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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Scotland – History – The Union, 1707 »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 26 juillet 2024

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Scotland – History – The Union, 1707"

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Hoppit, Julian. "Scotland and the Taxing Union, 1707–1815." Scottish Historical Review 98, no. 1 (2019): 45–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2019.0379.

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This article sketches the amounts of taxes collected in Scotland for central government between the Union of 1707 and the end of the Napoleonic wars, looking at the impact of the Union, change over time and comparisons with how much taxes were collected in the rest of Britain. Those findings are then generally explained with reference to tax policy, taxable capacity and the tax gap. Finally, how these findings affect our understanding of the Union state are considered. Contrary to many accounts, the Union did not immediately lead to much larger amounts of taxes being collected, nor to much money being sent to London. Rather it was from the 1780s that substantial change on both accounts took place, though even in 1815 the per capita tax take in Scotland was under a half that in England and Wales. Trying to resolve the tension between the principles of equality and equity enshrined in the Union treaty, tax policy was more sympathetic to Scotland's circumstances than is often allowed. Very speculatively, Scotland's taxable capacity appears to have been significantly less than England's, even as late as 1815. And while the revenue services were necessarily more costly in Scotland, probably greater relative poverty there also lowered tax compliance compared to England.

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RAFFE, ALASDAIR. "1707, 2007, AND THE UNIONIST TURN IN SCOTTISH HISTORY." Historical Journal 53, no. 4 (2010): 1071–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x10000506.

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ABSTRACTThis article reviews the latest research on the making of the Anglo-Scottish parliamentary union of 1707 and unionism in modern Scotland. Stimulated by the tercentenary of the union, but running counter to the popular mood at the time of that anniversary, many of the recent publications exhibit a novel and sympathetic interest in principled support for union. Using Christopher Whatley's The Scots and the union (2006) and Colin Kidd's Union and unionisms (2008) as starting points, the article shows how the new histories differ from earlier work, while also identifying the interdisciplinary roots of the ‘unionist turn’ in Scottish history.

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Klinger, Patrick J. "Herring politics: Northern Scotland’s herring fishing industry, 1660-1707." International Journal of Maritime History 31, no. 4 (2019): 896–913. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0843871419878941.

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This research note explores the interactions between environmental change and cultural response in a case study focused on the diminution of the northern Scottish North Sea herring fishing industry from c. 1660 to 1707 and its role in the Anglo-Scottish Union of 1707. Through an interdisciplinary approach utilizing archival sources of fishing data and proxy sources, this study traces these additional causes of the decline in the Scottish herring industry in northern Scotland and argues that the herring decline was also driven by climatic and environmental change. In addition, it explores where the herring went and why, and demonstrates how a decline of the herring industry affected people in fishing communities in northern Scotland and created groups that supported union between Scotland and England.

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Helling, Colin George. "Convoy of Scottish Trade by the English Royal Navy on the Eve of the Union of 1707." Journal of British Studies 59, no. 1 (2020): 101–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2019.241.

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AbstractThe English Royal Navy's relationship with Scotland during the years preceding the Union of 1707 is usually cast as problematic in scholarly discussion, with the navy viewed as the enforcer of an embargo on Scottish trade with France. This study examines the Scottish use of Royal Naval convoy in the first years of the War of Spanish Succession through to 1707, focusing on the North Sea region. It adds nuance to security issues surrounding the parliamentary union by arguing that convoys to Scotland were more frequent than generally acknowledged, an improvement on the situation in the 1690s, and that when combined with the small Scottish navy, provided coverage that largely met Scottish needs. As a result, in a period of otherwise fierce debate, naval protection for Scotland was relatively uncontroversial. Convoy was therefore an unusual, if belated, success for regal union, and that success meant that Scots were more deeply enmeshed in the English system of maritime security than has been often been credited.

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Barclay, G. J. "Scotland 2002." Antiquity 76, no. 293 (2002): 777–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00091225.

