intérêts nationaux et, donc, le façonnage d’une culture stratégiqueThe European Union bases its security system on genuine and specific approach which would allow the face the forthcoming challenges. Meanwhile it has attempted to untangle from the unique model of collective security in the Euroatlantic area, that is to say NATO. This study aims to defend the relevancy of the EU as a major international actor in a large scale of security missions. Moreover it highlights the main differences between the EU vis-à-vis the Alliance’s activities. It is based on a theoretical and conceptual analysis which uses both an eclectic and pluralist approach in order to provide answers on how States’ behavior in defense and collective security matters influences the setting up of relations between several international security institutions. This analysis derives from the political and technical developments that influenced the security landscape the last twenty-five years. These facts help to explain and to evaluate the process by which such institutions arise and develop. They finally contribute to highlight the tight and original interdependency of the between the Atlantic Alliance and the European Security and Defense Policy of the European Union. This interdependency is real from political, military (strategic, operational and tactical) and technical-industrial perspectives ; it directly originates from the historical dual belonging to the multinational security frameworks, from major political events on the European continent, as much as a joint effort to focus on common interests and the shaping of a strategic culture
25
Gabrielli, Lorenzo. « La construction de la politique d’immigration espagnole : ambiguïtés et ambivalences à travers le cas des migrations ouest-africaines ». Thesis, Bordeaux 4, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011BOR40014/document.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Ce travail analyse la construction de la politique d’immigration en Espagne à travers le cas desmigrations ouest-africaines, un révélateur privilégié des ambiguïtés et ambivalences qui latraversent. Dans le contexte du retournement des flux migratoires qui transforme l’Espagne en unedestination de plus en plus importante, nous abordons la mise en place compliquée d’une politiquenationale qui, dès sa naissance en 1985, doit conjuguer les obligations européennes et les intérêtsinternes. Nous étudions comment la virulente politisation de la question migratoire, en 2000,constitue un moment clé dans le développement de la politique espagnole, en modifiant d’abord leprocessus d’européanisation. L’Espagne, qui initialement est un récepteur passif de normes etpratiques européennes, se transforme ainsi en une actrice clé dans l’UE en matière d’immigration,tant par son adhésion à la sécurisation de l’immigration, que par son rôle dans le processusd’internationalisation des enjeux, où son action vis-à-vis du continent africain devient unarchétype. Nous analysons ainsi le développement du volet extérieur de la politique espagnole qui,par une focalisation exacerbée sur les flux subsahariens, impulse une diffusion poussée des enjeuxmigratoires dans les rapports avec l’Afrique. La réévaluation et revalorisation des relations del’Espagne avec le Maroc, en tant qu’espace de transit des flux, et le réengagement conséquent enAfrique de l’Ouest, à la suite du Plan Afrique, témoignent du rôle du continent africain commeterrain d’expression privilégié de l’externalisation du contrôle des flux. Le décryptage de cerégime euro-africain des migrations en essor, ainsi que de sa négociation, permet de saisir enprofondeur les conséquences et les effets collatéraux de cette politiqueThis project aims to analyse the development of Spanish immigration policy through the caseof West African migrations which significantly reveals the ambiguous and ambivalent nature ofthe policy. In the context of migratory flows reversal, Spain has become an increasingly importantdestination for immigrants, so I wish to address the complicated implementation of a nationalpolicy which, from its birth in 1985, has had to reconcile EU obligations with internal interests. Ishall look at how the virulent politicisation of immigration issues in 2000 not only represents akey moment in the development of Spanish policy, but Europeanization process as well. Thesignificance of this is that Spain, a country which was at first a passive recipient of Europeannorms and practices, steadily became a central actor in the key debates and issues surroundingimmigration in the EU. These include the Spanish alignment to the securitisation process ofimmigration as well as becoming a model in the internationalisation of immigration policythrough its action towards the African continent. I will also analyse the development of theexternal dimension of Spanish policy, which through an exacerbated focus on sub-Saharanimmigration leads to a widespread effect of the migratory issues in its dealings with Africa. Thereassessment and consequent improvement of Spanish relations with Morocco was a crucialmoment due to the country’s strategic importance as a “transit zone” to Europe. This trendcontinued with the consequent re-engagement in West Africa following the Africa Plan which Ibelieve reflects the role of the African continent as a privileged field of expression towards theexternalisation of migratory flows control. The deciphering of this emerging Euro-Africanframework of migration governance and its negotiation help us to fully comprehend theconsequences and collateral effects of this policy
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Thompson, Beth A. « European Security Development : From Maastricht to Bosnia ». Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1339603623.
