Articles de revues sur le sujet « Russian revolution - 1917-1921 »
Pour voir les autres types de publications sur ce sujet consultez le lien suivant : Russian revolution - 1917-1921.
Créez une référence correcte selon les styles APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard et plusieurs autres
Consultez les 50 meilleurs articles de revues pour votre recherche sur le sujet « Russian revolution - 1917-1921 ».
À côté de chaque source dans la liste de références il y a un bouton « Ajouter à la bibliographie ». Cliquez sur ce bouton, et nous générerons automatiquement la référence bibliographique pour la source choisie selon votre style de citation préféré : APA, MLA, Harvard, Vancouver, Chicago, etc.
Vous pouvez aussi télécharger le texte intégral de la publication scolaire au format pdf et consulter son résumé en ligne lorsque ces informations sont inclues dans les métadonnées.
Parcourez les articles de revues sur diverses disciplines et organisez correctement votre bibliographie.
1
Legvold, Robert, et William Henry Chamberlin. « The Russian Revolution 1917-1921 ». Foreign Affairs 76, no 5 (1997) : 230. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20048247.
Texte intégral
2
READ, CHRISTOPHER. « THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION AFTER THE FALL OF COMMUNISM ». Historical Journal 40, no 4 (décembre 1997) : 1127–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x97007474.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Nicholas II. Emperor of all the Russias. By D. Lieven. London: Pimlico, 1995. Pp. 292. ISBN 0-719-54994-9. £10.00.The Russian Revolution, 1917–1921: a short history. By J. D. White. London: Edward Arnold, 1994. Pp. 312. ISBN 0-340-53910-0. £12.99.The origins of the Russian civil war. By G. Swain. London: Longman, 1995. Pp. 296. ISBN 0-582-05968-2. £13.99.Behind the front lines of the civil war: political parties and social movements in Russia, 1918–1922. By V. N. Brovkin. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994. Pp. 455. ISBN 0-691-03278-5. £40.00.America's secret war against Bolshevism: U.S. intervention in the Russian civil war, 1917–1920. By D. S. Foglesong. Chapel Hill and London: North Carolina University Press, 1995. Pp. 386. ISBN 0-807-82228-0. $45–00.
3
Архірейський, Д. В. « "Ukrainian Revolution" (1917-1921 gg.) : To the problem of the logical meaning of the term ». Problems of Political History of Ukraine, no 14 (12 juin 2019) : 155–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.33287/11913.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Attention is drawn to the fact of the rejection of the term “Ukrainian revolution” (1917−1921) by modern Russian and some Westerners historians. A natural question arises about the scientific nature of this term, about its logical content. The historiographical approaches to the use of this term, as well as the concept of «national liberation movement» are considered. A formal logical and concrete historical analysis of the term “Ukrainian Revolution” is carried out, which covers the complex of events of 1917−1921 in the Ukraine. It is shown that both the contemporaries of the events and the researchers of this period rightly use the term “revolution”. It is proved that the term cannot be considered an empty concept, because it reflects a completely objective historical reality. In the context of identifying its essential features, the events and processes that define the Ukrainian revolution as a concrete historical phenomenon, although akin to the Russian revolution, are generally self-sufficient, are analyzed. The national and socio-economic components of the Ukrainian revolution, the number and nature of its driving forces, and the geographical features of the political processes of that time are taken into account. When comparing the complex of processes and events related to Ukraine, their peculiarities and differences from what was happening in Russia are obvious. There are clear differences in the palette of political forces, their program goals and ways to achieve them, the nature of their influence on the masses, as well as the reaction of the latter to the policies of a particular political regime. Claims by Russian historians to the concept of the “Ukrainian revolution” developed by Ukrainian researchers should be considered groundless and unscientific. There is reason to believe that in its attitude to the Ukrainian revolution of 1917−1921 Russian researchers are too dependent on the assessments of their own political leadership of modern Ukraine.
