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1
Akhundova, N. F. « The Safavid fraternity : shiism or sufism ? Historiographical review of the Western European researchers' works ». Orientalistica 3, no 3 (3 octobre 2020) : 765–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7043-2020-3-3-765-780.
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This article offers a detailed analysis of the religious and ideological foundations of the Safavid dynasty. It is based upon the modern predominantly Western European historiography. The methodological basis is the comparative analysis. Along with the works of British, French, German, Turkish, Russian and other scholars the author also uses medieval texts written in original (Oriental) languages. These are court chroniclers from the 16th-17th cent. by Fazl al-lah Ruzbikhan Khundji (Tarih-e alamara-ye Amini) and Iskender bek Turkman Munshi (Tarih-e alamara-ye Abbasi) and others. The Safavid dynasty was at the same time a dynasty of sheikhs and shahs. Therefore, the concepts of Sunnite teachings, Shi'ism and Sufism constitute an integral part of its culture and history. The article supplies a reader with the information necessary for establishing the religious views of each of the representatives of the Sufi House of Safaviye, starting from the founder of the Sufi Order and ending with his heirs, the rulers of the Safavid state. The author elaborates the topic regarding the original denomination of Islam the Safavids embraced - Sunni or Shi'a. Subsequently she deals with the exact period of the Safavid transition from one Islamic denomination to another. Special attention is also paid to some aspects of the development of Sufi traditions and ideology at various stages of the history of the Safavid dynasty.
2
Matthee* Matthee, Rudi. « Was Safavid Iran an Empire ? » Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 53, no 1-2 (2009) : 233–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/002249910x12573963244449.
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AbstractThis paper examines the organizing ideological and infrastructural principles of the Safavid state structure and questions whether the Safavid state had the capacity and universality to qualify as an empire. Until now, the Safavid state has only been given equal status to the Ottoman and Mughal state as a “gunpowder empire”. But with this approach some other aspects tip the balance towards the cohesion and coherence that enabled the Safavid Empire to function as an empire in spite of exiguous economic resources and the limitations of ideological underpinnings. When some of these aspects lost their force, this contributed to the dissolution of the glue that kept Iranian society together and to the demise of the Safavid state in the early eighteenth century.Le cadre de cette contribution est l’État safavide et elle en explore les principes de la structure étatique au niveau de l’organisation, de l’idéologie, et de l’infrastructure pour établir si cet état a été un véritable empire au niveau de ses capacités et de son caractère universel. Jusqu’à maintenant l’État safavide s’est vu attribuer le statut ‘d’empire de poudre à canon’, pareil aux États ottoman et moghul. Mais en abordant ce thème du côté structure on aperçoit quelques aspects qui font pencher la balance vers une cohérence interne. C’est qu’en dépit de ses faibles ressources économiques et tenant compte des limites du support idéologique en général, l’Empire safavide savait remplir son rôle d’empire. À mesure que la force cohésive s’affaiblissait, la société iranienne se dissolvait de façon à sonner le glas de l’État safavide au début du dix -huitième siècle.
3
Atçıl, Zahit. « Warfare as a Tool of Diplomacy : Background of the First Ottoman-Safavid Treaty in 1555 ». Turkish Historical Review 10, no 1 (7 juin 2019) : 3–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18775462-01001006.
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The Amasya Treaty (1555) ended a half-century of Ottoman-Safavid military and ideological rivalry during the sixteenth century. My paper focuses on why the Ottoman and Safavid empires made this treaty despite a long-standing ideological and political divide. It has been widely held that the Safavids could not afford such a costly rivalry and, tired of the Ottoman military campaigns, they pleaded with the Ottomans to make peace. Based on my comparative research in Ottoman, Persian, and European sources, I find that this narrative misses many essential points and omits certain historical facts just before the treaty was signed. I argue that the Ottomans also wished for and, at once, requested peace with the Safavids. I show that, although the Ottoman army ostensibly left Istanbul to fight with the Safavids in 1553, the primary motive was to use warfare as a diplomatic tool to force the Safavids to ask for peace.
4
Geevers, Liesbeth. « Safavid Cousins on the Verge of Extinction : Dynastic Centralization in Central Asia and the Bahrāmī Collateral Line (1517-1593) ». Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 58, no 3 (6 juillet 2015) : 293–326. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341376.
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The Bahrāmī Safavids, a relatively unknown collateral branch of the Safavid dynasty, active in Iran from 1517 to 1593, played a crucial role in dynastic developments in Safavid Iran. This essay examines the dynastic developments of the Safavid rulers and their contemporaries to argue that they embarked on a process of dynastic centralization, presenting themselves increasingly as the only holder of dynastic power, at the expense of their male relatives. The persistence of the Bahrāmī branch illuminates how this process took shape in Iran and how dynastic developments among neighbouring Central Asian dynasties influenced the fate of the Safavid collaterals.
5
Ghereghlou, Kioumars. « On the margins of minority life : Zoroastrians and the state in Safavid Iran ». Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 80, no 1 (février 2017) : 45–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x17000015.
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AbstractThis article looks at the treatment of the Zoroastrians by central and provincial authorities in early modern Yazd, Kirman and Isfahan, emphasizing the institutional weaknesses of the central or khāṣṣa protection they were supposed to benefit from under the Safavids (907–1135/1501–1722). It is argued that the maltreatment the Zoroastrians endured under the Safavids had little to do with religious bigotry. Rather, it arose from rivalries between the central and the provincial services of the Safavid bureaucracy, putting Zoroastrians in Yazd, Kirman, Sistan and Isfahan at risk of over-taxation, extortion, forced labour and religious persecution. The argument developed in this article pivots on the material interest of the central and the provincial agents of the Safavid bureaucracy in the revenue and labour potentials of the Zoroastrians, and the way in which the conflict of interest between these two sectors led to such acts of persecution as over-taxation, forced labour, extortion and violence.
6
Averianov, I. A. « CULTURAL INTERACTION BETWEEN SAFAVID IRAN AND OTTOMAN TURKEY IN 16TH CENTURY ». Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, no 4 (14) (2020) : 136–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2020-4-136-148.
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Сoming to power of the Safavids Sufi dynasty in Iran (in the person of Shah Ismail I) in 1501 caused noticeable transformations in the political, social, cultural and religious life of the Near and Middle East. This dynasty used the semi-nomadic tribes of the Oguz Turks (‘Kyzylbash’) as its main support, which it managed to unite under the auspices of military Sufi order of Safaviyya. However, the culture of the Safavid state was dominated by a high style associated with the classical era of the Persian cultural area (‘Greater Iran’) of the 10th–15th centuries. The Iranian-Turkic synthesis that emerged in previous centuries received a new form with the adoption by the Safavids of Twelver Shiism as an official religious worldview. This put the neighboring Ottoman state in a difficult position, as it had to borrow cultural codes from ‘heretics’. Nevertheless, the Ottomans could not refuse cultural interaction with the Safavids, since they did not have any other cultural landmark in that era. This phenomenon led to a number of collisions in the biographies of certain cultural figures who had to choose between commonwealth with an ‘ideological enemy’ or rivalry, for the sake of which they often had to hide their personal convictions and lead a ‘double life’. The fates of many people, from the crown princes to ordinary nomads, were broken or acquired a tragic turn during the Ottoman-Safavid conflict of ‘spiritual paths’. However, many other poets, painters, Sufis sometimes managed to transform this external opposition into the symbolism of religious and cultural synthesis. In scholarly literature, many works explore certain aspects of the culture of the Ottoman Empire and the Safavid state separately, but there are almost no works considering the synthesis of cultures of these two largest Muslim states. Meanwhile, the author argues, that understanding the interaction and synthesis of the Ottoman and Safavid cultures in the 16th century is a key moment for the cultural history of the Islamic world. The article aims to outline the main points of this cultural synthesis, to trace their dependence on the ideology of the two states and to identify the personality traits of a ‘cultured person’ that contributed to the harmonization of the culture of two ideologically irreconcilable, but culturally complementary empires. A comparative study of this kind is supported by Ottoman sources. In the future, the author will continue this research, including the sources reflecting the perception of the Ottoman cultural heritage by the Safavids.