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Siekliková, Lenka. « Role střední Evropy v bezpečnostně-politických vztazích na pozadí Visegrádu ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-113474.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The topic of this thesis is the role of Central Europe in the security-political relations focusing on the Visegrad Group as a representative of Central European regional cooperation. The thesis first describes international regimes, which the Visegrad Group belongs to, the reasons of their origin and the functions, which they have been performing. The paper also deals with the region of Central Europe, with its definition and cooperation within it. The core part of the thesis is dedicated to the Visegrad Group, to its origin, to the relations between its members and above all to its activity within the European Union and the North Atlantic Alliance. The final part evaluates not only achievements and failures in security and defense aspects of Visegrad cooperation, but it also mentions new possibilities, which are currently offered to such cooperation.
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White, Steven A. « The Baltic Question as it relates to European security ». Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 1990. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA246194.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 1990.Thesis Advisor(s): Tsypkin, Mikhail ; Breemer, Jan S. "December 1990." Description based on title screen as viewed on March 30, 2010. DTIC Descriptor(s): USSR, Security, Theses, Lithuania, Momentum, Baltic Countries, Estonia, Latvia, Europe, Equations. DTIC Identifier(s): Baltic States, European Security, Estonia, Lithuania, Latvia, Balance Of Power, Post Cold War Era, History, International Relations, Theses. Author(s) subject terms: Baltic Question, European Security, Soviet Union, Baltic States, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania. Includes bibliographical references (p. 105-108). Also available in print.
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Recca, Stephen P. « Nordic nonalignment/neutrality policies in the 1990s implications for U.S. security / ». Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 1990. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA242410.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (Master of Arts in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 1990.Thesis Advisor: Kennedy-Minott, R. Second Reader: Breemer, Jan S. "December 1990." Description based on title screen as viewed on April 1, 2010. DTIC Identifier(s): Foreign policy, national security, Finland, Sweden, USSR, European community, conference on security and cooperation in Europe, Nordic Nonalignment, international law, neutrality, United States, post Cold War era, theses. Author(s) subject terms: Sweden, Finland, neutrality, nonalignment, EC, CSCE, security politics, economics, Nordic, Scandinavia, Soviet Union, United States, regional, foreign policy. Includes bibliographical references (p. 75-78). Also available in print.
30
Wright, Kevin P. « European conventional arms control and epistemic communities ». Thesis, University of Essex, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.265196.
Texte intégral
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Rodrigues, de Brito Rafaela. « Climate change and international security in the European Union : discourse and implications ». Thesis, University of Southampton, 2015. https://eprints.soton.ac.uk/397591/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The last two decades have seen the emergence of discourses that depict climate change as a major threat to security. This thesis seeks to explore the consequences of using security narratives to speak about climate change. Focusing on the EU as a case study, the thesis aims to answer two central questions. First, has the climate change and international security discourse become dominant in the way climate change is conceptualised in the EU? Second, has this discourse solidified in concrete policies or institutional arrangements? To this end, I use Maarten Hajer’s framework for discourse analysis, which enables the uncovering of the narratives, metaphors and storylines through which climate change is being constructed as a security problem, but also the institutional consequences following from such discourse. I argue that, in the EU, the storyline that depicts climate change as a ‘threat multiplier’ has managed to gain considerable influence in the EU climate change, and security discursive spaces. While other conceptualisations of the climate problem co-exist, EU climate actors now accept that climate change should be viewed as a security issue. At the same time, EU security actors now include climate change in their comprehensive definition of security. Regarding the policy consequences of the discourse, I contend that these are mainly visible in the context of external climate policies, as the security dimension of climate change is now part of EU climate diplomacy strategies. In addition, climate change considerations have been increasingly included in the EU’s comprehensive approach to external conflicts and crises. These findings, I argue, can shed some light on the normative debate over the securitisation of climate change as a positive or negative concept.
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Black, Stephen P. « Crossing shadows Polish sovereignty, post-communist foreign policy and European security / ». Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 1990. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA246590.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 1990.Thesis Advisor(s): lTsypkin, Mikhail. Second Reader: Laba, Roman. "December 1990." Description based on title screen as viewed on April 01, 2010. DTIC Descriptor(s): Foreign policy, Europe, warfare, global, united states, strategy, security, theses, memory devices, integration, internal, history, Germany, crossings, eastern Europe, Poland, bridges, shadows, east(direction), disintegration, central Europe, USSR DTIC Identifier(s): Poland, Eastern Europe, European security, theses Author(s) subject terms: Poland, Eastern Europe, European security Includes bibliographical references. Also available in print.