4
Shmelev, Anatol. « The Revolution Turns Eighty : New Literature on the Russian Revolution and its Aftermath ». Contemporary European History 8, no 1 (mars 1999) : 127–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777399000168.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Orlando Figes, A People's Tragedy: The Russian Revolution, 1891–1924 (London: Jonathan Cape, 1996 (reviewed in Pimlico edition, 1997), 923 pp., ISBN 0–150–24364–X.Vladimir N. Brovkin, Behind the Front Lines of the Russian Civil War: Political Parties and Social Movements in Russia, 1918–1922 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994), 455 pp., ISBN 0–691–03278–5.Edward Acton, William G. Rosenberg and Vladimir Iu. Cherniaev, eds., Critical Companion to the Russian Revolution 1914–1921 (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1997), 782 pp., ISBN 0–340–61454–4.Ronald Kowalski, The Russian Revolution, 1917–1921 (London and New York: Routledge, 1997), 269 pp., ISBN 0–415–12437–9.André Liebich. From the Other Shore: Russian Social Democracy after 1921 (Cambridge, MA, and London: Harvard University Press, 1997), 476 pp., ISBN 0–674–32517–6.Over eighty years after it occurred, the Russian Revolution continues to engender debate among professional historians as well as the interested public. If the French Revolution is any guide, this interest is very likely to continue indefinitely. Causes and consequences, the meaning and significance of individual component events, the interplay of social forces, and cultural, political, intellectual, economic and a myriad of other aspects have and will continue to be examined and sifted through. Last year – the eightieth anniversary – produced a number of important works on the revolution and its consequences. Those under review here, including an older one from 1994, represent a range of approaches, from introductory accounts for the general reader to summations of the state of knowledge to histories of the revolution's ‘losers’.
5
Primochkina, Natalia N. « M. Gorky “About the Russian peasantry” : Problematics, poetics, historical context ». Philological Sciences. Scientific Essays of Higher Education, no 4 (juillet 2023) : 92–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.20339/phs.4-23.092.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article examines Gorky’s special, negatively distrustful attitude towards the Russian peasantry, whose political and spiritual conservatism could prevent, in the writer’s opinion, the realization of the socialist ideals of the revolution. During the 1917 revolution and the Civil War, it seemed to Gorky that it was the Russian “peasant” who could ruin the revolution and that the revolution itself was inexorably turning into a brutal struggle between town and village, workers and intellectuals on the one hand and peasants on the other. The result of the writer ‘s intense reflections in 1917–1921. Gorky’s artistic and journalistic article “On the Russian Peasantry” (1922) was about the fate of his native people and its role in the revolution, which became his first major public appearance in the press after leaving Russia for Europe. Based on Gorky’s negative attitude towards the Russian peasantry, it seems quite natural that the writer at the turn of the 1920–30s supported the Bolshevik policy of universal collectivization of the village. Moreover, it was the radical breaking of the foundations of village life that made him believe in the “truly socialist character” of the October Revolution.
6
Lityński, Adam. « Armenii droga do leninowsko-kemalowskiego rozbioru (1917–1921) ». Czasopismo Prawno-Historyczne 70, no 1 (12 octobre 2018) : 67–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/cph.2018.1.2.
Texte intégralRésumé :
After the February Revolution of 1917 in Russia, the former nations of the Russian Empire searched for the possibility of forming their own independent countries. The situation was the same with three nations of Transcaucasia, namely Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia. After the separatist Treaty of Brest-Litovsk (signed on the 3rd of March 1918), Bolshevik Russia in practice gave away the Transcaucasia region to Germany and Turkey. Especially Turkey assumed an aggressive and annexationist stance at the time. And it was the Armenians who mainly put up the resistance. Armenia, together with Azerbaijan and Georgia, first created the Transcaucasian Democratic Federative Republic. However, the state was short-lived and it soon collapsed due to different approaches to preserving independence by the three countries. Azerbaijan tried to unite with Turkey, Georgia with Germany,while Armenia counted on the White movement Russians (led by General Denikin). Each of the three countries formed separate independent republics and one of them was the First Republic of Armenia. Germany and Turkey lost the First World War soon after but Caucasia was first attacked from the north by the White General Anton Denikin, who was supported by England and France. And later (in 1920) the country was invaded by the Bolsheviks. The Bolsheviks, thanks to the military might of the Red Army, overthrew the independent governments of those republics one by one. Subsequently, they introduced their own governments and annexed the countries into the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (RSFSR). The RSFSR signed the Treaty of Brotherhood with Turkey on the 16th of March 1921, which was mainly directed against Great Britain and France. In order to realize this alliance, Russia and Turkey divided between themselves the Armenianlands.