7
Mamedova, Nailya. « Three attempts of the creation of an anti-Ottoman’s alliance by the Sefevid state at the beginning of the 16th centure (based on French-language historiography) ». OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2020, no 12-3 (1 décembre 2020) : 259–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202012statyi75.
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The article is devoted to the relationship of the Azerbaijan state of the Safavids with the Western European states at the beginning of the 16th century on the basis of French historiography, with the aim of creating an anti-Ottoman union. The goal of the Western European states was to keep these two powerful states of the Middle Ages in a state of war and conflict - the Ottoman Empire and the Safavid state. In turn, the Safavids tried to get firearms from the West and enlist the support of the leading Western European states. Each of the parties simultaneously pursued its trade and economic interests and goals.
8
Guliyev, Ahmad. « Venice’s Knowledge of the Qizilbash – The Importance of the Role of the Venetian Baili in Intelligence-Gathering on the Safavids ». Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 75, no 1 (4 avril 2022) : 79–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/062.2022.00116.
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While the subject of the Venetian espionage in the Ottoman empire has received scholarly attention, no attempt has been made to study the baili’s intelligence-gathering activities on Safavid issues in a systematic way. Through the close scrutiny of baili dispatches and other relevant materials of the Venetian State archives, this paper examines the role of the Venetian diplomats in Istanbul in information-gathering on the Safavids. It demonstrates that the baili used various techniques, particularly gifting, bribery, and information exchange with the Ottoman officials in order to collect and transmit to Venice a wide range of information on Ottomans’ arch-rivals, the Safavids.
9
Atçıl, Abdurrahman. « THE SAFAVID THREAT AND JURISTIC AUTHORITY IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE DURING THE 16TH CENTURY ». International Journal of Middle East Studies 49, no 2 (20 avril 2017) : 295–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074381700006x.
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AbstractThis article investigates the opinions of three senior Ottoman jurists, Sarıgörez (d. 1522), Kemalpaşazade (d. 1534), and Ebussuud (d. 1574), on the subject of the Safavids and their supporters. Historians have treated these opinions as part of the vast polemical literature uniformly intended to justify an impending Ottoman attack against their Safavid rivals. Questioning the notion that all authors shared an undifferentiated attitude, this article underlines that, unlike most polemical literature, the opinions of these three jurists focused on the religiolegal aspects of the Safavid issue and varied and evolved in line with changing historical realities, the jurists’ divergent assessments of the Safavid threat, and their preference for different jurisprudential doctrines. Based on an analysis of the opinions, I argue that these jurists assumed a high degree of autonomy as producers and interpreters of the law and thus did not necessarily feel obliged to legitimate or excuse every imperial action.
10
Trausch, Tilmann. « Representing Joint Rule as the Murshid-i Kāmil’s Will ». Medieval History Journal 19, no 2 (octobre 2016) : 285–321. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971945816665959.
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At first glance, early Safavid Iran may not be the ideal place to search for forms of consensual rule in the early modern Persianate world, as there where neither estates nor institutionalised procedures for consens-us-based decision-making. However, perhaps it is no less suitable for such considerations than any other non-European realm. As with most other contemporary or present-day rulers, the early Safavids claim for absolute power was rather convention than reality, a fact that is well reflected in present-day scientific literature. However, this is not the case for ‘rule by consensus’. Was consensus and consensus-based decision-making an issue in 16th-century Iran? If we look at the reports of the chronicles from the Safavids courtly sphere on their first ruler, Ismaʿil, we find passages that might well be read that way. Although it is somewhat difficult to imagine Ismaʿil thinking in terms of consensus or even mutual benefit, maybe he did just that. Obviously, ‘rule by consensus’ is a topic from Medieval Studies and is strongly based on the realms of medieval Europe, with no equivalents to many of the specific phenomena, procedures and theories elsewhere. While a ‘rule by consensus’ did not exist in early Safavid Iran, consensus-based decision-making did.
11
ÇİNAR, Gülay. « A Study on the Resource Value of the Futuhat-I Fariduniyye ». Selçuk Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Dergisi, no 47 (15 juin 2022) : 335–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.21497/sefad.1128599.
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Futuhat-i Fariduniyye, the writing of which was decided upon in 1022/1613-1614, is one of chronicles the history of the Safavids. Besides it can be interpreted also as a historical text of the Sayinkhani Turkmens in that it sheds light on the history of the Turkmens that resided in Dasht-i Gorgan. The fact that the author, Muhammed Tahir, was one of the Bastam Turkmens fortifies this claim. Bastami mentioned the biography of Faridun Khan, who was appointed as Amir al Umera to Astarabad by Shah Abbas, and his campaigns against the Sayinkhani Turkmens. Futuhat-i Fariduniyye is thus an excellent example of both a biography and a native history. The aim of this research is primarily to explain the biography of Faridun Khan-i Cherkess (Circassian), and then to underline the locations and more remarkable details of the lands of the Sayinkhani Turkmens mentioned in the chronicle. The study thus makes important contributions to the recording of the historical geography of the Turkmens. The status of the author as an official historian is clearly apparent from his statements related to the Safavid regional government and the Sayinkhani Turkmens. The subjective statements made with his task responsibility reveal the approach of the Safavid central government about Sayinkhani Turkmens. As a result, it can be said that the dominance of the Safavids in the north-eastern region of Iran covered also the settlements of the Sayinkhani Turkmens in the first quarter of the 17th century. This area included part of the Dasht-i Qipchak in the north, Bastam and Damghan in the south, Bojnurd, Kuchan (Quchan) and Daregaz (Dargaz) in the east, and the Caspian Sea and eastern Mazandaran in the west. It can be understood that the Sayinkhani Turkmens were perceived as rebellious by the Safavid government, who applied a subordination policy to the Turkmens. The resistance of the Sayinkhani Turkmens to Safavid authority and the wars between them led to significant casualties and destruction, especially in Astarabad and its periphery.
12
Vali Arab, Masoud, Hamid Asad Pour, Hamid Peighambary et Ali Rasouli. « The Role of Influential Dynasties and Local Families in Urban Development and Political Centrality of Shushtar in Khuzestan Province During Safavid Era ». Journal of Social Sciences Research, no 66 (10 juin 2020) : 615–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.32861/jssr.66.615.622.