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Simonyi, André. « Waiting for the Cows to Come Home : A Political Ethnography of Security in a Complex World. Explorations in the Magyar Borderlands of Contemporary Ukraine ». Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/26126.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This dissertation explores the ways in which the everyday (in)securities of people in southwestern Ukraine can illuminate our understanding of contemporary political life. Rather than using traditional units of analysis or given categories—the state, the individual, identity—the dissertation focuses on relations between people in and connected to a single village to develop a novel framework for analyzing politics and the political. The dissertation opens with an interrogation of the practical and theoretical challenges associated with current conceptualizations of security; our understanding of the political; and the role of ethnography in theorization and presents a research design meant to address those challenges. Drawing upon extensive participant-observation and other immersion-based research in a post-Soviet borderland wedged between Ukraine and Slovakia, and using an analytical tool I call “togetherness,” the thesis presents an ethnographic account of social interactions, economy, and authority in this largely Hungarian-speaking rural area. The third part of the dissertation applies the idea of an ontological shift and draws on complex systems and structuration theory (Luhmann and Giddens, respectively) to rethink the ethnographic analysis and to highlight relationships between structural and existential realms of political life. Here, the concept of security becomes central to the theorization, and the overall argument illuminates the intimate relationship between the idea of security and the political. Ultimately, this approach allows us to expand the scope of political ethnography: theorizing beyond thick description; integrating broader perspectives without losing the texture of the local; and developing an approach to research that can be replicated in other settings.
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Harrold, Jane Elizabeth. « State building : the case of the European Union's common foreign and security policy ». Thesis, University of Warwick, 2001. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/3067/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The aim of the thesis is to provide an understanding of the practical and conceptual significance of foreign, security and defence policies within the changing epistemology of the state, and the impact of the development of such policies upon the process of European integration. In order to achieve this analysis the thesis proceeds by examining the linkage made in traditional International Relations and Strategic Studies discourse between the state and security before considering alternative concepts whereby the state is becoming detached from its role as the primary provider of security in the international system. This is followed by an examination and assessment of the man theories of integration International Relations. An historical bridging chapter then highlights the relationship between foreign and security policy and the process of European integration. The two core empirical chapters focus upon the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and the European Security and Defence Identity (ESDI) and are linked by a short chapter assessing the significant of the second Treaty on European Union, concluded at Amsterdam. The former traces factors leading to the inclusion of CFSP into the Treaty on European Union (TEU) at Maastricht followed by an outline of the institutional structures established and an assessment of CFSP in operation. The latter considers the factors promoting and preventing the EU’s acquisition of a defence capability. In particular attention is drawn to the significance of reform within the Atlantic Alliance, the future of the Western European Union (WEU) and the national positions of the British and French governments. The content of these chapters has required constant updating as circumstances change. A great deal of information for these chapters is, therefore, based two series of elite interviews, the first with British officials and Members of the European Parliament conducted during the summer of 1997; the second with personnel from EU, WEU and NATO institutions, conducted in March 1999. Finally a conclusion is reached as to the significance of such developments in assessing the nature of the European Union.
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Leite, Christopher C. « Evolutions in Transnational Authority : Practices of Risk and Data in European Disaster and Security Governance ». Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/35121.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The scholarly field of International Relations (IR) has been slow to appreciate the evolutions in forms of governance authority currently seen in the European political system. Michael Barnett has insisted that ‘IR scholars also have had to confront the possibility that territoriality, authority, and the state might be bundled in different ways in present-day Europe’ (2001, 52). This thesis outlines how modern governing authority is generated and maintained in a Europe that is strongly impacted by the many institutions, departments, and agencies of the European Union (EU). Using the specific cases of the EU’s disaster response organisation, the DG for Civil Protection and Humanitarian Aid (ECHO), and the hub for EU internal security policy management, the DG for Home and Migration Affairs (HOME), this thesis understands the different policy areas under EU policymaker and bureaucrat jurisdictions as semi-autonomous fields of practice – fields that are largely confined to the groups of bureaucratic, diplomatic, corporate, NGO, contracted, and IO that exist in Brussels, decidedly removed from in-field or operational personnel. Transnational governance authority in Europe, at least in these two fields, is generated and maintained by actors recognised as highly expert in producing and using data to monitor for the risks of future disasters and entrenching that ability into central functional roles in their respective fields.
Both ECHO and HOME actors came to be recognised as central authorities in their fields thanks to their ability to prepare for unknown future natural and manmade disasters by creating and collecting and managing data on them and then using this data to articulate possible future scenarios as risks. They use the resources at their disposal to generate and manage data about disaster and security monitoring and coordination, drawing on these resources to impress upon the other actors in their fields that cooperating with ECHO and HOME is the best way to minimise the risks posted by future disasters. In doing so, both sets of actors established the parameters by which other actors understood their own best practices: through the use of data to monitor for future scenarios and establish criteria upon which to justify policy decisions. The specific way ECHO and HOME actors were able to position themselves as primary or central figures, namely, by using centralised data management, demonstrates the role that risk practices play in generating and maintaining authority in complex institutional governance situations as currently seen in Europe.