7
Khaziev, R. A. « Great Russian Revolution : financial metamorphosis in 1917-beginning of 1921 ». Rossiiskii Gumanitarnyi Zhurnal 6, no 5 (2017) : 409. http://dx.doi.org/10.15643/libartrus-2017.5.6.
Texte intégral
8
Kiryanov, I. K. « VESTIMENTARY CODES OF POWER IN THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION OF 1917-1921 ». Вестник Пермского университета. История, no 1(40) (2018) : 159–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2219-3111-2018-1-159-164.
Texte intégral
9
Kotendzhy, E. « UKRAINIAN REVOLUTION OF XX–XXI CENTURIES : HISTORICAL AND LEGAL COMPARATIVE STUDY ». Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Legal Studies, no 112 (2020) : 32–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2195/2020/1.112-6.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The paper analyses the revolutionary events of XX–XXI centuries in Ukraine, in particular, the prerequisites, causes, and consequences of social, political and economic nature, the historical, political and legal experience of the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917–1921, the Orange Revolution of 2004 and the Dignity Revolution of 2014. By carrying out a comparative legal analysis the author comes to the conclusion that the above mentioned processes are characterized not only by the same goal, the basis of which is the idea of social and national liberation, but also by such concepts as human centrism, their anti-imperial, national, and state orientations. On the other hand, attention is also focused on the distinctive features of the revolutions mentioned, such as different external and internal political circumstances behind them and the international legal reaction to the revolutionary events that took place in our country. Thus, the article outlines the challenges of today's Ukrainian humanities through the prism of an average human being's role in the revolutionary process in Soviet times, identifies the impact of these phenomena on the individual, makes an attempt to find common features of political and legal reaction to such events from both Ukrainian society and the ruling circles of some neighboring states. The paper proves the complete scientific inability of a number of Russian imperial myths, namely the desire to present Russian-Ukrainian conflicts as "civil wars", the attempts of Russian historiography to "incorporate" the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917–1921 into the all-Russian revolutionary process, the desire to characterize the 2014 Revolution of Dignity as a "coup d'etat", etc. On the basis of the comparative analysis, the author explains why the Ukrainian state as a geopolitical reality could not happen during the revolution in the beginning of twentieth century, in contrast to the events of presence, when modern post-revolutionary Ukraine managed to withstand the struggle against the Russian occupation forces and once again avoided the tragic consequences that came to our land after the occupation.
10
Pavlenko, S. S. « The Ukrainian Revolution and contacts with Japan (1917–1921) ». Modern Studies in German History 49, no 49 (11 janvier 2024) : 133–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/312312.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Japan did not maintain a stable relationship with the Ukrainian governments during the revolutionary years. We can only speak of isolated instances where both sides showed interest in each other. It was the Japanese side that initiated the initial contact. In the summer of 1917, Hitoshi Ashida, an attaché of the Japanese Embassy in the Russian Empire, and in the autumn, Takayanagi Yasutaro, a military observer in the Russian Empire’s army, visited Kyiv. However, any official contact between Kyiv and Tokyo became impossible after the signing of the Brest- Litovsk Treaty. In the following year, Borys Voblyy attempted to serve as a representative of Ukraine in Japan. During this period, the White Army garnered significant attention from Japan, and a Japanese representative was present in Crimea and Odesa between 1919 and 1920. Despite this, they did not engage in direct communication with Ukrainian political forces. However, a representative from Sevastopol sent various reports to the Japanese capital, including information about Ukrainian events. The Tokyo government diligently researched all events and conflicts between different political forces but refrained from active participation. In the years 1920–1921, Ukrainian diplomats sought to use Japan as an intermediary to bolster their foreign policy position. They transmitted several diplomatic notes to the Tokyo government through the Japanese embassy in Rome. Regrettably, these efforts did not yield any tangible results. This situation was closely tied to the primary foreign policy objectives of both governments. Japan’s focus was primarily on the Far Eastern region, and it refrained from active involvement in European affairs. Meanwhile, Ukrainian governments were primarily concerned with establishing relations with Eastern countries.
