Articles de revues : « Scotland – History – The Union, 1707 »

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Hoppit, Julian. « Scotland and the Taxing Union, 1707–1815 ». Scottish Historical Review 98, n^o 1 (avril 2019) : 45–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2019.0379.

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This article sketches the amounts of taxes collected in Scotland for central government between the Union of 1707 and the end of the Napoleonic wars, looking at the impact of the Union, change over time and comparisons with how much taxes were collected in the rest of Britain. Those findings are then generally explained with reference to tax policy, taxable capacity and the tax gap. Finally, how these findings affect our understanding of the Union state are considered. Contrary to many accounts, the Union did not immediately lead to much larger amounts of taxes being collected, nor to much money being sent to London. Rather it was from the 1780s that substantial change on both accounts took place, though even in 1815 the per capita tax take in Scotland was under a half that in England and Wales. Trying to resolve the tension between the principles of equality and equity enshrined in the Union treaty, tax policy was more sympathetic to Scotland's circumstances than is often allowed. Very speculatively, Scotland's taxable capacity appears to have been significantly less than England's, even as late as 1815. And while the revenue services were necessarily more costly in Scotland, probably greater relative poverty there also lowered tax compliance compared to England.

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RAFFE, ALASDAIR. « 1707, 2007, AND THE UNIONIST TURN IN SCOTTISH HISTORY ». Historical Journal 53, n^o 4 (3 novembre 2010) : 1071–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x10000506.

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ABSTRACTThis article reviews the latest research on the making of the Anglo-Scottish parliamentary union of 1707 and unionism in modern Scotland. Stimulated by the tercentenary of the union, but running counter to the popular mood at the time of that anniversary, many of the recent publications exhibit a novel and sympathetic interest in principled support for union. Using Christopher Whatley's The Scots and the union (2006) and Colin Kidd's Union and unionisms (2008) as starting points, the article shows how the new histories differ from earlier work, while also identifying the interdisciplinary roots of the ‘unionist turn’ in Scottish history.

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Klinger, Patrick J. « Herring politics : Northern Scotland’s herring fishing industry, 1660-1707 ». International Journal of Maritime History 31, n^o 4 (novembre 2019) : 896–913. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0843871419878941.

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This research note explores the interactions between environmental change and cultural response in a case study focused on the diminution of the northern Scottish North Sea herring fishing industry from c. 1660 to 1707 and its role in the Anglo-Scottish Union of 1707. Through an interdisciplinary approach utilizing archival sources of fishing data and proxy sources, this study traces these additional causes of the decline in the Scottish herring industry in northern Scotland and argues that the herring decline was also driven by climatic and environmental change. In addition, it explores where the herring went and why, and demonstrates how a decline of the herring industry affected people in fishing communities in northern Scotland and created groups that supported union between Scotland and England.

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Helling, Colin George. « Convoy of Scottish Trade by the English Royal Navy on the Eve of the Union of 1707 ». Journal of British Studies 59, n^o 1 (janvier 2020) : 101–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2019.241.

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AbstractThe English Royal Navy's relationship with Scotland during the years preceding the Union of 1707 is usually cast as problematic in scholarly discussion, with the navy viewed as the enforcer of an embargo on Scottish trade with France. This study examines the Scottish use of Royal Naval convoy in the first years of the War of Spanish Succession through to 1707, focusing on the North Sea region. It adds nuance to security issues surrounding the parliamentary union by arguing that convoys to Scotland were more frequent than generally acknowledged, an improvement on the situation in the 1690s, and that when combined with the small Scottish navy, provided coverage that largely met Scottish needs. As a result, in a period of otherwise fierce debate, naval protection for Scotland was relatively uncontroversial. Convoy was therefore an unusual, if belated, success for regal union, and that success meant that Scots were more deeply enmeshed in the English system of maritime security than has been often been credited.

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Barclay, G. J. « Scotland 2002 ». Antiquity 76, n^o 293 (septembre 2002) : 777–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00091225.

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Introduction‘…it was not thought consistent with political wisdom, to draw the attention of the Scots to the ancient honours of their independent monarchy’ (on the proposal in 1780 to found a Society of Antiquaries for Scotland)Archueologia Scoficu 1 (1792): ivFrom the Parliamentary Union with England of 1707 until the establishment of the new devolved parliament (although still within the Union) in Edinburgh in 1999 under the terms of the Scotland Act 1998, Scotland was a nation with a ‘capital’ and its own legal system; neither a colony nor sovereign: an active participant in rather than a victim of 19th-century imperialism (Davidson 2000). Since the Union the writing of the history of Britain has been a more or less political process (Ash 1980: 34), the viewpoint of the historian depending on the individual’s position on the meaning and consequences of the Union and on the process of securing the creation of ‘North Britain’ and ‘South Britain’ — ‘the wider experiment to construct a new genuine British identity which would be formed from the two nations of Scotland and England’ [Finlay 1998). A small country sharing a small island with a world power will never have a quiet life (as Pierre Trudeau described Canada’s relationship with the USA — ‘being in bed with an elephant’).

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Mackillop, Andrew. « Accessing Empire : Scotland, Europe, Britain, and the Asia Trade, 1695–c. 1750 ». Itinerario 29, n^o 3 (novembre 2005) : 7–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300010457.