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Introduction‘…it was not thought consistent with political wisdom, to draw the attention of the Scots to the ancient honours of their independent monarchy’ (on the proposal in 1780 to found a Society of Antiquaries for Scotland)Archueologia Scoficu 1 (1792): ivFrom the Parliamentary Union with England of 1707 until the establishment of the new devolved parliament (although still within the Union) in Edinburgh in 1999 under the terms of the Scotland Act 1998, Scotland was a nation with a ‘capital’ and its own legal system; neither a colony nor sovereign: an active participant in rather than a victim of 19th-century imperialism (Davidson 2000). Since the Union the writing of the history of Britain has been a more or less political process (Ash 1980: 34), the viewpoint of the historian depending on the individual’s position on the meaning and consequences of the Union and on the process of securing the creation of ‘North Britain’ and ‘South Britain’ — ‘the wider experiment to construct a new genuine British identity which would be formed from the two nations of Scotland and England’ [Finlay 1998). A small country sharing a small island with a world power will never have a quiet life (as Pierre Trudeau described Canada’s relationship with the USA — ‘being in bed with an elephant’).

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Mackillop, Andrew. "Accessing Empire: Scotland, Europe, Britain, and the Asia Trade, 1695–c. 1750." Itinerario 29, no. 3 (2005): 7–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300010457.

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The close, reciprocal relationship between overseas expansion and domestic state formation in early modern Western Europe has long been understood. In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries Portugal, the Netherlands, and England used the resources arising from their Atlantic colonies and Asia trades to defend themselves against their respective Spanish and French enemies. Creating and sustaining a territorial or trading empire, therefore, enabled polities not only to survive but also to enhance their standing with-i n the hierarchy of European states. The proposition that success overseas facilitated state development at home points however to the opposite logic, that where kingdoms failed as colonial powers they might well suffer from inhibited state formation. Indeed, if the example of England demonstrated how empire augmented a kingdom's power, then the experience of its neigh-bour, Scotland, seemed to reveal one possible outcome for a country unable to access colonial expansion. In 1707 Scotland negotiated away its political sovereignty and entered into an incorporating union with England. The new British framework enabled the Scots to access English markets (both domestic and colonial) previously closed to them. This does not mean that the 1707 union was simply an exchange of Scottish sovereignty for involvement in England's economy. Pressing political concerns, not least the Hanoverian succession played an equal if not more important role in the making of the British union. The question of political causation notwithstanding, the prevailing historiography of 1707 still places Scotland in a dichotomous framework of declining continental markets on the one hand and the lure of more expansive trade with England' domestic and overseas outlets on the other.

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Pentland, Gordon. "The Debate on Scottish Parliamentary Reform, 1830–1832." Scottish Historical Review 85, no. 1 (2006): 100–130. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2006.0025.

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The voluminous historiography of the‘Great Reform Act’ of 1832 and the more modest historiography of the Reform Act (Scotland) have tended to focus on how far the legislation effected a break with an aristocratic constitution. What this approach does little to illuminate, however, is the extent to which the reform legislation was framed and debated as a renegotiation of the relationship between England and Wales, Scotland, Ireland and the Empire. In Scotland, this meant that the extensive debate on reform tended to revolve around different interpretations of the Union of 1707 and Scotland's subsequent history and development. This article explores the reform debate among Scotland's political elite and, in particular, how the issue was tackled in Parliament. It demonstrates that in the fluid context provided by the developing constitutional crisis after 1829 simple divisions of ‘Whig’ and ‘Tory’ and even ‘Reformer’ and ‘Anti-reformer’ do not adequately describe the range of positions taken on the question of reform. The need to respond to the arguments of parliamentary opponents and to fast-moving events outside of Parliament ensured that responses to reform tended to be idiosyncratic. This article argues that the combination of the nature of reform as a renegotiation of the Union and the need to appeal to those outside of Parliament saw the reform debate prosecuted as a contest over the language of patriotism. Both sponsors and opponents of reform claimed to represent the voice of ‘the nation’, but this contest was far more complex than a straightforward confrontation between Anglophile ‘assimilationists’ and defenders of Scottish ‘semi-independence’.

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Muscatelli, Anton, Graeme Roy, and Alex Trew. "PERSISTENT STATES: LESSONS FOR SCOTTISH DEVOLUTION AND INDEPENDENCE." National Institute Economic Review 260 (2022): 51–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nie.2022.5.