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Shushtar as one of the most important cities of Khuzestan in safavid era was inhabited by some officials and rulers mostly due to its specific geographical, strategic and military situation during the rule of Safavid dynasty. The establishment of new villages in Shushtar and its surroundings areas by the local rulers caused this city to grow and develop more. In the same regard, due to the entering of many different clans and tribes to Shushtar in the Safavid period, extensive ethnic conflicts emerged in this city. Turk Qizilbash (Shamlus, Rumlus, Afshars, Ustodjlus, Turkmens, and Dulghadirs), Chagatai family, Circassia, Georgians, great religious scholars from Jabal Amel region, Jazayeri and Kalantar Sadats were among the tribes and clans entering Shushtar in the Safavid period. At the end of this period, natural disasters such as flood influenced Shushtar status both socially and politically to a great extent. The current study attempts to describe the political and social conditions of Shushtar during the Safavid period, aiming to answer this question: Why was Shushtar under the spotlight by the Safavid rulers and inhabited by most governmental rulers and authorities? It is hypothesized in this study that due to the geographical and military situation, Shushtar have always been considered as a defensive barrier by the Safavids against Mushashaiyah central bases in the South of Khuzestan, and Ranshis bases in the North of Khuzestan and also against Bakhtiyari Khans. Unquestionably, taking into consideration the topics such as ethnic origin, tribal interests, occupation state, religious and social values, and changing or modification of each case can give provide us with some useful information about the social and political life of Shushtar in the Safavid period.
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Parvin, Samad, Behrouz Afkhami et Saeid Sattarnejad. « An Early Tombstone and the Office of Khalīfatu’l Khulafā under the Safavids ». Studies in People's History 9, no 2 (13 octobre 2022) : 162–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23484489221120042.
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At Unar, in Northwestern Iran, a tombstone inscription has been found by the authors. It names the buried one as Ismā‘il bin Sultān, Khalīfatu’l Khulafā, with the date 881 AH. This is the first record of the holder of an office which was a major one under the Safavids even before they seized power in Iran. The Khalīfatu’l Khulafā headed the Sufic wing of Safavid ruler’s followers. The office declined in importance as Shi‘ite tendencies tended more and more to set limits to Sufic beliefs and practices.
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Ebrahim, Amir Kolaee, Hajizadeh Karim et Rezalou Reza. « Study of Safavid buildings Decorations (With sample survey of the Cheshme Emarat and Behshahr Baghshah) ». Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Kul'turologiya i iskusstvovedenie, no 47 (2022) : 241–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/22220836/47/20.
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Throughout history, man has wanted to create his own living space for various reasons. This aspect can be seen even in early humans who lived in caves such as Lascaux in France and Valtamira in Spain. It should be noted that the attempt to do so is visible among ancient human civilizations around the world and is not specific to specific regions or ethnic groups, because the decorations of geometric and abstract patterns are seen among the people of Europe. Safavid era in Iran is one of the busiest architectural periods. The buildings are located in the most attractive and glamorous buildings throughout the architecture of Iran. In the Safavid era, the ancient style of Iranian architecture was renewed and the design of buildings and space materials was opened for itself. Remains of the Safavid period, both in Behshahr and in other cities of Iran, contain a wide range of architectural decorations. The subject of the present discussion is the study of the architectural decorations of this period, which is due to the study of some examples (Cheshmeh Emarat and Baghshah in Behshahr). Safavids will help in Mazandaran region.
15
Champagne, David C. « WILLEM FLOOR, The Afghan Occupation of Safavid Persia 1712–1729 (Paris : Association Pour l'Avancement Des Etudes Iraniennes, 1998). Pp. 387. » International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no 4 (novembre 2001) : 615–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743801234072.
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One could assume from the misleading title of this work that it is a new analytical history of the fall of the Safavid empire and the nine-year Afghan usurpation of the Safavid throne. More than forty years after Laurence Lockhart published his monumental work, The Fall of the Safavi Dynasty and the Afghan Occupation of Persia, a new study based on subsequent research would be a major contribution to the field. But Willem Floor has made a different, yet extremely significant, contribution. He has performed a yeoman's service by annotating, translating, and compiling primary source materials from the archives of the Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie (VOC), or the Dutch East Indies Company, that someday will assist such an effort.
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Asadi, Shaham. « Power discourse : reflecting Shah Abbas I’s political thoughts on Safavid architecture and urban development (Isfahan’s Baghshahr Utopia) ». Arts & ; Humanities Open Access Journal 5, no 1 (31 janvier 2023) : 33–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.15406/ahoaj.2023.05.00184.
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The Safavid era is one of the golden eras of Iranian architecture and art influenced by Shiite and Iranian thought, especially during the 42-year reign of Shah Abbas I, in which thinking, ideology and economics grew because of the silk trade. As a result of the centralized consolidation of power and economics following the political formations, the state sought its ideas in the field of art and architecture. Historical analysis of what has happened in the structure of cities and in different periods is the effect of the power of the ruling class on their structure. Isfahan, as the first garden city, is no exception. The Persian Garden has been the utopia of its creators since it was rooted in their beliefs and therefore the Safavid Garden is the manifestation of two heavenly beliefs centered on the four-garden principle of the shadow of paradise in the present world. School of Isfahan, based on shiite and ancient Iran thought, had established its Architecture and Urban design in an exemplary and imaginative form. Using these ideological foundations, Shah Abbas sought to construct his utopia in order to have an immortal and perpetual influence on all arts, as the Isfahan school was indebted to his thoughts. Isfahan's Baghshahr, first chosen by Shah Abbas I for political influence, was the capital to serve as a venue for the king's power and utopia. Safavid political discourse is based on the interplay of the components of Sufism, Shi'ism, Islamic tradition and caliphate and the Divine glory. In this article, with an analytical and descriptive perspective, we try to prove the influence of politics on the art of the Safavid period, so that this hegemony is also abundant in the religious ideology of that period. The questions we face here are: What strategies did the Safavids use to form their own political government? Do political factors influence Safavid art and architecture? And how does it appear and occur? Finally, sixteen political factors were identified in the process of city structure, not only in politics, but also in geography, economics, and religion, all of which influenced the design of the Safavid garden city alongside the political model.
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Csirkés, Ferenc. « Messianic Oeuvres in Interaction : Misattributed Poems by Shah Esmāʿil and Nesimi ». Journal of Persianate Studies 8, no 2 (26 novembre 2015) : 155–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341288.
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This paper discusses the philological, literary and cultural-historical background of 23 poems that can be found in manuscript copies of the respective divān of both Nesimi (d. 1407), the most prominent poet of the Horufi tradition, and Shah Esmāʿil, the founder of the Safavid state (r. 1501-24) who was also known for his popular Turkic poetry with a heavily messianic veneer. One possible reason for this textually detectable confluence and intermixture might be the partially oral, ritual, homiletic context with fluid notions of authorship in which these poems were performed, but there was also a broader socio-religious context of interaction between various popular messianic traditions of the day, the Horufis, the Bektashis, the Safavids and others.
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Golshani, Seyyed Alireza, Behnam Dalfardi, Ezzat Sadat Motahari, Mehdi Dehghan Hesampour, Mahsa Ansari et Hassan Yarmohammadi. « Hakim Imad al-Din Mahmud ibn-Mas'ud Shirazi (1515-1592), a Physician and Social Pathologist of Safavid Era ». Galen Medical Journal 2, no 4 (1 décembre 2013) : 169–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.31661/gmj.v2i4.72.