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The close, reciprocal relationship between overseas expansion and domestic state formation in early modern Western Europe has long been understood. In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries Portugal, the Netherlands, and England used the resources arising from their Atlantic colonies and Asia trades to defend themselves against their respective Spanish and French enemies. Creating and sustaining a territorial or trading empire, therefore, enabled polities not only to survive but also to enhance their standing with-i n the hierarchy of European states. The proposition that success overseas facilitated state development at home points however to the opposite logic, that where kingdoms failed as colonial powers they might well suffer from inhibited state formation. Indeed, if the example of England demonstrated how empire augmented a kingdom's power, then the experience of its neigh-bour, Scotland, seemed to reveal one possible outcome for a country unable to access colonial expansion. In 1707 Scotland negotiated away its political sovereignty and entered into an incorporating union with England. The new British framework enabled the Scots to access English markets (both domestic and colonial) previously closed to them. This does not mean that the 1707 union was simply an exchange of Scottish sovereignty for involvement in England's economy. Pressing political concerns, not least the Hanoverian succession played an equal if not more important role in the making of the British union. The question of political causation notwithstanding, the prevailing historiography of 1707 still places Scotland in a dichotomous framework of declining continental markets on the one hand and the lure of more expansive trade with England' domestic and overseas outlets on the other.

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Pentland, Gordon. « The Debate on Scottish Parliamentary Reform, 1830–1832 ». Scottish Historical Review 85, n^o 1 (avril 2006) : 100–130. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2006.0025.

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The voluminous historiography of the‘Great Reform Act’ of 1832 and the more modest historiography of the Reform Act (Scotland) have tended to focus on how far the legislation effected a break with an aristocratic constitution. What this approach does little to illuminate, however, is the extent to which the reform legislation was framed and debated as a renegotiation of the relationship between England and Wales, Scotland, Ireland and the Empire. In Scotland, this meant that the extensive debate on reform tended to revolve around different interpretations of the Union of 1707 and Scotland's subsequent history and development. This article explores the reform debate among Scotland's political elite and, in particular, how the issue was tackled in Parliament. It demonstrates that in the fluid context provided by the developing constitutional crisis after 1829 simple divisions of ‘Whig’ and ‘Tory’ and even ‘Reformer’ and ‘Anti-reformer’ do not adequately describe the range of positions taken on the question of reform. The need to respond to the arguments of parliamentary opponents and to fast-moving events outside of Parliament ensured that responses to reform tended to be idiosyncratic. This article argues that the combination of the nature of reform as a renegotiation of the Union and the need to appeal to those outside of Parliament saw the reform debate prosecuted as a contest over the language of patriotism. Both sponsors and opponents of reform claimed to represent the voice of ‘the nation’, but this contest was far more complex than a straightforward confrontation between Anglophile ‘assimilationists’ and defenders of Scottish ‘semi-independence’.

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Muscatelli, Anton, Graeme Roy et Alex Trew. « PERSISTENT STATES : LESSONS FOR SCOTTISH DEVOLUTION AND INDEPENDENCE ». National Institute Economic Review 260 (2022) : 51–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nie.2022.5.

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AbstractThe equilibrium size of a nation state is, in part, the result of a trade-off between the gains from scale economies in the provision of public services and the costs of applying uniform policy to heterogeneous cultural, institutional and geographical fundamentals. Changes in such fundamentals can thus place pressure on states to reform over time. We consider this dynamic state formation process in the context of Scotland within the United Kingdom. First, we review the recent research in economic history on the persistence and evolution of such fundamentals. Second, we consider the history of Scotland both before and after the 1707 Act of Union in the light of that broader economic history literature. We conclude with some implications of fundamental persistence for current debates on the place of Scotland within the United Kingdom.

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Mason, Roger A. « The Declaration of Arbroath in print, 1680–1705 ». Innes Review 72, n^o 2 (novembre 2021) : 158–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/inr.2021.0303.

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This article examines the circumstances in which the Declaration of Arbroath was first printed in 1680 by Sir George Mackenzie of Rosehaugh and the original manuscript on which Mackenzie’s text was based (NRS SP13/7). It then traces its subsequent print history between the Revolution of 1689–90 and the Union of Parliaments in 1707 both in Latin and in an English translation that first appeared in 1689. It locates the Declaration within the broader context of whig propaganda that encompassed a defence not just of the Revolution Settlement but of Scottish sovereignty at the time of the Union, culminating in James Anderson’s new edition and translation of the text of 1705. An appendix further examines the earliest reference to the Declaration in print – in Archbishop John Spottiswoode’s History of the Church in Scotland (1655) – and Spottiswoode’s use of a manuscript copy of Walter Bower’s Scotichronicon.

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Little, Patrick. « The first unionists ? Irish Protestant attitudes to union with England, 1653–9 ». Irish Historical Studies 32, n^o 125 (mai 2000) : 44–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400014644.