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AbstractThe equilibrium size of a nation state is, in part, the result of a trade-off between the gains from scale economies in the provision of public services and the costs of applying uniform policy to heterogeneous cultural, institutional and geographical fundamentals. Changes in such fundamentals can thus place pressure on states to reform over time. We consider this dynamic state formation process in the context of Scotland within the United Kingdom. First, we review the recent research in economic history on the persistence and evolution of such fundamentals. Second, we consider the history of Scotland both before and after the 1707 Act of Union in the light of that broader economic history literature. We conclude with some implications of fundamental persistence for current debates on the place of Scotland within the United Kingdom.

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Mason, Roger A. "The Declaration of Arbroath in print, 1680–1705." Innes Review 72, no. 2 (2021): 158–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/inr.2021.0303.

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This article examines the circumstances in which the Declaration of Arbroath was first printed in 1680 by Sir George Mackenzie of Rosehaugh and the original manuscript on which Mackenzie’s text was based (NRS SP13/7). It then traces its subsequent print history between the Revolution of 1689–90 and the Union of Parliaments in 1707 both in Latin and in an English translation that first appeared in 1689. It locates the Declaration within the broader context of whig propaganda that encompassed a defence not just of the Revolution Settlement but of Scottish sovereignty at the time of the Union, culminating in James Anderson’s new edition and translation of the text of 1705. An appendix further examines the earliest reference to the Declaration in print – in Archbishop John Spottiswoode’s History of the Church in Scotland (1655) – and Spottiswoode’s use of a manuscript copy of Walter Bower’s Scotichronicon.

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Little, Patrick. "The first unionists? Irish Protestant attitudes to union with England, 1653–9." Irish Historical Studies 32, no. 125 (2000): 44–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400014644.

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The enforced union of England and Scotland under the Cromwellian Protectorate has been extensively studied, not least because it stands half-way between the union of the crowns in 1603 and the Act of Union of 1707. Without this historical imperative, however, the way in which Ireland was incorporated into the English state remains largely neglected. When dealing with the theory and practice of union in the 1650s, historians have usually dismissed Ireland in a few lines before turning to Scotland — an approach which creates the impression that the English state had absorbed Ireland almost unconsciously. According to David Stevenson, ‘Ireland presented few problems as to her status once conquered ... When the English Parliament had abolished monarchy in England and established the republic, it had done the same in Ireland: the new Commonwealth was that of England and Ireland.’ Others have agreed. Ivan Roots has described the Cromwellian conquest of Ireland as creating ‘ade factounion’, while the Instrument of Government of 1653 (which provided the constitutional basis for protectoral government in England) ‘assumed a union’ between the two nations. By the end of 1653, as John Morrill asserts, Ireland was ‘presumed’ to have been ‘incorporated into an enhanced English state’. Thus, either by the mere fact of conquest, or by implication through the 1653 constitution, union had been achieved without any complications.

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Thèses sur le sujet "Scotland – History – The Union, 1707"

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Bassett, Nathaniel. "Union or Empire: Scottish Colonialism and the Crisis of Anglo-Scottish Relations, 1694-1707." University of Akron / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=akron1436801336.

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McLaughlin, Conor Paul. "The politics of a stateless nation: The dynamics of cultural nationalism in post-union Scotland, 1707-1830." Thesis, McLaughlin, Conor Paul (2020) The politics of a stateless nation: The dynamics of cultural nationalism in post-union Scotland, 1707-1830. Honours thesis, Murdoch University, 2020. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/58924/.

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The development of Scottish nationalism has generated significant scholarly debate. Much of the scholarship on modern Scottish nationalism has focused on the political elements, namely the project aimed at the establishment of an independent Scottish state. This generalisation of Scottish nationalism is misplaced as it does not sufficiently consider the historical circumstances that Scotland has been situated. Scotland did maintain an independent state until it voluntarily relinquished these claims following the ratification of the Acts of Union on May 01, 1707. The question of whether nationalism or nationalist sentiment in Scotland after the Acts of Union discontinued have not yet adequately been examined. This thesis will confront this gap by understanding nationalism in a frame other than political. Rather, this thesis will argue that more attention needs to be given to cultural nationalism, whose primary aim is the formation of national communities. Analysis of cultural nationalism which takes the form of a national revival will unfold through common factors that promote a national community: national language; literature; the arts; educational activities; religious cohesion; and economic self-help. Ultimately this thesis will demonstrate that the main concern for nationalists in post-union Scotland was not the re-establishment of an independent state but rather the revival of the Scottish community in light of the new political reality. This is largely due to the desire to redefine the identity of political communities in light of a retreat from politics.