11
Bilous, Larysa. « Re-thinking the Revolution in Ukraine : The Jewish Experience, 1917–1921 ». Slavic Review 78, no 4 (2019) : 949–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2019.254.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article examines how the Jewish experience can change the larger picture of revolution and war in Ukraine and conventional history of “the Russian Revolution.” The case study of Kyiv's Jewish community shows that its creation as an imagined community and development in 1917 was in fact made possible by the war, which served as a catalyst for social development. The interethnic relationships in revolutionary Ukraine were built on the legacy and foundation of prewar tensions, which were reinforced by the ethnicization of politics brought by the war. The collapse of the Russian empire, the rise of nation-states, the emergence of a new order, which was neither known nor universally welcomed, pushed people to transgress old boundaries of social behavior, leading to mass violence in 1919 and 1920.
12
Yasakova, N. « CHANGING SEMATICS OF THE ADJECTIVE "UKRAINIAN" DURING THE UKRAINIAN REVOLUTION OF 1917–1921 ». Вісник Житомирського державного університету імені Івана Франка. Філологічні науки, no 3(98) (23 décembre 2022) : 217–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.35433/philology.3(98).2022.217-228.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article presents consideration of the sematic characteristics of the adjective "Ukrainian" that was changing during the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917–1921. The uses of this lexical unit selected from the journal records of Ye. Chykalenko and V. Vynnychenko served as a material of the study. The article marks an increase of semantic compatibility of the adjective "Ukrainian" as compared to the texts describing events in the Russian Empire in the early 20th century. During the Ukrainian Revolution the adjective developed the ability to characterize the State and its institutions and was combined with the lexical units that demonstrated significance of separation from the Empire (independent, national, sovereign). Its synonyms expressing imperial attitude to the Ukrainian that existed in the Russian Empire’s public discourse in the early 20th century became irrelevant. At the same time the antonymous pair "Ukrainian – Little Russian" revealed an opposition of the truly Ukrainian and the colonial, associated with the imperial vision. The events of the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917–1921 resulted in anchoring in the native speakers’ minds of a new cognitive model structures verbalized by the adjective "Ukrainian". This naming unit changed its status in the language code – transferred to the political category. Transition to the political status occurred by overcoming semantic restrictions specific to the nomens designating colonized peoples, disruption of semantic relations with the lexical units of the imperial discourse, and by opposing the inherent and imperial vision of the Ukrainian.
13
Ruslan, Mamarajabov. « FEATURES OF MODERN RUSSIAN MASS LITERATURE ». European International Journal of Multidisciplinary Research and Management Studies 02, no 11 (1 novembre 2022) : 163–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.55640/eijmrms-02-11-38.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Well into the 20th century, Russian literature was an important forum for societal self-understanding. This function, however, was lost during the First World War. Revolution and civil war completed the transformation of the literary establishment, although another brief flowering followed in the 1920s. The chronological pattern of Russian literature at the beginning of the 20th century is mostly oriented towards the diverse movements, groups, and schools. Although some structures persisted in part into the years after 1917, they did not prove resistant to the political, social, economic, and cultural upheavals triggered by the war. Analogously, the authors changed not only their view of the world, but also their subjects and means of expression. For this reason, the war as an historical context of literary creation (with the decisive years of 1904/05, 1913/14 to 1917/18, and 1921/22) moves to the centre, including its interrelationship with the global revolutionary undercurrent of the time.
14
Kosykh, Oksana Ivanovna, et Nina Nikolaevna Badaeva. « LAND RELATIONS IN THE RUSSIAN VILLAGE DURING THE AGRARIAN REVOLUTION (1917-1921) ». Bulletin Social-Economic and Humanitarian Research, no 11 (2021) : 86–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.52270/26585561_2021_11_13_86.