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The enforced union of England and Scotland under the Cromwellian Protectorate has been extensively studied, not least because it stands half-way between the union of the crowns in 1603 and the Act of Union of 1707. Without this historical imperative, however, the way in which Ireland was incorporated into the English state remains largely neglected. When dealing with the theory and practice of union in the 1650s, historians have usually dismissed Ireland in a few lines before turning to Scotland — an approach which creates the impression that the English state had absorbed Ireland almost unconsciously. According to David Stevenson, ‘Ireland presented few problems as to her status once conquered ... When the English Parliament had abolished monarchy in England and established the republic, it had done the same in Ireland: the new Commonwealth was that of England and Ireland.’ Others have agreed. Ivan Roots has described the Cromwellian conquest of Ireland as creating ‘ade factounion’, while the Instrument of Government of 1653 (which provided the constitutional basis for protectoral government in England) ‘assumed a union’ between the two nations. By the end of 1653, as John Morrill asserts, Ireland was ‘presumed’ to have been ‘incorporated into an enhanced English state’. Thus, either by the mere fact of conquest, or by implication through the 1653 constitution, union had been achieved without any complications.

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Loft, Philip. « Weaving the Legal Tapestry of the Union State : Privilege, Litigation and Statutes in Scotland, 1707–1800 ». Scottish Historical Review 99, n^o 2 (octobre 2020) : 223–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2020.0462.

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Despite the incorporating union of 1707, the pursuit of legislation at Westminster was an overwhelmingly English practice in the eighteenth century, even when Scotland's smaller population is taken into account. Narratives of the making of the post-union state have commonly stressed Scotland's limited incorporation before 1800, and the significance of executive action exercised through military force and orders from central boards for manufactories and agriculture. But if our attention is turned to litigation, a different picture of the British state and Scotland's place within it emerges. Scottish appeals to the house of lords, which was the state's highest civil court, are shown to be a means of bringing in British power to maintain autonomy and privilege at the local, rather than national, level. With much litigation centred on preserving local privileges, the utility of ‘nation’ as an interpretive framework is questioned. Both British and Scottish governance are shown to be pluralistic, with considerable mixing of privileges and autonomies. During the century, Scots applied for Westminster's power to defend their privileges from infringement by other Scots, whilst also insulating themselves from some of the effects of Westminster legislation. The union was constituted by a shifting and mixed tapestry of laws.

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Whatley, Christopher A. « Reformed Religion, Regime Change, Scottish Whigs and the Struggle for the ‘Soul’ of Scotland, c.1688 – c.1788 ». Scottish Historical Review 92, n^o 1 (avril 2013) : 66–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2013.0138.

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This article responds to and is designed as a counterweight to recent work on political history in early-modern Scotland in which Jacobitism has been persuasively portrayed as a strongly supported movement over time rather than an episodic cause. Building upon recent research on the Union of 1707 which demonstrated the degree of principled and consistent support there was for closer union with England within a British polity, the paper seeks to show that there was a clearly identifiable ideological basis to anti-Jacobitism in Scotland. The term, however, is best understood as the Revolution or, even better, the Whig interest, not least as the principles upon which anti-Jacobitism were based pre-dated the Revolution of 1688–9 and the emergence of Jacobitism. The Revolution, it is argued, had many more supporters, and from a wider geographical area, than has generally been assumed in accounts which focus largely on the south west of Scotland. Support took various forms, ranging from prayer through public campaigning to the taking up of arms. It is also clear that support for Whig principles was not only long-standing but also grew over the period examined. What is underlined is that Scotland was a deeply fissured nation, the principal divide owing much but not everything to religion and differing perspectives on the nature of monarchical authority and the role of parliament.

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Lee, Maurice, et Brian P. Levack. « The Formation of the British State : England, Scotland, and the Union, 1603-1707 ». American Historical Review 94, n^o 4 (octobre 1989) : 1093. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1906656.

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Paterson, Lindsay. « Utopian Pragmatism : Scotland's Choice ». Scottish Affairs 24, n^o 1 (février 2015) : 22–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.2015.0052.

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The Scottish referendum of autumn 2014 has been debated as if it was a unique moment in the country's history, and in several senses it was indeed unprecedented – in the level of engagement by citizens which it stimulated, in the acceptance by all sides to the debate that the decision on independence was Scotland's alone (which was an implicit recognition of popular sovereignty), and in its being the first ever democratic and explicit endorsement of the Union by Scotland. Nevertheless, there is also a sense in which the pattern of protest and compromise that led to the referendum and that pervades its aftermath is very familiar – the latest in a series of such processes that have characterised Scotland's always evolving place in the Union since 1707. Radical challenge is followed by pragmatic adjustment as the state cedes just enough power to keep the Union intact for the time being, a compromise which sows the seeds of the next phase of radical rebellion. That is why Scotland's position never fully satisfies anyone, and why, on this occasion, the basis for a new challenge to the Union (and for a new compromise to that new challenge) has probably already been laid before even the outcome of this referendum has been fully settled.

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LOFT, PHILIP. « LITIGATION, THE ANGLO-SCOTTISH UNION, AND THE HOUSE OF LORDS AS THE HIGH COURT, 1660–1875 ». Historical Journal 61, n^o 4 (4 décembre 2017) : 943–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x17000346.