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Stevenson, Kyle. "From Medieval to Modern Union: The Development of the British State between the Union of the Crowns of 1603 and the Acts of Parliament in 1707." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/13326.

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Empirical studies in the sub-field of European state-building within political science have centered on material or institutional explanations for the development of the modern state. These cross-case analyses ignore key distinctions amongst cases, such as the importance of ideational factors in the modernizing process. This case study of the development of the British state looks at how changes in the conceptualization of the state and the nature of constitutionalism evolved over the course of the 17th century through the political writings of several influential theorists. This evolutionary process highlights distinctions in British constitutionalism between the personalist Union of the Crowns and the constitutionalist parliamentary Acts of Union. This study concludes with a discussion of the Scottish independence movement and the possible effects of the 2014 referendum on the British state.

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Talbot, Brian Richard. "The origins of the Baptist Union of Scotland 1800-1870." Thesis, University of Stirling, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/1944.

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In the period 1800 to 1827 there were three streams of Baptists in Scotland: Scotch, Haldaneite and 'English' Baptists. Scotch Baptists were distinguishable by their belief in the plurality of elders and a desire for unanimity in doctrine and practice. Haldaneite Baptists were a network of churches that came into being, in the period 1808 to1810, after Robert and James Haldane adopted Baptist principles in 1808.1laldaneites, like the 'English' Baptists who had close ties to English Particular Baptists, normally held to a 'sole pastor and deacons' model of church leadership. A strong commitment to home evangelisation brought these three bodies closer together, leading to a merger of their home mission societies to form the Baptist Home Missionary Society for Scotland (B.H.M.S.). The B.H.M.S. was a marked success, with workers over much of rural Scotland, especially the Highlands and Islands, leading some Scottish Baptists to view the society as a 'Baptist Union' prior to 1869. The majority of Scottish Baptists, however, felt the need for a separate union of churches, but disagreement over the aims and objectives of a union led to three unsuccessful merger attempts. The first Baptist Union was an exclusively Calvinistic body, but it foundered due to personal conflict between its leaders. The second attempt, 1835 to 1842, attracted only a small proportion of churches, mainly small Highland congregations. The next Baptist Union, 1843 to 1856, began on an inclusive basis and prospered until 1847. Its leader, Francis Johnston, influenced by militant Morisonians, moved to an exclusive Arminian Union by 1850, excluding the majority of the churches. Failure was inevitable, and acknowledged as early as 1852. The successful union, formed in 1869, was preceded by an association of individual Baptists which rebuilt trust between the church leaders. The decisive factor, in the late I 860s, that ensured the completion of this vision, was the presence of a large number of ministers trained in Spurgeon's College, London. They had seen the success of the newly formed London Baptist Association and inspired their colleagues in Scotland to form a similarly practical and inclusive body. The 1869 Baptist Union prospered in the last quarter of the nineteenth century.

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Arnot, Julie. "Women workers and trade union participation in Scotland 1919-1939." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1999. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/3086/.

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This thesis seeks to provide an assessment of women’s work, their participation in the trade union movement and the extent of women’s strike activity n Scotland in the period 1919-1939. It will highlight the position of women in the labour market, their continuing confinement to a narrow range of industries and occupations and the low paid and low status nature of their work. The weakness of trade union organisation among women workers in the inter-war period will be an important consideration. It will be shown that despite the massive influx of women in to the trade unions in the First World War and the attempts by trade unions and the Scottish Trades Union Congress (STUC) to encourage greater numbers of women into the trade union movement, organisation among women in most industries remained weak throughout the entirety of the inter-war period. Therefore, this thesis will seek to offer a number of explanations for the lack of extensive trade union organisation among women during this period. These will include the occupational and industrial distribution of women workers, their low earnings, the impact of the depression, high unemployment and the failure of the General Strike. However, it will also be suggested that one of the reasons for the low level of trade union organisation among women may have been related to trade union policies and practices. The argument to be developed is that despite recruitment drives undertaken by trade unions and the STUC, trade unions themselves could often be very hostile to women workers and the failure to address issues of importance to women and the remoteness of the movement from the needs of potential women members could mean that there was very often little incentive for women to join trade unions. In order to support this argument, it will be shown that trade unions employed exclusionary tactics either by limiting the entry of women into certain areas of work, attempting to exclude women from work altogether, via agreements with employers, or by excluding women from trade union membership.