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Spencer, David K. « Enhancing the European Union's development strategy in Afghanistan ». Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2010/Jun/10Jun%5FSpencer.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Europe and Eurasia))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2010.Thesis Advisor(s): Spencer, David K.; Siegel, Scott N. "June 2010." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 14, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: European Union, Afghanistan, regional development strategy, sustainable economic growth, development coordination, private sector, European Commission, European Council, EU member states, value chain, ANDS, Afghanistan National Development Strategy, UNAMA, JCMB, Nangarhar Inc, Provincial Development Plan, PDP, Lisbon Treaty, NGO, super envoy, donors, mineral, natural resources. Includes bibliographical references (p. 143-158). Also available in print.
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Hong, Ki-Joon. « The CSCE security regime formation : from Helsinki to Budapest / ». [Leuven] : Katholieke Universiteit Leuven, 1996. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb371657199.
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Anderson, Stephanie Beth. « The making of Maastricht : the formation of a common European security policy ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.360031.
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Gatev, Ivaylo. « Transforming the eastern neighbourhood : the security implications of European Union Activity in Ukraine 2000-2006 ». Thesis, Aston University, 2009. http://publications.aston.ac.uk/15764/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis examines the external activities of the European Union conducted in the wider Europe against the backdrop of eastern enlargement. It focuses on the technical aspects of EU diplomacy, using qualitative research methodology to study the programmes and initiatives launched since the year 2000 in the countries lying along the Union’s new border to the east. Drawing on evidence from Ukraine, it hypothesises that the EU is an agent of transformation in the eastern neighbourhood and that this transformation has important implications for the regional order in the post-Soviet space. The thesis constitutes an investigation into the transformational activities engaged by the EU in Ukraine conducted with an eye to their strategic implications. It documents and analyses three instances of EU intervention in Ukraine’s internal processes that relate to management of cross-border traffic in the Ukrainian-Russian borderland, restructuring of the country’s energy sector, and conduct of its contentious presidential election in 2004. It is argued that while these interventions have explicitly sought to advance the Union’s security with respect to certain twenty-first century transnational threats, they have at the same time served to confer important strategic advantages on the EU that include giving the bloc greater knowledge and control over developments in Ukraine and that contribute to the dismantling of infrastructural, institutional and other ties between Kiev and the other Soviet successor states, notably Russia. The effect of the European Union’s actions in the region, whether intended or not, has thus been to undermine any competing regional initiatives that cut across its own functions, and thereby to assert itself as the primary integration project in Europe. By showing how technical interventions in the politics, economics and administration of Ukraine can yield important geopolitical dividends, this thesis demonstrates that, in the context of EU external relations, high and low politics are interlinked.
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Ifestos, Panayiotis J. « Some aspects of external relations and foreign policy of the European Community : European political cooperation and defense / security issues ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/213536.
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Fonyódi, Eddy Zoltán. « Security aspects of European Union diplomacy development of a unique actor in international relations / ». Connect to Electronic Thesis (CONTENTdm), 2009. http://worldcat.org/oclc/476739069/viewonline.
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Höglund, Lovisa. « The European Union and Food Security : A study of how the European Union works with food security within the context of international cooperation and development ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-354140.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract Today a lot of people in the world experience food insecurity. In this paper a qualitative content analysis method has been used in order to answer the following question: How does the European Union work with food security? More specifically, this paper investigates if the EU´s focus is on strengthening people’s entitlements or on increasing the availability of food, e.g. through increasing the production of food. This analysis was able to confirm that the 23 European Union projects (within the international cooperation and development context) which were analysed focus their attempts to achieve food security in a variety of different ways. Around half the projects include elements of improving both entitlements and food availability/production, whilst roughly half of the projects aim to improve only one of the above-mentioned elements. It was possible to identify Sen’s entitlement approach in the European Union projects; however, the paper reached the conclusion that although the entitlement approach to achieving food security is clearly very influential in the projects, it is not the only influence present.
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Seagle, Adriana. « How Romanian Governmental Elites Conceptualize The European Union As an International Society ». Diss., Virginia Tech, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/77078.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study makes a contribution to the distinction between Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft models of society at the regional level by investigating the understanding of the Romanian governmental elites with respect to the EU and the EU's Second Pillar. The findings of the study suggest that the conscious recognition of common culture and common values help distinguish between system and society at the regional level because they imply adherence to a common political identity. It is widely agreed in the ES that an international system develops an international society and when states engage in mutual recognition of "sovereign equality" an international society exists. The case of Romania shows that the EU is a pluralistic international society divided in decision-making between the core and the periphery in which political criteria serves for mutual recognition. Political criteria defined by the application of the rule of law and anti-corruption measures as well as by the common understanding of Western democratic culture and Western political values seem to hinder Romania from acquiring a distinctive voice in EU decision-making. Political instability continues to be a perennial concern for Romania despite EU membership. This study highlights that political instability results from an inadequate understanding of EU common political values underpinning the principles of western style democracy. The findings also indicate that before 2007 Romanians described the connection with the EU in sentimental, common historical ties in contrast to after 2007, when Romania's Accession Treaty and the Treaty of Lisbon were increasingly invoked in context of equal recognition status hence highlighting contractual ties with the EU.