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AbstractThis article examines the role of the House of Lords as the high court from the Restoration of 1660 to the passage of the Appellate Jurisdiction Act in 1876. Throughout this period, lay peers and bishops judged appeals on civil law from the central courts of England and Wales, Ireland (aside from between 1783 and 1800), and Scotland after the Union of 1707. It has long been known that the revolution of 1688–9 transformed the ability of parliament to pass legislation, but the increased length and predictability of parliamentary sessions was of equal significance to the judicial functions performed by peers. Unlike the English-dominated profile of eighteenth-century legislation, Scots constituted the largest proportion of appellants between 1740 and 1875. The lack of interaction between Westminster and Scotland is often seen as essential to ensuring the longevity of the Union, but through comparing the subject matter of appeals and mapping the distribution of cases within Scotland, this article demonstrates the extent of Scottish engagement. Echoing the tendency of Scottish interests to pursue local, private, and specific legislation in order to insulate Scottish institutions from English intervention, Scottish litigants primarily sought to maintain and challenge local privileges, legal particularisms, and the power of dominant landowners.

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BURGESS, GLENN. « SCOTTISH OR BRITISH ? POLITICS AND POLITICAL THOUGHT IN SCOTLAND, c. 1500–1707 The true law of kingship : concepts of monarchy in early-modern Scotland. By J. H. Burns. Oxford : Clarendon Press, 1996. Pp. xiv+315. £37.50. ISBN 0-19-820384-5. Politics, religion and the British revolutions : the mind of Samuel Rutherford. By John Coffey. Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 1997. Pp. xii+304. £40. ISBN 0-521-58172-9. Scots and Britons : Scottish political thought and the Union of 1603. Edited by Roger A. Mason. Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 1994. Pp. xiv+323. £40. ISBN 0-521-42034-2. A Union for empire : political thought and the Union of 1707. Edited by John Robertson Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 1995. Pp. xx+368. £40. ISBN 0-521-43113-1. The birth of Britain : a new nation 1700–1710. By W. A. Speck. Oxford : Blackwell, 1994. Pp. xiv-235. £25. ISBN 0-521-43113-1. » Historical Journal 41, n^o 2 (juin 1998) : 579–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x98007894.

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Is the development of a new British history of the early modern period a boon or a bane for those interested in the history of Scotland (or, for that matter, Ireland, Wales, even England)? Such a false antithesis we might normally confine to our examination papers; but it is difficult to avoid considering it after reading the five books under review here. Professor Burns has written a superb account of Scottish political thought in the long sixteenth century and Dr Coffey an equally successful exploration of the mind of the leading ideologist of the Covenanters. The collection edited by Dr Mason, which connects with the Burns study at several points, is explicitly a view of Scottish political thought focused on the Union of 1603, while that edited by Dr Robertson drops the particular emphasis on Scottish thought in its exploration of the intellectual context to the Union of 1707. Professor Speck presents us with a slightly different problem: a volume in a series on the history of early modern England that takes as the central theme of English politics in the decade 1700–10 the birth of Britain. Each of these books is rewarding, at the very least ; together their effect may be disquieting.

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McGill, Martha. « The Evolution of Haunted Space in Scotland ». Gothic Studies 24, n^o 1 (mars 2022) : 18–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/gothic.2022.0118.

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This article explores the popularisation of the concept of haunted space in late eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Scotland. While earlier ghost stories were usually about the haunting of people, the rise of Gothic and Romantic literary aesthetics fuelled a new interest in both the Scottish landscape, and the dramatic potential of lurking spectres. Amid the upheaval of industrialisation and the Highland Clearances, and in a period when Scots were still wrestling with the implications of the 1707 Union, authors recorded stories of wandering ghosts as part of a broader movement to fashion a distinctive identity rooted in a specific cultural context. Against the frequently broad scope of academic literature on spectrality, this article draws attention to the crucial significance of contextual nuances and specific historical and social circumstances. In particular, it points to the fraught politics of loss and repossession in relation to the Highlands’ history of depopulation and modernisation, casting a fresh light on the historical events that have given shape to Scottish haunted space.

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Hope of Craighead, Lord. « Scots law’s debt to Leiden ». Tijdschrift voor rechtsgeschiedenis 83, n^o 1-2 (31 mai 2015) : 6–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718190-08312p02.

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The fact that Scotland, while still part of the United Kingdom, has its own legal system is not an accident. Nor is it just a product of its geography. Had it been so, the system would surely have had shallow roots. It would long ago have been completely absorbed into the legal system of its much bigger southern neighbour. As it is, Scots law was able to retain its own distinct institutions and identity in 1707 when the Union with England was entered into. This is because by then it had developed its own coherent system of law. It was a system with a sound jurisprudential base, and it could stand on its own feet. That Scotland was able to achieve this was in no small measure due to the inspiration that students from Scotland found when they travelled to Holland in search of education in the civil law the late 17th and early 18th centuries. The links that they established with the university at Leiden and some of its celebrated jurists during this period were particularly strong and productive. They helped to lay the foundation for the legal system that Scotland could assert as its own. This paper seeks to trace the history of this relationship, and to identify the extent to which its influence can still be found in Scots law as it exists today.

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FORD, J. D. « Protestations to Parliament for Remeid of Law ». Scottish Historical Review 88, n^o 1 (avril 2009) : 57–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0036924109000584.