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Young, Mary. "Rural society in Scotland from the Restoration to the Union : challenge and response in the Carse of Gowrie, circa 1660-1707." Thesis, University of Dundee, 2004. https://discovery.dundee.ac.uk/en/studentTheses/44822ab9-e810-458c-88d7-ef315d2e10a5.

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This thesis comprises a detailed investigation of the inter-relationship of society, economy and agricultural improvement in Lowland Scotland circa 1660-1707. Its purpose is the achievement of a deeper understanding of the process of modernisation in early modern rural society in a critical period research focuses on the Carse of Gowrie in east Perthshire, a progressive district in the mainstream of agriculture and rural manufacture at a time when the countryside dominated the nation's socio-economy. The evidence on which the thesis is based is drawn principally from contemporary estate papers; additional primary sources used include burgh, church, commissary court and exchequer records.A study is made of how the local economy was able to operate and develop. Population levels, structure and sustainability are assessed. A very high degree of economic energy that encompassed all sectors of rural society is revealed. A growth in the numbers and influence of the middling sorts is identified as making a significant contribution towards the erosion of traditional relationships and the founding of a more modern social and economic landscape. The nature and extent of rural trade and manufacturing is explored, together with the leading role played by the lower echelons of society in a massive expansion in the production of linen. A real increase in agricultural productivity has been found and the manner of its achievement discussed. The analysis of a series of crop returns extending from 1673 to 1695 highlights the problems faced and includes evidence of a Significant downturn in yields after 1691 that presaged the harvest failures and famine of the later 1690s. The social and economic effects of the display of their wealth and status by landowners in the modernising and beautifying of their residences together with their increasing demand for monetary income are explored.

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Mackley, Andrew. "The interest of 'North Britain' : Scottish lobbying, the Westminster Parliament, and the British Union-state, c.1760-c.1830." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c7324b32-96c2-4c02-8de7-c225d49d3065.

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This thesis is a study of the role of Scots and Scottish society in the politics of the Westminster Parliament and the British Union-state during the later Georgian period. Specifically, it analyses the lobbying activity of certain Scottish interests at Parliament and the central agencies of the British state in London during the period c.1760-c.1830. In doing so, this thesis is concerned with the developing efficacy of Scottish lobbies, as well as the extent to which they represented identifiably Scottish interests at Westminster and within the British Union-state over the course of this period. It aims to expand our understanding of how important elements within Scottish society gradually came to play an active role in the British political centre and argues that Scottish lobbying changed over this period from a position of nurturing and defending a separately constructed Scottish 'national' interest to becoming part of an integrated set of interests operating within a broader and more comprehensive British framework. This change was brought about by the need to represent Scottish interests more effectively within the British Union-state, particularly as the politics of Westminster became more important to certain parts of Scottish society from the 1780s onwards during the early industrial revolution. This process was, at times, uneven, and there was often tension between ongoing convergence and persistent distinction. Nevertheless, Scottish interests became more closely integrated within the British political system over the course of this period through their lobbying activities at the Westminster Parliament and of ministers in Whitehall. They increasingly operated more effectively as part of the British political and legislative process, and did so in ways which no longer presented them as separate or different in what was becoming a more authentically 'British' political culture.

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Pearce, Michael. "Vanished comforts : locating roles of domestic furnishings in Scotland, 1500-1650." Thesis, University of Dundee, 2016. https://discovery.dundee.ac.uk/en/studentTheses/30341c43-2f2d-48d9-a893-7dd9c8b9a13b.