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The Safavid era (1501–1736 AD) was the threshold of spreading security and welfare in the Iranian society. The era provided the chance for the talented to set steps for advancement. One of the characters in the history of Persian medicine who achieved successes in the shadow of the existing peace and security during the Safavid Empire was Hakim Imad al-Din Mahmud Shirazi. While he was ministered in the court of Shah Tahmasb Safavi (King Tahmasb), he enjoyed the patronage of Dar al-Shifa Razavi (Razavi health care service) in Mashhad. He managed to leave a legacy of valuable essay and complications resulting from the abundant experiences he gained through the journey to India. The present paper is a study about Hakim Imad al-Din's life and his essays.
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Karolewski, Janina. « What is Heterodox About Alevism ? The Development of Anti-Alevi Discrimination and Resentment ». Die Welt des Islams 48, no 3 (2008) : 434–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006008x364767.
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AbstractThis article examines how the widespread denomination of the Alevi tradition as “heterodox Islam” was introduced in the academic field in the late 19th century. This denomination reflects the differentiation between Alevis and Sunnis, which originally did not base on religious differences but on the socio-political power struggle between the Ottoman Empire and the Safavids/Kızılbaş. First, the historical development of this conflict and the spread of anti-Safavid/Kızılbaş propaganda in the 16th century will be highlighted. Second, it will be illustrated how the Kızılbaş were 'rediscovered' by Westerners in the late 19th century. Then, the development of anti-Alevi discrimination and resentment in the 20th century will be described. Finally, Turkey's official line in regard to the Alevis' religious status and the Alevis' aggressive response to this will be shown.
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Gureghian, Aida. « Eternalizing a Nation : ArmenianHishatakarans in the Seventeenth Century ». Church History 79, no 4 (26 novembre 2010) : 783–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640710001022.
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In 1514, the first battle between the Ottomans and the newly founded Safavid dynasty took place. The Battle of Chaldiran, as it came to be known, marked the beginning of a century-long struggle between the Sunni Ottomans and Shia Safavids that would draw to a close in 1639 with the Treaty of Zuhab. The human toll of this ongoing warfare over the Caucasus and Mesopotamia would be exacted not just from the soldiers of each empire, but also from the different ethnic groups that inhabited these regions. Some caught in the midst of these conflicts had their towns and homes razed by these troops. Others were forced to relocate and resettle. The Armenians were one such group, trapped between these Muslim forces, whose material and non-material well-being was under threat. Armenians had been coping with foreign incursions for centuries. Historical Armenia had been invaded and often laid to waste by the Arabs in the seventh, eighth, and ninth centuries, the Byzantines in the eleventh, and the Mongols and Seljuks from the eleventh to the fourteenth centuries. In fact, an Armenian kingdom in ancestral Armenia had not existed since the eleventh century, leaving the people of Greater (or historical) Armenia without any native sovereignty and as a politically fragmented entity. In the sixteenth century, historical Armenia had once again come to lie at the center of unremitting wars, this time fought between the Safavids and the Ottomans.
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Karbalayeva, Amana. « Expansion and spread of the Jalalist movement in Azerbaijanat the end of the XVI century ». Scientific Bulletin 3 (2021) : 34–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.54414/ckml6947.
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At the end of the 16th century the protracted wars of the Ottoman Empire with European states and the Safavids worsened the situation of the people, led to an economic crisis, an increase in market prices, higher taxes, arbitrariness of officials. As most of these events took place in Eastern Anatolia, both sides (the Ottoman court and the Safavid government) intended to use Jalali's help in their struggle. However, the analysis of these events shows that since the historical lands of Eastern Anatolia are Azerbaijani lands, these events provide ample reason to assess Azerbaijan as the main centre of the Jalali movement.The socio-economic situation in the society created conditions for the expansion of the Jalali movement. In such a situation not only representatives of the working masses but also disgruntled landowners, sipai, and sometimes even provincial leaders joined the Jalala movement. Therefore, while the "Jalali movement" was a movement against the crisis and arbitrariness in the palace, government circles and among the people, on the other hand it was joined by forces engaged in plundering and arbitrariness. The renewed warfare of Shah Abbas I against the Ottomans at the beginning of the 17th century helped the movement to spread in Azerbaijan. During the war against the Ottomans some Jalali groups took part in the liberation of Azerbaijani lands from the Ottoman occupation, as Shah Abbas I officially incorporated the leaders of various groups involved in the Jalali movement into the Safavid army of Gizilbash.
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Matthee, Rudi. « MINT CONSOLIDATION AND THE WORSENING OF THE LATE SAFAVID COINAGE : THE MINT OF HUWAYZA ». Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 44, no 4 (2001) : 505–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685200160052603.
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AbstractThe provincial town of Huwayza in Arabistan/Khuzistan, southwestern Iran, was a minting center from the early days of the Safavid period. Huwayza became an especially productive mint in the course of the seventeenth century, issuing a silver coinage, the mahmudi, that became the most widely circulating of all currencies throughout the Persian Gulf basin. A combination of extant mahmudis and written records about these coins permits an analysis that views the coinage of Huwayza through the prism of the economic problems that plagued Iran in the later Safavid period. The focus of the present article is twofold. The first part examines the place of Huwayza in the general consolidation of mints in seventeenth-century Iran and seeks to explain why Arabistan was somewhat of an exception to this trend. Part two makes an effort to substantiate the alleged deterioration of the Huwayza coinage as of the 1660s through numismatic techniques, relates this to the overall monetary situation in the country, and speculates on the causes and reasons for the demise of the Huwayza mahmudi at the turn of the eighteenth century. Huwayza, centre provincial situé en Arabistan/Khuzistan, au sud-ouest de l'Iran, possédait un atelier de monnaie dès le début de l'époque safavide. L'atelier monétaire de Huwayza atteignit son essor productif dans la seconde moitié du XVIIe siècle, avec la frappe d'un monnayage d'argent, le mahmudi, qui devint la monnaie la plus repandue dans le bassin entier du golfe Persique et jusqu'aux côtes occidentales de l'Inde. L'étude des pièces de monnaie preservées et des données écrites qui leur sont consacrées, nous permet d'analyser le mahmudi de Huwayza à la lumière des difficultés économiques qui accablaient l'Iran vers la fin de l'époque safavide. Le présent article a un double objectif. La première partie s'interroge sur la place de Huwayza dans l'unification des ateliers de frappe iraniens au XVIIe siècle, et sur les raisons pour lesquelles Huwayza ne s'était pas conformé à cette tendance générale. La seconde partie tente de vérifier, par des techniques numismatiques, la détérioration prétendue de la monnaie de Huwayza à partir de 1660. Enfin, en établissant un rapport entre le mahmudi de Huwayza et les conditions monétaires générales dans le pays, nous évoquons les causes de l'arrêt de l'émission de cette monnaie au tournant du XVIIIe siècle.
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Carlson, Thomas A. « SAFAVIDS BEFORE EMPIRE : TWO 15TH-CENTURY ARMENIAN PERSPECTIVES ». International Journal of Middle East Studies 49, no 2 (20 avril 2017) : 277–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743817000058.