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The Articles of Union approved by the parliaments of Scotland and England in 1707 provided for the preservation of the private law of Scotland and for the determination of disputes arising north of the border in Scottish courts. At the same time, however, the Articles not only allowed for the amendment of the law by legislation enacted at Westminster but also left open the possibility of appeals being made to the British parliament against decisions delivered in Scottish courts. The Articles did not allow explicitly for appeals, but nor did they prohibit them, and dissatisfied litigants, by exercising the privilege asserted in the Claim of Right to protest for remeid of law against decisions of the lords of council and session, enabled the upper house of the new parliament to substitute its decisions for those delivered by the supreme civil court in Scotland. This much has long been understood by historians of Scots law, as has the significant impact the opinions expressed by English judges in the House of Lords came to have on the development of the modern law. Yet what has never been properly understood is the nature of the protestations for remeid of law from which appeals to the British parliament emerged. Detailed study of these protestations in the years before and immediately following the union reveals that they were conceived of in several different ways and that their nature was never clearly defined. Nevertheless, it also tends to confirm that there is some basis for the common suspicion that appeals were not intended to be made to the House of Lords in the way that they have been.

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Radowicz, Joanna Aleksandra. « Tożsamość narodowa Szkotów w Zjednoczonym Królestwie Wielkiej Brytanii i Irlandii Północnej ». Politeja 16, n^o 4(61) (31 décembre 2019) : 229–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.16.2019.61.13.

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Scottish National Identity in the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland Scotland became part of the United Kingdom in 1707, when the Act of Union was signed by both the Scottish and English Parliaments. Even though Scots were then largely subordinated to the decisions taken by Westminster, they maintained a sense of independence. One of the most important elements of building Scottish national identity is their history, mainly based on Scottish- English relations and traditions that have been thought to be “invented” by intellectual elites in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The aim of the article is to present Scottish national identity in comparison to historical conditions, with particular emphasis on Scottish-English relations.

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Wagner, Joseph. « The First ‘British’ Colony in the Americas : Inter-kingdom Cooperation and Stuart-British Ideology in the Colonisation of Newfoundland, 1616–1640 ». Britain and the World 15, n^o 1 (mars 2022) : 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2022.0379.

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The accession of James VI, the Stewart (or Stuart) King of Scots, to the thrones of England and Ireland in 1603 renewed debates about ‘Britishness’. Many of the king’s attempts to popularise and codify his version of the concept were unsuccessful. His vision for closer political union between England and Scotland did not come to pass until 1707 and most historians attribute the formation of British identity to the eighteenth century. Most influentially, Linda Colley has argued that British identity was forged in the crucible of eighteenth-century empire-building as English, Scottish, and Welsh people lived, worked, and fought together across the globe in defence of shared values. English, Scottish, Welsh, and Irish people and interests likewise coalesced in the pursuit of empire in the early seventeenth century. They cooperated in attempts to colonise Newfoundland and explicitly promoted the project as British. The Newfoundland example shows that James’ British vision had some success. This article examines the project’s ‘Britishness’ and argues that the 1603 union of the crowns’ role in the formation of British identity and its impact on overseas expansion requires additional attention.

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HARRIS, BOB. « CULTURAL CHANGE IN PROVINCIAL SCOTTISH TOWNS, c. 1700–1820 ». Historical Journal 54, n^o 1 (31 janvier 2011) : 105–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x10000476.

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ABSTRACTIn the decades which immediately followed the union of 1707, most Scottish towns saw limited economic and cultural change. The middle of the eighteenth century, however, marked the beginnings of a new provincial urban dynamism in Scotland, which, from the 1780s or so onwards, was accompanied by far-reaching and rapid cultural change. This article seeks first to establish the scope, nature, and geography of this cultural transformation before discussing its wider historical significance, not only for our view of modern Scottish urbanization but in terms of patterns of urban change within the British Isles in the long eighteenth century. It is a story in part of convergence on Anglo-British cultural norms, but more saliently of the emergence of an increasingly British cultural synthesis, albeit one with distinctively Scottish elements. Another underlying purpose of the article is to re-direct views of Scottish urbanization away from Edinburgh, Glasgow, and Aberdeen and on to a group of towns which hitherto have barely featured in discussions of British urbanization in this period.

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Malzahn, Manfred. « Breaking Free and Yearning Back : The Timelessness of Scottish Literature ». International Journal of Arabic-English Studies 5, n^o 1 (1 janvier 2004) : 33–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.33806/ijaes2000.5.1.3.

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In recent decades, it has been much more widely acknowledged than before that Scottish literature has to date retained a distinctive character which permits or even demands its study as a tradition in its own right, distinct if not entirely separate from the literary tradition of England. This paper presents evidence for the paradoxical argument that the particular distinctiveness of Scottish literature after 1707 may be said to exist both in spite and because of Scotland's loss of political independence in the Union of Crowns, being an event after which representations of time and temporality in Scottish imaginative writing assumed a special character. It is argued that this literary development was one of the consequences of Scotland's extinction as a separate political entity, and of the ideological transformation of a country whose physical and geographical shape remained, into an ostensibly history-free zone. In pursuit of the argument, a brief diachronic sketch is followed by the analysis of selected literary works expressing that specifically Scottish time perception which has contributed to the particular features of post-l 707 Scottish literature to the present. Ultimately, it is suggested that the persistence of certain time-related motifs, topoi, or modes beyond the present day could be seen as an important parameter for the success or failure of recent and contemporary political efforts to bring Scotland back as an equal agent on that historical stage where the past of nations interacts with their future..

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Harris, B. « The Two Unions : Ireland, Scotland, and the Survival of the United Kingdom, 1707-2007, by Alvin Jackson ». English Historical Review 128, n^o 531 (21 février 2013) : 443–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cet004.