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Household inventories record objects that can be compared with surviving artefacts contributing to the study of material culture and social history. However, this thesis shows how heterogeneous inventories found in early modern Scottish sources resist quantification and aggregation. Instead, qualitative use of inventory evidence is advocated. Inventories can contribute information on the locations of activities in the home. These activities may be preferred to the object as evidence of historical change and as units of international comparison. Furnishing a house was cultural activity, and a construction of culture. In this study, objects are regarded as participants in cultural activities, strategies, and the construction of values. Sixteenth-century inventories are often impersonal and tend to show similarities in content, encouraging mechanistic interpretations of domestic life. The seventeenth century saw a proliferation of household equipment and furnishing for elites throughout Europe due to changes in production and consumerism. Some of this new furnishing was bought in London, some in France. While national difference was apparently maintained in architecture, new furnishings may have effaced distinctions within elite rooms. Scottish and English culture was merged by aristocratic intermarriage. This new culture is seen in the inventories of Mary, dowager Countess of Home. She maintained houses in England and Scotland. Some of her furnishings represented the style of an inner circle at court. Her inventories are also significant because they detailed equipment for a range of activities. She personally prepared medicines and sweetmeats, and had a number of scientific instruments. Pursuits reconstructed from the detail of later inventories can illuminate other domestic situations where clues are more subtle or absent. The level of autonomy Lady Home and her daughters exercised over their homes is a reminder of the agency exercised by women over furnishings, gardens, architecture, and estate policy.

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Camara, Ahmady. "La transmission culturelle du traitement de la criminalité chez les enfants mineurs de la Grande-Bretagne à l'Écosse à la suite de la dévolution de 1999." Thesis, Toulouse 2, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014TOU20088/document.

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Cette thèse est construite en quatre parties : 1) la contextualisation historique de la transmission non pas du Royaume-Uni mais de la Grande-Bretagne vers l’Écosse ; 2) la transmission culturelle n’est pas un phénomène spontané mais elle peut s’opérer dans le traitement de la criminalité par un effet de pression politique ; 3) la criminologie qui se développe en Europe du dix-neuvième siècle concerne la Grande-Bretagne et affecte l’Écosse bien que celle-ci ait préservé son indépendance judiciaire lors de la signature de la loi d’union de 1707 ; 4) l’étude de la criminalité se concentre sur les enfants mineurs en mettant en opposition l’approche punitive et l’approche welfariste (Children’s Hearing)<br>This dissertation is built around four parts : 1) an historical contextualisation of the phenomenon of transmission not from the United Kingdom but from Great Britain towards Scotland; 2) cultural transmission is never spontaneous, yet it can be carried out through the handling of crime; 3) criminology, developing in 19th-century Europe, reaches Great Britain and consequently Scotland, although the latter has retained some degree of judicial independence since the passing of the Treaty of Union in 1707; 4) reviewing crime and how to handle it is then focused on children, and how punishment can be opposed to a Welfare approach

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Alker, Sharon. "Gendered nation : Anglo-Scottish relations in British letters 1707-1830." Thesis, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/14743.

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My dissertation argues that national tropes are continually in a state of flux as they are employed to respond to historical, socio-political and cultural events and trends, and demonstrates that their state at a specific moment encapsulates struggles between various concepts of national identity. I trace shifts in the configuration of Anglo-Scottish relations by undertaking a microanalysis of two specific recurring tropological categories - familial and homosocial tropes — in a number of key moments in cross-border relations between 1707 and 1830. The first chapter, directed at the years surrounding the Union of Parliaments, traces the suppression of cross-border dissonance in homosocial egalitarian tropes which define Anglo-Scottish relations in the work of pro-union pamphleteers, and contrasts this strategy of containment with the disruptive presence of familial tropes in the pamphlets of anti-union writers. The second chapter traces the reappearance of this conflict in the decade following Culloden. Roderick Random, written from the margins by Tobias Smollett, reveals a discomfort with unifying tropes, although it ends with a cursory gesture towards a national marital union. James Ramble, in contrast, written by the English Edward Kimber, deflects dissonance onto Jacobitism, suggesting through tropes of friendship that all aspects of Anglo-Scottish relations are seamlessly integrated into British unity. Chapters three and four foreground the 1760s, a decade in which Scottish agency, in the person of Lord Bute, the Lord Treasurer, seems to reach new heights. Yet it is also a decade of rampant Scotophobia, incited by the Wilkites to undermine Bute's authority. Tropological warfare is an important element of this rhetorical conflict. In chapters five and six, I uncover two competing concepts of Britishness, primarily created by English and Irish writers, which emerge in the 1790s. The first engages with homosocial tropes to foreground Scottish agency in nation-building and empire-building projects, but does so at the expense of a distinct Scottish culture. The second, also produced by English and Irish writers, reifies and celebrates Scottish culture through tropes of cross-border courtship, but tends to represent the emergent concept as endangered, lacking national agency. Chapter six analyzes the Scottish response to this tropological binary.