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AbstractArmenian sources from the 15th century provide distinctive viewpoints on the history of the Safaviyyih Sufi order before the foundation of the Safavid Empire. The history of T‘ovma of Metsop‘ suggests an earlier intermediate step in the militarization of the order, which scholars have typically viewed as an unprecedented development beginning after 1447, and ascribes to the Safavi shaykh the idea of taxing non-Muslims to encourage conversion to Islam. A second Armenian text, a previously unknown colophon, describes Haydar's attack on Shirvan in 1488 and the suffering of the Muslim and Christian sedentary population, as well as an episode of interreligious mockery. It is probably the earliest extant source to identify the Qizilbash by their distinctive red hats. Together, these sources suggest ways in which the Safaviyyih order's development was conditioned by the multireligious environment. They are examples of the value of non-Muslim sources even for late medieval Islamic history.
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Rahbari, Ladan. « Gendered and Ethnic Captivity and Slavery in Safavid Persia : A Literature Review ». Social Sciences 10, no 1 (14 janvier 2021) : 22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci10010022.
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The Safavid society’s approach to sexuality and gender has made it a reference for the “pre-modern” discourse, in which gender and sexuality manifest—in contemporary terminology—queerness and fluidity. While it is important not to romanticize the image of the Orient as a queer heaven, it is possible to consider Safavid society as an important site of inquiry that offers valuable insights on pre-colonial gender and sexuality. A less discussed topic in Safavid literature on gender and sexuality is gendered and sexual slavery. This study conducts a review of primary and secondary literature on the Safavid period, including Western travelogues. The paper aims to outline the relations between existing forms of captivity and factors such as gender and ethnic background. The research explores the prevalence of slavery reported in Safavid literature and how slaves’ positions were defined within social hierarchies.
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Trausch, Tilmann. « Ghazā and Ghazā Terminology in Chronicles from the Sixteenth-Century Safavid Courtly Sphere ». Journal of Persianate Studies 10, no 2 (1 décembre 2017) : 240–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341313.
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Abstract In the later decades of the fifteenth century, adherents of the Safavid order started raiding the regions of the northern Caucasus and eastern Anatolia. As most of these raids involved Christian principalities, they have earned the Safavid shaikhs Joneyd and Haydar the reputation as ghāzis, as fighters for faith against the infidels. This paper explores how scribes from the sixteenth-century Safavid courtly sphere integrated the order’s early military activities into their narratives of the Safavid past. Further, it examines what sound information may be derived from the narratives on these poorly documented events. The paper concludes with the suggestions that a) those doing in history in Safavid times were much less concerned with Islamic “holy war” than modern historians are, and b) their narratives indicate that attempts to establish territorial rule may have outweighed the fight-for-faith motif.
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Dehqan, Mustafa, et Vural Genç. « The Kurdish Emirate of Brādōst, 1510-1609 ». Oriente Moderno 99, no 3 (7 octobre 2019) : 306–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340222.
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Abstract The Brādōst Kurdish emirate, ruling over Rawāndiz and adjoining areas including parts of Urmīya, is one of the numerous Kurdish ruling families of Kurdistan, which succumbed to the conquering Ottoman and Safavid arms in the 16th-century. While Ardalān, Ḥakkārī, Chamīšgazak, and many other Kurdish emirates were yielded to the several recent studies, Brādōst remained a neglected Kurdish emirate. By analyzing written documents produced during the 16th-century — from both Ottoman and Safavid sources — a better understanding can be had of what political interactions were possible at this emirate in Ottoman-Safavid frontier history. This paper critically contributes to scholarly discussions of 16th-century political history of Brādōst and Ottoman-Safavid borderlands.
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Rahbari, Ladan. « “Their Beastly Manner” : Discourses of Non-Binary Gender and Sexuality in Shi’ite Safavid Persia ». Open Cultural Studies 2, no 1 (1 décembre 2018) : 758–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/culture-2018-0068.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractThe Safavid dynasty ruled Persia between sixteenth and eighteenth centuries and is known as a turning period in the political, social and religious trajectories of Persian history. The ethnographic literature about the Safavid Persian culture written by Western travelers is an indication of the forming relations between the West and the Orient. The travelogues indicate that Safavid discourses of sexuality were different from their counterparts in the West. These non-binary discourses were not based only on gender and sexual orientation, but also on social factors such as age, class and status. Relations of these factors to different forms of “masculinities/femininities” were focal for gendered and sexual categorization. Nonbinary sexual/gendered identities and expressions were explicit, and a sexual continuum was prevalent. The fundamental differentiation of masculinity and femininity were not valid, and sexual relationships were not confined to heterosexuality. This study uses historical sources to explore the discourses of gender and sexuality during the Safavid era. Drawing on criticisms of Orientalism, implications of Western narratives on our understandings of sexuality and gender in the Safavid era are discussed.
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Dale, Stephen F. « Empires and Emporia : Palace, Mosque, Market, and Tomb in Istanbul, Isfahan, Agra, and Delhi ». Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 53, no 1-2 (2009) : 212–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/002249910x12573963244403.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractThe association between empires and commercial institutions is a well-known feature of pre-industrial Muslim empires, such as the Ottoman, Safavid and Mughal empires. Rulers constructed religious monuments and civic institutions that simultaneously functioned as commercial centers. The key to this symbiotic relationship is the institution of waqf, the so-called “charitable endowments” that supplied funds to support mosques, schools, baths and other religious institutions. The endowments largely drew their funds from shops, bazars or caravanserais usually built nearby. Therefore a great mosque or madrasa often became a commercial center. This situation was the conscious result of imperial commitment to stimulating the commercial exchange, which would supply and enrich these states.Que les empires islamiques de l’ère pré-industrielles se sont associés aux institutions commerçiales est bien connu. Les empires ottoman, safavide et moghol en témoignent amplement. Les monuments religieux et les institutions civiles que leurs princes ont fait construire furet en même temps des centres de commerce. Cette relation symbiotique s’explique par l’institution de waqf, autrement dit ‘un leg pieux’. Les fonds de ces legs servaient à doter les mosques, les écoles, les bains et bien d’autres institutions religieuses. Les donations pieuses, elles, furent en grande partie léguées par des boutiques, des bazars, et des caravansérails aux alentours. Ainsi la grande mosquée, ou la médresse, se trouvait être doublée d’un centre de commerce. Voilà l’effet intentionel de l’engagement impérial qui visait à encourager les échanges commerçiaux. À leur tour ces échanges fournissaient des produits à ces états et les rendaient plus prospères.
29
Tezcan, Baki. « The Ottoman Monetary Crisis of 1585 Revisited ». Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 52, no 3 (2009) : 460–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852009x458223.