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MURDOCH, ALEXANDER. « The State of the Union : Scotland 1707–2007. Edited by J́ørgen Sevaldsen and Jens Rahbek Rasmussen. Pp. 154. ISBN : 9788763507028. Copenhagen : Museum Tusculanum Press, 2007. £14 (€18/$27). » Scottish Historical Review 88, n^o 1 (avril 2009) : 177–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0036924109000742.

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Morrill, John. « CHRISTOPHER A. WHATLEY, 'Bought and Sold for English Gold' : Explaining the Union of 1707 Glasgow, Economic and Social History Society of Scotland, 1994, pp.59, £4.50 ». Scottish Economic & ; Social History 16, n^o 1 (mai 1996) : 121–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/sesh.1996.16.16.121.

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Morrill, John. « The Formation of the British State. England, Scotland and the union, 1603–1707. By Brian P. Levack. Pp. xi + 260. Oxford : Clarendon Press, 1987. £27.50. 0 19820 113 3 ». Journal of Ecclesiastical History 40, n^o 2 (avril 1989) : 292. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900043098.

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Mitchell, James. « Alvin Jackson. The Two Unions : Ireland, Scotland, and the Survival of the United Kingdom, 1707–2007. Oxford : Oxford University Press, 2012. Pp. 464. $65.00 (cloth). » Journal of British Studies 52, n^o 3 (juillet 2013) : 802–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2013.100.

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Szechi, Daniel, et Christopher A. Whatley. « Counting the ‘Cavaliers’ : Two Contemporary Analyses of the Political Wing of the Scots Jacobite Underground in the Union Parliament¹ ». Parliamentary History 42, n^o 3 (octobre 2023) : 309–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1750-0206.12703.

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AbstractUnderground movements are understandably reluctant to record the names and numbers of their adherents because any such compilation is manifestly a hostage to fortune. Hence very few lists of politically active Jacobites actually compiled by the Jacobites themselves have survived to the present day. In the French foreign ministry archives at La Corneille, however, there is a rare and previously unknown/unused example of such a list. ‘The Rolls of Parliament as they stand’, is a classic printed, marked list of all the lords entitled to sit in, and commissioners elected to, Queen Anne's Union Parliament. It identifies the political allegiances of the great majority of the sitting commissioners and peers, and in particular the Jacobites among them. Rather better known, yet hitherto seldom consulted or used, is a debriefing document describing the political alignment of a great many of those in parliament and the general political inclination of their constituents written by Captain Harry Straton for the Jacobite King James III and VIII in August 1706. These two sources are the basis of the analysis that follows. The focus is on what these two Jacobite analyses of the state of Scotland and Scottish politics can tell us about the political dynamics of the Scottish Parliament and the country more broadly on the eve of the Union debates.

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Borlik, Todd Andrew. « Banquo’s Daughters and the Lost #MeToo Macbeth, and Early Modern Alt-Media ». Explorations in Renaissance Culture 49, n^o 1 (17 août 2023) : 121–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23526963-04901002.

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Abstract This article investigates the disturbing accusation, first recorded in 1652, that Macbeth abducted and possibly raped a daughter of Banquo’s. Since Banquo himself was apparently fabricated by the Aberdonian chronicler Hector Boece in the 1520s to romanticize the Stuart dynasty’s origins, his daughter has no historical basis and tales of her grim fate likely represent a literary embellishment on the scene in which Malcolm reports Macbeth had confessed that kingship would awaken his insatiably lustful nature. These rumours, circulating at least by the early 1650s, would eventually culminate in an obscene prose romance entitled The Secret History of Mack-beth, first printed in 1708 shortly after the Acts of Union. Although the article entertains the tantalizing possibilities that Banquo’s daughter may have featured in the legendary uncut Macbeth, in deleted or censored additions to the play by Thomas Middleton (who created several female characters with the same name as Banquo’s daughter), or an unrealized adaptation planned by John Milton, the evidence proves too circumstantial. A safer assumption would be that the underground Macbeth was spawned by the radical press following Charles II’s coronation as King of Scotland at Scone in 1651. Nevertheless, this apocryphal legend illuminates some gaps in Shakespeare’s tragedy and affords an early example of how Shakespearean drama might be appropriated by an early modern forerunner of alt-media to feed a twisted sexual politics.

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MacQueen, Hector L. « Mixed Jurisdictions and Convergence : Scotland ». International Journal of Legal Information 29, n^o 2 (2001) : 309–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500009446.

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There is an independent Scottish legal system today because, until the Union of the English and Scottish Crowns in 1603 and the Union of the Parliaments of the two countries in 1707, Scotland was an independent sovereign state. When King James VI of Scotland became James I of England and Great Britain in 1603, there was considerable interest in the possibility of establishing a single legal system for the newly united kingdoms, while during the Cromwellian interlude of the 1650s the possibility moved some way towards actuality. But the 1707 Act of Union showed a recognition that the establishment of a single legal system and body of law for the whole of the United Kingdom was not really a practical proposition, in articles which remain the formal basis for the continuing existence and independence of the Scottish law and legal system. Article XVIII provided for the continuation of Scots law after the Union, excepting only the ‘Laws concerning Regulation of Trade, Customs and … Excises', which were to ‘be the same in Scotland, from and after the Union, as in England.’ Change to Scots law was allowed under the Article, but in matters of ‘private right’ such change had to be for the ‘evident utility’ of the Scottish people. Only in matters of ‘public right’ might the aim be simply to make the law the same throughout the United Kingdom. Article XIX laid down that the principal Scottish courts, the Court of Session and the High Court of Justiciary, should ‘remain in all time coming’ as they were then constituted, and further provided that Scottish cases were not to be dealt with by the English courts ‘in Westminster-hall’ (which likewise continued to exist post-Union).