The study is framed by the international society and uses an interpretive methodology associated with international society to highlight that at the regional level culture and values give meaning to society and help the common understanding of members of international society to pursue common interests. Adherence to common EU political culture and values are imperative for political stability in Romania and for harmonizing Romanian elites' mentalities in political and security practices with those of other EU members. A useful recommendation emerging from the findings is that international society should be examined further in context of power and prudence in order to understand how the existence of common interests, rules, norms, and values of the Union members influence the distinction between the international system and international society.Ph. D.
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Stamate, Gheorghe. « European Security and Defence Policy, or Back to Political Realism ? » Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2004. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-2514.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In the course of this master thesis I will argue the following:
a) ESDP project is an interesting initiative and concern issues that stand at the core of the EU integration processes. It relates to the most significant and updated development of the EU institutional, conceptual and strategic design, but is yet relatively unexplored and underdeveloped.
b) The aim of this study is to evaluate the efforts to enhance cooperation among European countries in the provision and use of military force. To set the scene and illustrate constrains and complications that bear upon activities in this field. Indeed, the author intends to recommend a theoretical framework, as a fundamental prerequisite for the proper study of EU Defense and Security Policy.
c) Constructivism and neo- Realism and their theoretical tenets offer an unexplored avenue to investigate and account for the development of the European Security and Defense Policy.
d) The efficiency of such an account depends on a meticulous evaluation of proposed theoretical approaches versus the emerging security complex. This theoretical choice allows for a construction beyond that of the unit or system levels of analysis and may therefore grant a causal role to perceived interests in terms of non- traditional approach to research in social science. Also it may thereby provoke an interest in terms of security and threat.
e) The originality and validity of a combination between Realism and Constructivism as a starting point for inquiries in IR may not only be relevant to an understanding of how such a development can unfold, but mostly how a real social phenomena can be unfolded by such a non-traditional theoretical approach.
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Jon, Woo-Jung. « Establishing an international registration system for the assignment and security interest of receivables ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:10758231-3aa0-4aaa-9394-8950930da22c.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Legal systems around the world vary widely in how they deal with the assignment of receivables. This legal variety makes it difficult for financiers to conduct their international receivables financing business. This thesis suggests an International Registration System for the Assignment and Security Interest of Receivables (‘IRSAR’) and proposes a model international convention for the IRSAR (‘proposed IRSAR Convention’), which could help financiers to overcome the obstacles they currently encounter. Under the proposed IRSAR Convention, the international assignment of receivables would be regulated by a unified legal system with respect to priority and perfection. The IRSAR would facilitate international project financing. Furthermore, the IRSAR would enable companies to raise finance from greater ranges of investors around the world through international receivables financing and to dispose of non-performing loans more easily. The proposed IRSAR Convention would succeed the UN Convention on the Assignment of Receivables in International Trade in the attempt of establishing a registration system for international assignments of receivables. The proposed IRSAR Convention confines its scope of application by defining the assignor (or the security provider), inventing the concept of ‘Vehicle for the International Registration System’ (‘VIRS’). The proposed IRSAR Convention applies where the assignor or security provider is a VIRS. An assignment of a receivable where the assignor is a VIRS and a security interest in a receivable where the security provider is a VIRS could be registered in the IRSAR. Under the proposed IRSAR Convention, priority of assignments of and security interests in receivables is determined by the order of registration in the IRSAR. The proposed IRSAR Convention would be a receivables version of the Cape Town Convention. With respect to the contents and effect of registration, it would prescribe a notice-filing system along the lines of that adopted in the UCC Article 9. With respect to the operation of the registration, it would adopt an automatic online registration system operating 24 hours a day, 365 days a year like the International Registry under the Cape Town Convention.
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Morillas, Bassedas Pol. « Strategy-making in the era of intergovernmentalism : The policy-making processes of the european security strategy (2003) and the EU global strategy (2016) ». Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/461181.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Cada vez más, la UE parece regirse por el intergubernamentalismo. Los estados miembros han ganado la batalla a las instituciones supranacionales, marginadas en la toma de decisiones en asuntos clave de la agenda europea. El nuevo intergubernamentalismo recoge esta tendencia y renueva el interés sobre la naturaleza de la integración europea, a la vez que supone la continuación del tradicional debate entre intergubernamentalismo y supranacionalismo.