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AbstractIn 1585-8, the Ottoman silver currency, the akçe, was officially devalued by 100% against the Venetian gold ducat and foreign silver currencies, and its silver content was reduced by 44%. Some scholars have interpreted this devaluation and debasement as a consequence of the silver influx from the Americas, whereas others have referred to the difficulties that the Ottoman state had to face in financing its war effort against the Safavids in Persia. This study suggests that the unification of a number of distinct regional monetary zones in an interregional imperial economy by the second half of the sixteenth century must be regarded as an important factor that contributed to the monetary crisis of 1585. En 1585-88, l'akçe, la monnaie d'argent ottomane, fut dévaluée officiellement de 100% par rapport au ducat d'or vénitien et les monnaies d'argent étrangères, et le pourcentage d'argent en fut réduit de 44%. Certains chercheurs interprètent cette dévaluation et cette dépréciation comme étant la conséquence de l'influx d'argent venant des Amériques, tandisque d'autres attribuent les problèmes de l'état ottoman au financement des guerres contre les Safavides d'Iran. Cette contribution suggère que l'unification d'un bon nombre de zones monétaires régionales qui différaient entre elles en une seule économie impériale interrégionale dans la seconde moitié du XVIe siècle doit être regardée comme un facteur important ayant contribué à la crise monétaire de 1585.
30
Sharafi Safa, Habib, et Alireza Ali Soufi. « Rereading the History of Dargazin City in Nasuh Matrakçi Miniature Images ». Asian Studies 9, no 1 (8 janvier 2021) : 95–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/as.2021.9.1.95-123.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article focuses on the miniature paintings of Nasuh Matrakçi who came to the west of Iran during the Safavid period. Matrakçi’s miniatures are among the oldest surviving images of Dargazin city, the like of which cannot be found in other travelogues and historians’ works. The surviving three images at two different settings can help us understand the urban and social status of Dargazin in the Safavid period. The findings indicate that, thanks to its Sunni residents and because of its geopolitical significance, Dargazin was of great interest to Ottoman and Safavid rulers who turned it to the governing base of the region. This played an important role in the city’s development in the way that in some areas, like the design of gardens, the traditional architecture of the Safavid period was mixed with original Persian style.
31
Sharafi Safa, Habib, et Alireza Ali Soufi. « Rereading the History of Dargazin City in Nasuh Matrakçi Miniature Images ». Asian Studies 9, no 1 (8 janvier 2021) : 95–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/as.2021.9.1.95-123.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article focuses on the miniature paintings of Nasuh Matrakçi who came to the west of Iran during the Safavid period. Matrakçi’s miniatures are among the oldest surviving images of Dargazin city, the like of which cannot be found in other travelogues and historians’ works. The surviving three images at two different settings can help us understand the urban and social status of Dargazin in the Safavid period. The findings indicate that, thanks to its Sunni residents and because of its geopolitical significance, Dargazin was of great interest to Ottoman and Safavid rulers who turned it to the governing base of the region. This played an important role in the city’s development in the way that in some areas, like the design of gardens, the traditional architecture of the Safavid period was mixed with original Persian style.
32
Cutillas, Jose. « Did Shah ʿAbbās I Have a Mediterranean Policy ? » Journal of Persianate Studies 8, no 2 (26 novembre 2015) : 254–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341285.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The past two decades have witnessed tremendous growth in research on Safavid history. Recent developments regarding Safavid international relations have led to the conclusion that during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries Iran’s contacts and links with Europe, including the countries located along the northern shores of the Mediterranean, reached an unprecedented level. However, there has been little or no discussion about a deliberate Safavid policy towards the Mediterranean. This paper offers a review of Spanish documents to show that Shah ʿAbbās i may have operated with a clear Mediterranean policy in mind.
33
Matthee, Rudi. « Administrative Stability and Change in Late-17th-Century Iran : The Case of Shaykh ʿAli Khan Zanganah (1669–89) ». International Journal of Middle East Studies 26, no 1 (février 1994) : 77–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800059778.
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In June 1669 the Safavid ruler Shah Sulayman dismissed his grand vizier Mirza Muhammad Mahdi and appointed Shaykh ʿAli Khan Zanganah as his successor. Shaykh ʿAli Khan served in the exalted function of grand vizier or iʿtimad aldawla for a full twenty years and in this period grew into perhaps the most remarkable administrator of Safavid times.
34
Subrahmanyam, Sanjay, et Muzaffar Alam. « The Deccan Frontier and Mughal Expansion, Ca. 1600 : Contemporary Perspectives ». Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 47, no 3 (2004) : 357–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568520041974666.
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AbstractThis essay explores the situation in the Deccan in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, at a time when the Mughal empire was expanding over the Ahmadnagar Sultanate and beginning to threaten both Bijapur and Goa. It does so through a close reading of two sources, the reports of the Mughal court-poet Abu'l Faiz 'Faizi,' who was sent there as a Mughal envoy in the early 1590s; and the autobiographical text of Asad Beg Qazwini, who followed Faizi some ten years later. It seeks to demonstrate the role of the Deccan as frontier zone in this period, not only between northern and southern India, but equally between Safavid Iran and Mughal India. Cet essai est consacré à l'étude de la situation politique dans le Deccan au tournant du XVIIe siècle, en s'appuyant sur deux sources peu explorées. La première est la collection des rap- ports envoyés par le poète et diplomate Abu'l Faiz 'Faizi', qui se trouvait dans le Deccan autour de 1591-92 comme représentant de l'empereur moghol Akbar. La seconde source est le récit autobiographique d'Asad Beg Qazwini, également envoyé par les Moghols au début du XVIIe siècle dans une mission auprès du Sultan de Bijapur, Ibrahim II. Nous nous efforçons de démontrer le rôle du Deccan comme région frontière, à la fois entre l'Inde du Nord et l'Inde du Sud, et entre les zones d'in fluences des Moghols et des Safavides.
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Neyestani, Mohammadreza. « Femmes, waqf et droit de propriété en Iran à l’époque safavide ». Hawwa 15, no 1-2 (3 novembre 2017) : 51–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692086-12341324.
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Résumé Dans la société safavide en Iran (du 16ème au 18ème siècle), les femmes jouaient un rôle, quoique à un moindre degré que les hommes, à travers les waqfs. Par ce moyen, elles ont laissé des traces qui indiquent leurs droits de propriété ainsi que le rôle qu’elles jouaient dans les domaines culturels, religieux et caritatifs à l’époque. Les femmes de la capitale safavide s’investissaient dans la mesure de leurs moyens et grâce à leurs droits de propriété dans ces questions en consacrant une partie de leurs biens aux œuvres d’intérêt général et caritatives, à travers le waqf. Dans cet article, nous étudions certains aspects du droit de propriété accordé aux femmes qu’elles exerçaient à l’époque safavide en nous appuyant sur les documents d’époque, particulièrement, sur les chartes de fondation des waqf conservées dans les archives d’Ispahan.
36
Rezvani, Babak. « Iranian Georgians : Prerequisites for a Research ». Iran and the Caucasus 13, no 1 (2009) : 197–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/160984909x12476379008287.
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AbstractIranian Georgians are the descendants of Georgians, who were moved to different parts of Iran from the Safavid until the early Qajar period, either voluntarily or by force. The main wave of these migrations occurred in 17th century Safavid Iran. The paper discusses some preliminary issues to the study of the Iranian Georgians, particularly as to conducting fieldworks among them.
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Khorasani, Manouchehr Moshtagh. « La lucha : una parte integral de las artes de combate en Irán ». Revista de Artes Marciales Asiáticas 5, no 2 (12 juillet 2012) : 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.18002/rama.v5i2.111.