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Fox, David. « The Anglo-Scots Monetary Union of 1707 ». Edinburgh Law Review 23, n^o 3 (septembre 2019) : 360–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/elr.2019.0573.

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Article XVI of the Acts of Union of 1706 and 1707 created a monetary union by merging the Scottish monetary system with the sterling monetary system of England and Wales. It completed a process that began after the 1603 regal union between the two kingdoms. Its main purpose was to restore the circulating currency in Scotland and England to the same monetary standard, something which had been an aim of Scottish monetary policy since the early decades of the regal union. The monetary union of 1707 raised difficult numismatic and legal problems in the way prices were quoted, debts were paid and accounts were kept. The monetary events of 1707 illustrate how the legal conception of a monetary union can mean different things in different historical periods. Modern-day legal understandings of monetary union cannot be projected into the past when monetary systems were based on coins struck from intrinsically valuable metals.

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Mason, Roger A. « Debating Britain in Seventeenth-Century Scotland : Multiple Monarchy and Scottish Sovereignty ». Journal of Scottish Historical Studies 35, n^o 1 (mai 2015) : 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jshs.2015.0138.

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This article deploys the concept of multiple monarchy as a means of reassessing the constitutional relationship between Scotland and England from the union of the crowns in 1603 to the union of parliaments in 1707. It argues that the Scots’ belief in their kingdom's historic independence, symbolised by the Stuart dynasty itself, led them to conceive of the union with England as one of equals, but that such parity of status and esteem was rendered unsustainable by inequalities of population and resources that became more marked as the century progressed. Reviewing the implications of a century of religious and constitutional upheaval, it argues that the Revolution of 1689-90 created an unworkable constitutional settlement founded on the sovereignty of the crown in two parliaments rather than one and that this was resolved in 1707 by the creation of a unitary British state, built on the illusion of equality and partnership, but enshrining English dominance.

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Bowie, Karin. « National Opinion and the Press in Scotland before the Union of 1707 ». Scottish Affairs 27, n^o 1 (février 2018) : 13–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.2018.0218.

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Vigorous extra-parliamentary public debate over the question of union helped to ensure that Scotland brought into the Union of 1707 a sense of itself as a nation with national opinions. Though the parliamentary electorate remained small, a meaningful number of Scots engaged in public political debate on the question of union. Petitions from shires, burghs and parishes spoke for local communities and pamphleteers presented Scottish voices through archetypal figures such as a ‘country farmer’. This allowed opponents to declare that incorporating union was inconsistent with ‘the publickly expressed mind of the nation’. After the Union, extra-parliamentary national opinion continued to be expressed and sustained by the Scottish press and petitions, contributing to the maintenance of Scottish national identity within the United Kingdom.

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Raffe, A. « The Union of 1707 : New Dimensions ». English Historical Review CXXV, n^o 512 (19 janvier 2010) : 186–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cep355.

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Bateson, J. D., et N. M. McQ Holmes. « Roman and medieval coins found in Scotland, 2006-10 ». Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland 143 (30 novembre 2014) : 227–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.9750/psas.143.227.264.

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Coins and other numismatic finds from 219 locations across Scotland are listed and discussed. The catalogue and discussion cover coins and dating from the Roman period to the Act of Union of 1707 and include all casual and metal-detector finds which have been notified to either of the authors, as well as hoards found in isolation and a number of finds from archaeological excavations and watching briefs.

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Ginter, Donald E., et Ronald M. Sunter. « Patronage and Politics in Scotland, 1707-1832 ». American Historical Review 92, n^o 5 (décembre 1987) : 1216. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1868547.

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Korac, Srdjan. « Multinational states : Constitutional challenges : The case of Scotland ». Medjunarodni problemi 60, n^o 2-3 (2008) : 368–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0803368k.

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The author analyses the major changes to the political ideology and policy platform of the stateless nation's movement in Western European postindustrial states, taking the Scottish National Party as an special example. The analysis starts with the evolution of the Anglo-Scottish relations beginning from the creation of Union of English and Scottish kingdoms by the Act of Union in 1707. Author then presents the contemporary relationship between these two provinces of the United Kingdom. He stresses that since 1990s, the Scottish national movement have been pursuing the 'silent constitutional revolution' of this multinational community, which means using the most of globalization, the European integration process, and the so called devolution, to maximize the autonomy of Scotland within the United Kingdom.

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SAVILLE, RICHARD. « Chapter 3 Intellectual Capital in Pre-1707 Scotland ». Scottish Historical Review 87, n^o 2(suppl) (octobre 2008) : 45–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0036924108000474.