Esta teoría argumenta que, desde el Tratado de Maastricht, los estados han tomado las riendas de la integración europea, dejando de lado a las instituciones. También considera que las instituciones en las que los estados miembros están representados se encuentran en el centro de estas dinámicas, con el Consejo Europeo actuando como catalizador de la integración y el Consejo siendo la institución central en la toma de decisiones. Cuando se delegan poderes, el nuevo intergubernamentalismo entiende que los estados utilizan organismos como el SEAE para apoyar sus iniciativas, aunque éstos carecen de liderazgo.
La mayor parte de las contribuciones al nuevo intergubernamentalismo han analizado la Unión Económica y Monetaria y la política de seguridad y defensa de la UE. Esta tesis, en cambio, cubre un vacío analítico sobre su uso en áreas híbridas como la acción exterior. Con el objetivo de aumentar la coherencia, el Tratado de Lisboa ha aunado las relaciones exteriores -supranacionales y pertenecientes a la Comisión Europea- con la PESC y la PCSD -intergubernamentales y en manos de los estados miembros. El Tratado también ha instaurado importantes novedades institucionales como el SEAE y la AR/VP, dotándola del derecho de iniciativa.
Esta investigación contrasta las asunciones del nuevo intergubernamentalismo con las dinámicas políticas generadas por Lisboa. Para ello, utiliza el proceso de toma de decisiones de las estrategias para ilustrar las relaciones inter-institucionales en la PESC y la acción exterior. Sus estudios de caso son la Estrategia Europea de Seguridad (2003) -adoptada bajo el antiguo sistema de pilares y en el marco de la PESC- y la Estrategia Global de la UE (2016) -la primera estrategia post-Lisboa y que cubre la totalidad de la acción exterior. El estudio del proceso de formulación de las estrategias -en sí mismo un vacío empírico en la literatura- se realiza mediante el análisis en cuatro fases: la definición de la agenda, el proceso de elaboración, los resultados y la implementación.
Los resultados de la investigación muestran un refuerzo de las instituciones de Bruselas en ambas estrategias. Esta tendencia nace con la EES, cuya novedosa elaboración se basó en el intergubernamentalismo institucionalizado, en el cual el Alto Representante y la Secretaría General del Consejo centralizaron el proceso de elaboración. Ello se debió al activismo de Solana y a la delegación parcial de la iniciativa por parte de los estados miembros, obteniendo como resultado un proceso de elaboración altamente institucionalizado en un área preeminentemente intergubernamental, la PESC.
Este proceso se refuerza con la EGUE, en la que la AR/VP ha sido el motor de su elaboración. Haciendo uso del derecho de iniciativa, Mogherini ha ejercido una alta influencia en el proceso y los contenidos de la EGUE para reforzar la concepción global de la acción exterior. La centralidad de la AR/VP y el SEAE son muestra de mayor autonomía en el intergubernamentalismo y la EGUE se ha convertido en el vehículo para la implementación de iniciativas posteriores.
Esta investigación matiza aspectos centrales del nuevo intergubernamentalismo referentes al predominio de los estados en las dinámicas actuales de la integración y argumenta que el paso de la PESC a la acción exterior ha reforzado la capacidad de los nuevos organismos para liderar y delinear los contornos de nuevas iniciativas políticas.The EU is seen as a body increasingly ruled by intergovernmentalism. Member states are portrayed as the winners of a power contest with supranational institutions, which have been marginalised in critical decisions of European politics. Following up on the traditional intergovernmental-supranational debate, new intergovernmentalism has captured this trend and inaugurated a renewed interest on the nature of European integration in the literature. The central premise of this theory is that, since the Maastricht Treaty, member states have taken the reins of European integration and sidelined supranational institutions in setting the pace and direction of current policy developments. It also assumes that the institutions where member states are represented are at the centre of these dynamics, with the European Council acting as the catalyst of integration and the Council becoming the central decision-making institution. When delegation of power occurs, new intergovernmentalism understands that member states make use of de novo bodies such as the EEAS to provide support to their initiatives, but not to exercise leadership. Most scholarly contributions to new intergovernmentalism have analysed the dynamics of the Economic and Monetary Union and the EU security and defence policies. However, there is an analytical gap in the literature, which this thesis aims to address, in applying new intergovernmentalism to hybrid areas of activity such as external action. In here, the Lisbon Treaty has brought together the supranational external relations of the European Commission and the intergovernmental CFSP/CSDP, in the hands of member states, for the purpose of policy coherence. The Treaty has also put forward remarkable institutional innovations such as the EEAS and created the position of the HR/VP, giving it a formal right of initiative. This research aims to contrast the main assumptions of new intergovernmentalism against the policy-making dynamics generated by the Lisbon Treaty. To do so, it uses the policy-making processes of EU strategies as a way to illustrate the inter-institutional relations in CFSP and external action. The case studies of this research are the European Security Strategy (2003), adopted under the former pillar system and in the realm of the CFSP, and the EU Global Strategy (2016), the first post-Lisbon strategy covering the whole of external action. The study of the policy-making processes of strategies -an empirical gap in the literature in itself- is performed by breaking down strategy-making into four different phases: agenda-setting, policy formulation, policy output and implementation. The results of this research show an increased role of Brussels-based institutions in strategy-making. This trend can be traced back to the ESS, which inaugurated a novel policy-making mode based on institutionalised intergovernmentalism, whereby HR Solana and the Council Secretariat centralised the strategy-making process. This came as a consequence of Solana's strong activism and the partial delegation of initiative by member states, setting up a highly institutionalised policy formulation process in a prominently intergovernmental policy area, the CFSP. This novel policy-making mode is further reinforced in the EUGS, where the HR/VP has become the policy entrepreneur of a new strategy-making process. Making full use of her right of initiative, Mogherini has shaped the process and the contents of the new strategy, in the benefit of a "whole of EU" approach to external action. The centrality of the HR/VP and the EEAS has resulted in a process of autonomy in intergovernmentalism, where the EUGS has become the vehicle for subsequent implementation initiatives. In sum, this research nuances central aspects of new intergovernmentalism regarding the predominance of member states in current integration dynamics, arguing that the shift from CFSP to external action has fundamentally strengthened the capacity of de novo bodies to lead and shape policy initiatives.
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Fescharek, Nicolas. « European role convergence by default ? : the contributions of the EU Member States to security provision and Security Sector Reform during the military intervention in Afghanistan (2001-2014) ». Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016IEPP0009/document.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Basé sur un engagement collectif qui a débuté en 2001, cette thèse se penche sur le rôle des États membres de l'Union européenne (UE) dans la stabilisation de l’Afghanistan pendant l'intervention militaire de 2001 à 2014. La thèse analyse les contributions nationales et collectives des Etats membres à la stabilisation et la sécurité nationale de l'Afghanistan, de la réforme du secteur de sécurité à la formation de l'armée et de la police, du maintien de la paix aux combats et aux initiatives diplomatiques. La thèse montre que le Etats membres ont joué un rôle important dans les prestations de sécurité, mais leur impact collectif est en grande partie le résultat de synergies entre des contributions nationales, et ces synergies ont été réalisées en dehors des dynamiques ou des politiques européennes. Le leadership américain a été un facteur important dans l’émergence d’un rôle européen collectif par défaut. La thèse avance également un argument théorique-conceptuel : Loin d'être un obstacle à un rôle européen de sécurité et de défense, l'absence d'une politique ou d'un projet européen a agi comme un important catalyseur de la convergence des comportements, une fois qu’un leadership américain pouvait être invoqué. Cette convergence de comportements en matière de sécurité et de défense a eu lieu en dépit de la grande divergence des cultures stratégiques entre les Etats membres. Elle a été réalisée à partir d’actions conjointes mais sélectives qui furent insérées dans le cadre du leadership américain. Une politique collective et européenne n’a pas été nécessaire pour réaliser ce rôleBased on a collective engagement that has lasted since 2001, this thesis looks at the role(s) of the EU Member States (MS) in the provision of security during the intervention in Afghanistan (2001-2014). It analyzes their national and collective contribution(s) to Afghanistan’s post-2001 national security and Security Sector Reform (SSR), from military and police training to peace keeping, war fighting and diplomatic initiatives. The dissertation shows the MS played an important role in security provision, but their collective impact was largely the result of synergies between national contributions that occurred outside of European dynamics or policy planning. US campaign leadership was an important enabler of this collective European role by default. The dissertation also advances a theoretical-conceptual argument: Far from being an impediment to a European role in security and defense, the absence of a European policy or project acted as an important enabler of behavioral convergence once a US lead could be relied upon. This behavioral convergence in security and defense occurred despite the great strategic cultural divergence between the MS. It consisted of, and was driven by, joined-up action on an opt-in/opt-out basis, while a collective European policy was not necessary
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Lysina, Miroslav. « Security policy of the Czech Republic in light of the integration into the European Union ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Mar%5FLysina.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (M.A. in International Security and Civil-Military Relations)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2003.Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim, Edwin R. Micewski. Includes bibliographical references (p. 65-68). Also available online.