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Wrestling played and has been playing a very important role in Iranian cultural heritage. First, the present article discusses the terms and different uses of wrestling techniques be it in unarmed duels or in combination with weapons. Then, three relevant manuscripts will be analyzed such as an untitled wrestling manuscript by an anonymous author from the period of Šāh Esmāil Safavid (1502-1524 C.E.), the manuscript <em>Tum</em>ā<em>r-e Pury</em>ā<em>-ye Vali</em> also written by an anonymous author during the Safavid period (1502-1722 C.E.) and the work by a famous poet named Mirnejāt with the title <em>Masnavi-ye Golkošti-ye Mirnej</em>ā<em>t</em> that was written towards the end of the period of Šāh Soleymān Safavid (1666-1694 C.E.) or the beginning of the period of Šāh Soltān Hosseyn Safavid (1694-1722 C.E.). Based on some terms and descriptions of the techniques found in these manuscripts, it is possible to appreciate how traditional forms of wrestling in Iran have preserved some of these techniques.
38
MITCHELL, C. « Safavid Imperialtarassuland the Persianinshā'Tradition ». Studia Iranica 26, no 2 (1 septembre 1997) : 173–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/si.26.2.2003942.
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ROUHFAR, Zohreh. « Safavid Brocades from Iran ». Khil'a 2 (31 décembre 2006) : 121–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/kh.2.0.2021288.
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Royo, Morgane. « Conservation Safavid Dynasty Manuscript ». Journal of Paper Conservation 18, no 4 (2 octobre 2017) : 151. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/18680860.2018.1470811.
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Kiyanrad, Sarah. « Thou Shalt Not Enter the Bazaar on Rainy Days ! Zemmi Merchants in Safavid Isfahan : Shiʿite Feqh Meeting Social Reality ». Journal of Persianate Studies 10, no 2 (1 décembre 2017) : 158–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341314.
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Abstract Many Muslim and non-Muslim merchants from East and West were attracted to Safavid Isfahan, the new “center of the world,” a city that also played host to its own mercantile communities, among them many zemmi traders—Christians, Jews, and Zoroastrians. As representatives of the newly-established Twelver Shiʿite theology, Safavid religious scholars felt the need to offer commentary on evolving issues on a theoretical level, sometimes writing not in Arabic but in New Persian. How did they regard the activities of zemmi merchants? Were zemmi traders subject to religiously-motivated restrictions? Or did they, on the other hand, enjoy exclusive rights? While my paper focusses on these questions, it will also compare the legal opinions of selected Safavid foqahāʾ on the social reality as reflected in travelogues and through historiography.
42
Langermann, Tzvi. « The Ottoman Age of Exploration ». American Journal of Islam and Society 28, no 2 (1 avril 2011) : 140–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v28i2.1265.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This very interesting treatise describes in detail the expansion in thesixteenth century of the Ottomans south and east, from Yemen and Eritreathrough the Indian Ocean and as far as Sumatra. Pivotal events were theOttoman conquest of Egypt in 1517, which opened up for them the routes toMecca, Medina, and points east—and their final expulsion from Yemen in 1636, depriving them of their key staging point in the area. The expansiontook on various forms: the increase of military power (mainly naval), thedevelopment of economic interests, and the strengthening of ties with localMuslim populations. At times, the direction and initiative came directlyfrom Constantinople—especially when the “Indian Ocean faction” wasable to exert its influence—but more usually from Ottoman functionariesin Egypt and Yemen, or even ambitious pirates. The main rivals in the areawere the Portuguese and their allies. However, developments elsewherebore heavily on this contest, which, at times, took on global proportions.Ottoman interests in the Indian Ocean were strengthened by their role asguarantors of the Holy Cities and the pilgrimage routes to them, as welltheir defense of Muslim merchants throughout the area. For their part, thePortuguese viewed their affairs as part of a plan that would, they hoped,lead ultimately to the conquest of Egypt and the Holy Land. The Ottomanconquest of Iraq was at least in part an attempt to outflank the Portuguese andprevent a Portuguese-Safavid alliance. Ultimately, though, the protractedconflict with Persia launched by Murad III in 1577, apparently swayedby opponents of the Indian Ocean faction, seriously drained Ottomanresources, and was likely a factor in their ultimate failure to control theIndian Ocean. At various times the Ottomans considered joining forceswith the French pirates or Dutch Protestants against the Portuguese. By theearly seventeenth century, neither the Ottomans nor the Portuguese werecontesting for dominance in the Indian Ocean; the key players there werethe English, Dutch, Safavids, and Mughals ...
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Yildirim, Riza. « In the Name of Hosayn’s Blood : The Memory of Karbala as Ideological Stimulus to the Safavid Revolution ». Journal of Persianate Studies 8, no 2 (26 novembre 2015) : 127–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341289.
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Over the past century, one of the most heavily debated topics within Safavid historiography has been the ideological sources of the Qezelbash zeal that carried the Safavid dynasty to the throne of Persia. By now, a near-consensus has been formed about Shah Esmaʿil’s personality as an incarnation of the Godhead armed with a messianic mission of salvation. This article partly challenges this long-entrenched conceptualization by calling attention to a heretofore overlooked mission that the shaykhs of the revolutionary period set for themselves. This was their desire to avenge the spilling of Hosayn’s blood, a mission which was nothing but a reincarnation of the topos ofsāheb al-khorūjor the “master of the uprising,” a heroic typology cultivated via a particular corpus of Karbala-oriented epic literature. Based on the idea that the religiosity of the Turkish-speaking milieu that constituted the Safavid movement’s grassroots was primarily shaped by this Karbala-oriented epic literature, this essay argues that Shaykh Jonayd, Shaykh Haydar, and especially Shah Esmāʿil successfully reformulated the Safavid Sufi program to address the codes of popular piety, which already existed, nurtured by Sufism and some Shiʿite elements, a particular mode of Islamic piety that I call “Shiʿite-inflected popular Sufism.”
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Melvin-Koushki, Matthew. « World as (Arabic) Text : Mīr Dāmād and the Neopythagoreanization of Philosophy in Safavid Iran ». Studia Islamica 114, no 3 (7 mai 2020) : 378–431. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19585705-12341404.
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Abstract The heavily Neoplatonic and antiquarian-perennialist tenor of Safavid philosophy is now widely recognized by specialists; but few have acknowledged its equally notable Neopythagorean turn. Likewise, that the primary mode of applied Neoplatonic-Neopythagorean philosophy as a Safavid imperial way of life was occult science has been ignored altogether, making impossible a history of its practice. The case of the Twelver Shiʿi sage-mage Mīr Dāmād – famed down to the present as an occult scientist – is here especially illustrative: for he was largely responsible for this Neopythagoreanization of Safavid philosophy, which saw the remarkable transmogrification of Ibn Sīnā himself into a Neopythagorean-occultist, by his espousal of a peculiarly Mamluk-Timurid-Aqquyunlu brand of philosophical lettrism (ʿilm al-ḥurūf) in at least three of his many works. The example of this imperial Neopythagoreanizing lettrist is thus crucial for understanding the intellectual and religiopolitical continuity of Safavid Shiʿi culture with Sunni precedent, as well as contemporary Persianate and Latinate parallels. Within Western history of science more broadly, Mīr Dāmād and the host of his fellow Muslim kabbalists must now be restored to the master mathesis narrative whereby scientific modernity is but the upshot of early modern Western philosophers’ penchant for reading the world as a mathematical text.