Texte intégral
15
Foglesong, David S., et Georg Schild. « Between Ideology and Realpolitik : Woodrow Wilson and the Russian Revolution, 1917-1921. » Journal of American History 83, no 3 (décembre 1996) : 1052. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2945737.
Texte intégral
16
Verstiuk, Vladyslav. « The Bolshevik Expansion and Occupation of Ukraine (December 1917 – February 1918) ». Use and Abuse of History. Russia and Frauds 2, no 2 (1 février 2023) : 118–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.54881/211bevv.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article presents an overview of the background and course of the first of four Russian-Ukrainian wars during the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917–1921: the war unleashed by the Russian Bolsheviks in late 1917. The author shares the story of the Bolsheviks’ political manipulations which preceded the military invasion; he talks of the Bolsheviks’ public hypocrisy, which combined recognition of the right of nations to self-determination with unacceptable demands of Ukrainians. The Bolshevik strategy was to portray the attack on the Ukrainian People’s Republic as an internal Ukrainian conflict – the struggle of the “proletariat” against the “bourgeois Central Council”. It examines the process of creating a puppet Soviet government of Ukraine, under the cover of which troops from Russia led the occupation of the republic, with the emphasis put on the theme of “red terror” that was widely used by the Bolsheviks during the war. Then attention is drawn to the similarity of approaches to warfare in contemporary Russia of today and a century ago
17
Yekelchyk, Serhy. « Searching for the Ukrainian Revolution ». Slavic Review 78, no 4 (2019) : 942–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2019.253.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article discusses the possible ways of conceptualizing the revolutionary and nation-building struggles in the Ukrainian lands between 1917 and 1921. The author argues that these processes, which stemmed from the collapse of two European empires, display features not easily accommodated within the traditional interpretive model of the “Russian Revolution.” In comparison, the Ukrainian concept of “national-liberation struggle” is too reductionist and teleological. The term “Ukrainian Revolution,” which was widely used by the participants of these events, is better suited for an inclusive analysis of this period that emphasizes the significance of the national factor without ignoring the others. Rather than “nationalizing” the story of the Revolution, such an approach highlights the transnational dimensions of the Ukrainian question.
18
Damier, Vadim. « Russian Revolution and the Korean Partisan Movement in far East ». Latin-American Historical Almanac 40, no 1 (24 novembre 2023) : 62–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2023-40-1-62-88.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Great Russian Revolution of 1917-1921 not only gave impetus to the movement for the liberation of Korea from the colonial rule of Japan, but also created a situation in which Koreans living on the territory of the former Russian Empire had to determine their side in the unfolding grandiose cofrontation of the blazing civil war. Under these conditions, Korean partisan detachments of various ideological orientations appeared in the Russian Far East. Most of them took an active part in the fight against foreign invaders and White Guards. However, the vicissitudes of the development of the Korean partisan movement in the region turned out to be very tortuous and contradictory. They were influenced by both the situation and evolution of the Korean independence movement, as well as acute ideological and political contradictions within the emerging Korean leftist movement. The article examines the mutual influence of conflicts within the Russian and Korean leftist movements in 1918-1922.
19
Kojevnikov, Alexei. « The Great War, the Russian Civil War, and the Invention of Big Science ». Science in Context 15, no 2 (juin 2002) : 239–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889702000443.
Texte intégralRésumé :
ArgumentThe revolutionary transformation in Russian science toward the Soviet model of research started even before the revolution of 1917. It was triggered by the crisis of World War I, in response to which Russian academics proposed radical changes in the goals and infrastructure of the country’s scientific effort. Their drafts envisioned the recognition of science as a profession separate from teaching, the creation of research institutes, and the turn toward practical, applied research linked to the military and industrial needs of the nation. The political revolution and especially the Bolshevik government that shared or appropriated many of the same views on science, helped these reforms materialize during the subsequent Civil War. By 1921, the foundation of a novel system of research and development became established, which in its most essential characteristics was similar to the U.S. later phenomenon known as “big science.”