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Gayger, Muller Gustavo. « Legitimation of Security Regionalism : A Study of the Legitimacy Claims of the African Union and the European Union ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/224261.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Cette thèse identifie et analyse les revendications de légitimité des organisations régionales de sécurité par rapport à leurs actions et leur existence en tant que sites d’autorité relativement nouveaux. En effet, la recherche explore le contexte normatif qui sert de base au régionalisme sécuritaire entre le niveau global et le niveau national. A cet égard, la thèse propose un cadre conceptuel et théorique pour l’étude de l’autolégitimation qui est ici conçue comme un processus social dynamique et intersubjectif de justification du droit de gouverner. Ce cadre théorique combine les littératures sur la sécurité, le régionalisme, et la légitimité politique. Son objectif principal est l'identification des arguments de légitimation qui peuvent justifier des relations de pouvoir inégales entre gouvernants et gouvernés. Les études de cas de cette thèse sont les missions de sécurité et les politiques de gestion de crise de l'Union Africaine et de l'Union Européenne en réponse à la crise au Darfour (2003-) et les zones adjacentes, telles que le Tchad et la République Centrafricaine. A partir du concept d’autolégitimation et de l'analyse des documents produits par les deux organisations régionales, la partie empirique identifie quatre modes principaux de légitimation qui sont appelés « images du régionalisme sécuritaire ». Ces images sont le régionalisme bénéfique, le régionalisme nécessaire, le régionalisme inévitable, et le régionalisme multilatéral. Les images du régionalisme sécuritaire montrent que la légitimation des politiques et des actions, d'une part, et la légitimation des organisations régionales et de leur position au sein de la gouvernance de la sécurité, d’autre part, sont indissociables. En outre, elles révèlent également que, plus que la légitimation des actions, c’est souvent la légitimation de l'inaction qui est cruciale pour le rôle de ces organisations en tant qu’acteurs de sécurité. Enfin, les arguments de légitimation faisant référence au caractère multilatéral et collectif des actions entreprises par ces organisations régionales démontrent une tendance vers leur reconnaissance mutuelle et, par conséquent, contribuent à leur légitimation.This thesis identifies and analyses the legitimacy claims of regional security organizations in relation to their policies and their existence as relatively new sites of authority. Hence, it explores the normative context underpinning security regionalism between global and national levels. In this regard, it proposes a conceptual and theoretical framework for the study of self- legitimation, which is understood as a dynamic and intersubjective social process of justification of the right to rule. This framework is based on the intersection between the literatures on security, regionalism, and political legitimacy. Its main focus is the identification of the arguments of legitimation that can justify the unequal power relations between rulers and ruled. This thesis’ case studies are the security missions and policies of crisis management of the African Union and the European Union in response to the crisis in Darfur (2003-) and adjacent areas such as Chad and Central African Republic. Building on the framework of self-legitimation and on the analysis of documents produced by both regional organizations, the empirical part identifies fours large patterns of arguments, which are called ‘images of security regionalism’. These images are the beneficial regionalism, the necessary regionalism, the inevitable regionalism, and the multilateral regionalism. The images of security regionalism show that the legitimation of policies and actions, on the one hand, and the legitimation of regional organizations and their positions within security governance, on the other, are indissociable. Moreover, they also reveal that, more than the legitimation of actions, it is often the legitimation of the perceived inaction that is crucial to the organizations’ role as a security actors. Finally, the patterns of arguments referring to the inter-organizational relations and to the multilateral and collective character of the organizations’ policies point to a trend of mutual recognition and, by consequence, mutual legitimation among regional organizations.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Müller, Gustavo G. « Legitimation of security regionalism : a study of the legitimacy claims of the African Union and the European Union ». Thesis, University of Warwick, 2015. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/81485/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis identifies and analyses the legitimacy claims of regional security organizations in relation to their policies and their existence as relatively new sites of authority. Hence, it explores the normative context underpinning security regionalism between global and national levels. In this regard, it proposes a conceptual and theoretical framework for the study of selflegitimation, which is understood as a dynamic and intersubjective social process of justification of the right to rule. This framework is based on the intersection between the literatures on security, regionalism, and political legitimacy. Its main focus is the identification of the arguments of legitimation that can justify the unequal power relations between rulers and ruled. This thesis’ case studies are the security missions and policies of crisis management of the African Union and the European Union in response to the crisis in Darfur (2003-) and adjacent areas such as Chad and Central African Republic. Building on the framework of self-legitimation and on the analysis of documents produced by both regional organizations, the empirical part identifies fours large patterns of arguments, which are called ‘images of security regionalism’. These images are the beneficial regionalism, the necessary regionalism, the inevitable regionalism, and the multilateral regionalism. The images of security regionalism show that the legitimation of policies and actions, on the one hand, and the legitimation of regional organizations and their positions within security governance, on the other, are indissociable. Moreover, they also reveal that, more than the legitimation of actions, it is often the legitimation of the perceived inaction that is crucial to the organizations’ role as security actors. Finally, the patterns of arguments referring to the inter-organizational relations and to the multilateral and collective character of the organizations’ policies point to a trend of mutual recognition and, by consequence, mutual legitimation among regional organizations.