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Weis, Friederike. « How the Persian Qalam Caused the Chinese Brush to Break : The Bahram Mirza Album Revisited ». Muqarnas Online 37, no 1 (2 octobre 2020) : 63–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22118993-00371p04.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract This essay addresses the significance and status of Chinese art in sixteenth-century Iran through the lens of Safavid scholars, painters, and album compilers, as well as their patrons. It focuses on the album that Dust Muhammad compiled for Bahram Mirza, completed in 1544/45 and largely preserved in its original arrangement. A close examination of the relationship between the Chinese and Persianate paintings in this album—and comparisons with other paintings and drawings—demonstrates the ways in which Chinese artworks were perceived, adopted, and self-consciously adapted during Shah Tahmasp’s reign (r. 1524–76). Furthermore, my analysis of Dust Muhammad’s preface to the Barham Mirza Album and other important contemporary primary sources, such as the poem Āyīn-i Iskandarī (The Rules of Iskandar, 1543/44) by ʿAbdi Beg of Shiraz, reveals an early Safavid reluctance to embrace optical naturalism, which was strongly associated with the Chinese aesthetic. This analysis also elucidates the growing sense of a distinct pictorial style in Safavid Iran, which was thought to derive from an inner vision situated in the mind or heart of the painter. The mimetic abstraction of this Safavid-Shiʿi aesthetic, initially connected to Imam ʿAli, was considered superior to the optical naturalism of the Chinese aesthetic.
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Byazrov, Aslan V., et Boris G. Koybaev. « The «Сaucasian Guestion» in Iran’s Foreign Policy at the Beginning of the XVII Century ». Vestnik of North-Ossetian State University, no 4 (25 décembre 2021) : 20–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.29025/1994-7720-2021-4-20-26.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article examines the Caucasian vector of Iran’s foreign policy at the beginning of the XVII century. as one of the most priority directions of the Shah’s foreign policy, Iranian-Russian diplomatic cooperation and interaction, as well as as the most important factor in ensuring the security of the Safavid state in the face of the threat of Ottoman expansion. During the XVI-XVII centuries, certain territories of the Caucasus were in the sphere of political influence of Safavid Iran, which managed to systematically establish control over Eastern Georgia, Eastern Armenia, Azerbaijan and part of Dagestan. A comprehensive study of the Caucasian policy of Safavid Iran during its military and political domination in the region allows us to identify historical patterns and trends of modern socio-political processes in the Caucasus and the Middle East. The study of the problem of delineating the spheres of political influence of regional powers in the context of the foreign policy strategy of Safavid Iran at the beginning of the XVII century. It requires a scientifically based analysis and objective assessment, since Iran traditionally demonstrates its activity in the region, develops cooperation with regional actors in the political, diplomatic, trade, economic and cultural spheres. The purpose of the study is to study the Caucasian policy of Safavid Iran, as well as methods and means of its implementation at the beginning of the XVII century. The scientific novelty of this research is determined by the introduction into scientific circulation of a wide range of diverse historical sources and literature necessary for rethinking and generalizing the content of existing theoretical, methodological and scientific approaches, comparative analysis of domestic and foreign concepts on this issue, as well as a systematic study of geostrategy and the Caucasian vector of Iran’s foreign policy in the period under review.
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Vugar Aliyev, Elshad, et Mehbara Tahir Abbasova. « The “Sufi” Portrait in the Giovio Series ». SCIENTIFIC WORK 15, no 2 (9 mars 2021) : 16–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2663-4619/63/16-18.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Founded in 1501, the Safavid state and the young leader of this state, Shah Ismail I, attracted the attention of European aristocratic dynasties, kings and religious leaders. Ambassadors, diplomats and merchants sent from Europe to Azerbaijan conveyed various information about Ismail to their homeland, and later these records and sources were published in books, albums and memoirs. Gradually, engravings and paintings depicting Ismail Safavid appeared in the European fine arts. Unfortunately, the descriptions of Shah Ismail I in the European visual arts have not been sufficiently studied. It is known that the portrait, taken as the standard of appearance of Ismail the First, was exhibited at the Paolo Giovio Museum in Como. The article examines the activities of Paolo Giovio, his famous museum and the portrait of "Sufi" in Giovio's collection. Key words: Shah Ismayil, Paolo Giovio, Italian art, portrait painting, Museum of Como, Safavid period
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Casale, Sinem. « A Peace for a Prince : The Reception of a Safavid Child Hostage at the Ottoman Court ». Journal of Early Modern History 20, no 1 (26 janvier 2016) : 39–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700658-12342496.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The twelve-year long Ottoman-Safavid War ended in 1590, when the newly enthroned Safavid king, Shah ʿAbbas sent his six year old nephew to the Ottoman court as a condition of peace. The arrival of this child prince, Haydar Mirza, his large retinue, and the gifts he brought for the sultan incited much enthusiasm and curiosity among contemporary observers. These were recorded in official histories, archival documents, manuscript paintings, and poems of Ottoman, Safavid, Venetian, and Habsburg origin. Through a cross-reading of authors with diverse political motivations, this essay demonstrates the multiplicity of ways in which the prince’s role as a social agent and mediator was interpreted during and after his transfer. A close comparative reading of these textual accounts and images suggests that the diplomatic encounter and its subtleties may never be described fully by the overarching goals of panegyric texts or selected episodes captured in narrative illustration.
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Ridgeon, Lloyd. « Short Back and Sides ». Journal of Sufi Studies 6, no 1 (6 juillet 2017) : 82–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22105956-12341296.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Qalandars have often been depicted in negative terms in medieval and pre-modern literature by Sufis themselves, clerics and historians. Treatises composed by Qalandars are rare, thus the possibility of producing a balanced survey of their form of Sufism and contribution to the socio-political and religious climate of any given period is difficult. One such text, the “Sulīmān Qalandar Nāma”, however, completed in 1668, offers an intriguing perspective of Qalandars in late Safavid Iran. An analysis of this text, along with a focus on the dynamics of late Safavid religion and politics suggests that far from being antinomian and otherworldly Sufis, these Qalandars were supportive of the Shīʿa Safavid dynasty. The text offers an interesting marriage between traditional Qalandar themes and those inspired by Shīʿa Islam, and it testifies to the continuing importance of the Qalandars, providing evidence for the cultural continuity of this form of Sufism in the region.
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Rizvi, Sajjad H. « Philosophy as a way of life in the world of Islam : Applying Hadot to the study of Mullā Ṣadrā Shīrāzī (d. 1635) ». Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 75, no 1 (12 janvier 2012) : 33–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x11000851.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractThe work of the late Pierre Hadot has transformed our understanding of the practice of philosophy, especially in the pre-modern world. This article interrogates how we approach the study of later Islamic philosophy, especially the thought of the Safavid sage Mullā Ṣadrā Shīrāzī (d. 1635), and considers whether the method proposed by Hadot is applicable to this intellectual tradition. While there is much to be gained from the application of a cognate hermeneutics of the text, I also suggest that we still do not know enough about the actual practice of philosophy, of philosophical communities in the Safavid period, to consider whether it constitutes a real intellectual and structural continuity with the late antique Neoplatonic past. Nevertheless, the paradigm of approaching philosophy as a way of life propounded by Hadot does seem to be the best way of making sense of philosophy in Safavid Iran.