20
Stanojević, Valentina. « The work of architect Victor Lukomsky in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes / Yugoslavia (1884-1947) ». Nasledje, no 21 (2020) : 39–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/nasledje2021039s.
Texte intégralRésumé :
A large number of Russian architects came to the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes as emigrants in the aftermath of the October Revolution (1917-1921), in the late second and early third decade of the 20th century. Among them was Victor Lukomsky, one of the most prolific Russian emigrant architects. Despite its extraordinary significance, the work of architect Victor Lukomsky (1884-1947) has not been comprehensively understood in contemporary cultural historiography. Therefore, this paper is an attempt to shed light and present details on his activities in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes / Yugoslavia to the professionals and highlight its importance, thus encouraging further research and interpretation of the contribution of Russian emigrants to the Serbian interwar architecture.
21
Bosak, Edgar. « VECTORS OF MODERN POLISH-UKRAINIAN COOPERATION IN CINEMATOGRAPHY ». Scientific Herald of Uzhhorod University. Series : History, no 1 (48) (11 juin 2023) : 40–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2523-4498.1(48).2023.280214.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article is devoted to the importance of modern cinematography in the development of Polish-Ukrainian cultural cooperation. Attention is drawn to the special features of cinematography, which make it an important mediator for the transmission of important socio-political narratives. The main thematic vectors of modern Polish-Ukrainian cinematography are analyzed in the chronological sequence of historical events. The main thematic areas are defined as: the era of the Cossacks, the liberation struggle of the Ukrainian people of 1917 – 1921, the events of the Second World War, the «Volyn tragedy», the Revolution of Dignity and the modern Russian-Ukrainian war. The article provides examples of Polish-Ukrainian cooperation in cinematography: the involvement of Polish and Ukrainian actors in one film, the cooperation of Polish and Ukrainian directors, the creation of feature films by Ukrainian directors with the support of Polish cultural institutions, and the introduction of these films by the Polish public at cinema festivals. Attention is drawn to the peculiarities of each topic. In particular, films about the Cossack era have noticeable differences in interpretation, which is caused by the still existing differences in Polish and Ukrainian historiography regarding the figure of B. Khmelnytskyi and the Cossacks in general. The subject of 1917 – 1921 is revealed rather weakly, and the main event around which discussions take place is the Union «Pilsudskyi-Petlyura» (Warsaw Treaty of 1920). Perhaps the most irritating and dangerous for Polish-Ukrainian relations is the topic of the «Volyn Tragedy», which has a special significance in the historical memory of the Polish and Ukrainian peoples. For the most part, films on this topic are documentaries based on the memories of eyewitnesses. A new phenomenon are feature films on the topic of the Revolution of Dignity and the modern Russian-Ukrainian war. First of all, they are designed to counteract Russian propaganda, to acquaint the Polish public with the true intentions of Russia, and to draw the attention of the world community to this problem.
22
Noordegraaf, Herman. « Nu daagt het in het Oosten : De Bond van Christen-Socialisten en de Russische revolutie (1917-1921) ». DNK : Documentatieblad voor de Nederlandse kerkgeschiedenis na 1800 43, no 93 (1 décembre 2020) : 135–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/dnk2020.93.003.noor.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract The Russian Revolution of 1917 evoked a lot of enthusiasm within revolutionary groups in the Netherlands. Here they saw for the first time in history the building up of a real socialist society. One of these was the League of Christian-Socialists (Bond van Christen-Socialisten), that was founded in 1907. Though the League welcomed the Russian Revolution there was also discussion, especially about the use of violence by the Bolsheviks. Three different groups came into being: those who rejected the use of violence (main representatives Truus Kruyt-Hogerzeil and Bart de Ligt), those who judged the use of violence in this situation acceptable (Anke van der Vlies), and the group that considered itself as Christian Bolsheviks (John William Kruyt). Their views are described and also the close connection between Kruyt as Member of Parliament (1918-1922) and the Communist Party. The different views were a main factor in the disintegration of the League that was dissolved in 1921.