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Livres sur le sujet "Scotland – History – The Union, 1707"

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M, Devine T., ed. Scotland and the Union 1707-2007. Edinburgh University Press, 2008.

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2

1951-, Brown Stewart J., Whatley Christopher A, and Scottish Historical Review Trust, eds. The Union of 1707: New dimensions. Edinburgh University Press for the Scottish Historical Review Trust, 2008.

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3

Scotland, National Archives of, ed. The Scottish Parliament and the Union of 1707. National Archives of Scotland, 1999.

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4

The Union: England, Scotland and the treaty of 1707. Birlinn, 2013.

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5

Bowie, Karin. Scottish public opinion and the Anglo-Scottish union, 1699-1707. Royal Historical Society/Boydell Press, 2007.

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6

The formation of the British state: England, Scotland, and the Union, 1603-1707. Clarendon Press, 1987.

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7

1951-, Robertson John, ed. A union for empire: Political thought and the British Union of 1707. Cambridge University Press, 1995.

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8

Scotland and the union: A history of Scotland from 1695 to 1747. J. Maclehose, 1990.

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9

The Duke of Queensberry and the union of Scotland and England: James Douglas and the Act of Union of 1707. Cambria Press, 2008.

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10

The two unions: Ireland, Scotland, and the survival of the United Kingdom, 1707-2007. Oxford University Press, 2012.

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Plus de sources

Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Scotland – History – The Union, 1707"

1

Nobbs, Douglas. "The Union of 1707." In England and Scotland. Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003206590-6.

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2

Goldie, Mark. "Divergence and Union: Scotland and England, 1660–1707." In The British Problem, c. 1534–1707. Macmillan Education UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24731-8_9.

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3

Thomson, Mark A. "The Union with Scotland." In A Constitutional History of England. Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003438786-29.

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4

Shaw, John Stuart. "The Struggle for Control, 1707–25." In The Political History of Eighteenth-Century Scotland. Macmillan Education UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-27645-5_3.

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5

Murdoch, Alexander. "The Union of England and Scotland and the Development of the Hanoverian State." In British History 1660–1832. Macmillan Education UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-27235-8_4.

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6

Gee, Austin. "Scotland Before The Union." In Annual Bibliography Of British And Irish History. Oxford University PressOxford, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199265664.003.0011.

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Abstract 8458. Armit, Ian. Scotland’s hidden history. Stroud: Tempus, 1998. 160p. 8459. Atkinson, John Andrew. ‘Excavation of 10th-century burials at Chapelhall, Innellan, Argyll, 1994’, Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, 130 (2000), 651-76. 8460. Barrell, Andrew D.M. Medieval Scotland. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000. xiii, 298p. 8461. Brown, Keith M. ‘Reformation to Union, 1560-1707’, A200, 182-275. 8462. Clancy, Thomas Owen; Crawford, Barbara E. ‘The formation of the Scottish Kingdom’, A200, 28-95.

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"The Making of the Union of 1707: History with a History." In Scotland and the Union 1707-2007, edited by T. M. Devine. Edinburgh University Press, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9780748635412.003.0002.

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Whatley, Christopher A. "2 THE MAKING OF THE UNION OF 1707: HISTORY WITH A HISTORY." In Scotland and the Union 1707-2007. Edinburgh University Press, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780748635436-005.

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9

"History, national identity and the Union of 1707." In Subverting Scotland's Past. Cambridge University Press, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511660290.005.

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Childs, John C. R. "12 Marlborough’s Wars and the Act of Union, 1702–14." In A Military History of Scotland. Edinburgh University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780748632046-016.

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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Scotland – History – The Union, 1707"

1

Paxton, Roland. "Engineering the Forth & Clyde and Union Canals (1768-1822), Scotland and Their Regeneration via The Falkirk Wheel (2000-2001)." In Third National Congress on Civil Engineering History and Heritage. American Society of Civil Engineers, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1061/40594(265)5.

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