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Williamson, Arthur H. « From the Invention of Great Britain to the Creation of British History : A New Historiography - The British Isles, 1100–1500 : Comparisons, Contrasts, and Connections. Edited by R. R. Davies. Edinburgh : John Donald Publishers, 1988. Pp. xi + 159. £18.00. - Scotland and England, 1286–1815. Edited by Roger A. Mason. Edinburgh : John Donald Publishers, 1987. Pp. viii + 270. £20.00 - The Formation of the British State : England, Scotland, and the Union, 1603–1707. By Brian P. Levack. New York : Oxford University Press, 1987. Pp. viii + 260. $24.95. » Journal of British Studies 29, n^o 3 (juillet 1990) : 267–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385960.

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Gubaidullin, A. R. « Continuity in the Development of the Legal System of Scotland ». Courier of Kutafin Moscow State Law University (MSAL)), n^o 9 (17 décembre 2022) : 54–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/2311-5998.2022.97.9.054-063.

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The article is devoted to the features of continuity in the Scottish legal system. The relevance of this topic is related to the development of mixed legal systems on the legal map of the world. There are also new needs of legal science and legal practice. The author examines the concepts of continuity and a mixed legal system. He goes on to describe the characteristic features of continuity in the development of the Scottish legal system up to 1707. This is done in the context of the normative, institutional, and doctrinal aspects of these processes. The influence of English common law occupies a special place among the factors of continuity. After that, the author examines the evolution of the legal system of Scotland in the XVIII—XX centuries. The autonomous nature of Scottish law is revealed. It was also based on the Act of Union 1707 and the Scotland Act 1998. The author uses foreign legal experience.

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Benchimol, Alex, et Philip Schlesinger. « Introduction : 1707, 2014 and the Constitutional Imperative in Scotland's National Press and Civil Society ». Scottish Affairs 27, n^o 1 (février 2018) : 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.2018.0217.

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This essay provides an historical, cultural and institutional juxtaposition of the Scottish national press' relationship to constitutional change, using the Union of 1707 and the 2014 independence referendum as key markers of this relationship. It reviews the parallels between both historical events in the context of structural changes to Scottish civil society, and the role played by the media in amplifying and facilitating these changes. Finally, the essay maps the work of a number of historical and literary scholars, media experts, civil society actors, and journalists who have contributed to the Scottish Affairs special issue, 1707 and 2014: The National Press, Civil Society and Constitutional Identity in Scotland.

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McLean, Ralph. « ‘Literary Symbols’ : Language and Style in the 1707 Union Debates ». Scottish Affairs 27, n^o 1 (février 2018) : 20–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.2018.0219.

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The pamphlet war which surrounded the debates of the proposed Union between Scotland and England in 1707 has frequently been dismissed as a mere sideshow to the main events that took place in the Scottish Parliament. Until recently, the accepted viewpoint was that as only the landed elites possessed the vote, it was only they who could decide the political destiny of the country – the wider populace was largely an irrelevancy. However, the political speeches of the Scotsman, John Hamilton, Lord Belhaven, and the response to those speeches, by English man of letters, Daniel Defoe, suggests that the poetry and prose generated by these intense debates had a purpose to speak directly to the people, and to galvanise them for a cause, despite their lack of a direct political voice. This article investigates the importance of Belhaven's speeches in an attempt to understand why they had so much resonance with the general public, and the extent to which his opponents attempted to contain his appeal to the people.

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Levack, Brian P. « Britain's First Global Century : England, Scotland and Empire, 1603–1707 ». Britain and the World 6, n^o 1 (mars 2013) : 101–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2013.0079.

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Wilson, David. « The Navy and Anglo-Scottish Union, 1603– 1707 ». Mariner's Mirror 108, n^o 4 (2 octobre 2022) : 483–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00253359.2022.2124706.

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Ferris, Ina, et Leith Davis. « Acts of Union : Scotland and the Literary Negotiation of the British Nation, 1707-1830 ». Studies in Romanticism 40, n^o 1 (2001) : 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25601494.

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Kidd, Colin, et Leith Davis. « Acts of Union : Scotland and the Literary Negotiation of the British Nation, 1707-1830 ». Albion : A Quarterly Journal Concerned with British Studies 32, n^o 1 (2000) : 186. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4054054.

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Bowie, Karin. « Public Opinion, Popular Politics and the Union of 1707 ». Scottish Historical Review 82, n^o 2 (octobre 2003) : 226–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2003.82.2.226.

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Clancy, Michael P. « Scots Law and Scottish Identity : A Legendary Tale ». Scottish Affairs 27, n^o 1 (février 2018) : 73–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.2018.0225.

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The Treaty of Union 1707 between Scotland and England and the respective implementing legislation in each Kingdom contained provisions which today we might describe as ‘opt-outs’. These opt-outs from incorporating Union preserved aspects of the Scottish legal system which, along with the Presbyterian religion and the system of education, helped to ensure that Scottish identity was supported by some of the most powerful aspects of the state. This essay will examine some of the provisions of the Treaty, analyse aspects of the legal system and law that persisted after the Union, comment on the extent to which 310 years of the Union with England influenced that law, reflect on membership of the EU and the harmonization which it brought to the legal system and consider the impact of the Scottish Parliament on that law and legal system.

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DYER, MICHAEL. « Burgh Districts and the Representation of Scotland, 1707-1983 ». Parliamentary History 15, n^o 3 (17 mars 2008) : 287–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1750-0206.1996.tb00332.x.

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Articles de revues sur le sujet « Scotland – History – The Union, 1707 »

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