23
Опацький, Ігор. « ВСТАНОВЛЕННЯ ОКУПАЦІЙНОЇ БІЛЬШОВИЦЬКОЇ ВЛАДИ НА УМАНЩИНІ (ЗА МАТЕРІАЛАМИ EGO-ДОКУМЕНТІВ) ». Уманська старовина, no 9 (23 décembre 2022) : 90–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.31499/2519-2035.9.2022.269880.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Ключові слова: Уманщина, Петро Курінний, Олександра Крамаренко (Ісаєва), окупація, більшовицькавлада, революція 1917-1921 рр.
У статті досліджується питання встановлення окупаційної більшовицької влади на Уманщині в 1918– 1919 рр. Автор здійснив аналіз ego-документів уманців, у яких відображено сприйняття населеннямУманщини приходу нової влади та показано насильницький характер встановлення окупаційної влади наУманщині. Автором проаналізував щоденникові записи відомого уманського адвоката, учасника громадівськогоруху, кооперативного діяча Петра Федоровича Курінного (1852 – 1931) та спогади дружини лікаря,громадського діяча Юрія Львовича Крамаренка – Олександри Олександрівни Крамаренко (Ісаєвої). Наведеніфакти дають змогу стверджувати, що ця влада для мешканців краю була окупаційною (незважаючи навіть нате, що одним з її очільників був уманець Ізраїль Кулик).
Посилання
Posadskі, 2019 – Posadski A. Umanshhina v 1918 – 1919 gg.: vojna, nastroeniya, zhiznennaya stojkost [Umanshchinain 1918 - 1919: war, moods, vitality] // Historia i Świat. 2019.№ 8. P. 163-182 [in Ukrainian].Dudnyk, 2008 – Dudnyk O. V. Natsionalno-demokratychni peretvorennia na pivdni Kyivshchyny v revoliutsiinu dobu(berezen 1917 – 1920 rr.) [Natsionalno-demokratychni peretvorennia na pivdni Kyivshchyny v revoliutsiinu dobu(berezen 1917 – 1920 rr.)]. Uman: SPD Sochinskyi, 2008. 248 s. [in Ukrainian].Dudnyk, 2019 – Dudnyk. O. V. Memuary yak dzherelo do istorii Umanshchyny doby Ukrainskoi revoliutsii (1917-1921rr.) [Memoirs as a source for the history of Umanshchyna during the Ukrainian Revolution (1917-1921)] // Umanskastarovyna. 2019. № 6. S. 134-142 [in Ukrainian].Kramarenko – Fondy UKM. A. A. Kramarenko. Vospomynayia. Chast II. [Memoirs. Part II] (Uman). 604 s.[in Russian].Kulchytskyi, 2018 - Kulchytskyi S. Zasadnyche pytannia bez emotsii. Chy bula radianska vlada v Ukrainiokupatsiinoiu?[ A basic question without emotions. Was the Soviet government in Ukraine an occupation?]// Den.2018. № 51-52. 23 bereznia [in Ukrainian].Kulchytskyi, 2013 – Kulchytskyi S. Chervonyi vyklyk. Istoriia komunizmu v Ukraini vid yoho narodzhennia dozahybeli. Kn. 1 [Red challenge. The history of communism in Ukraine from its birth to its demise. Book 1]. K.:Tempora, 2013. 504 s. [in Ukrainian].Liubovets, 2010 – Liubovets N. I. Vyvchennia memuariv yak istorychnoho i biohrafichnoho dzherela: do istoriohrafiiproblemy / Ukrainska biohrafistyka. 2010. Vyp. 7. S. 66–104. [Study of memoirs as a historical and biographicalsource: the historiography of the problem]. К., 2010. S. 66–104 [in Ukrainian].Pyrih, 2009 – Pyrih R.Ia. Memuary suchasnykiv yak dzherelo z istorii Ukrainskoi revoliutsii 1917–1921 rokiv[Memoirs of contemporaries as a source of the history of the Ukrainian revolution of 1917–1921] // Problemyvyvchennia istorii Ukrainskoi revoliutsii 1917-1921 rokiv. K.: Instytut istorii Ukrainy NAN Ukrainy, 2009. Vyp. 4. S.31-58 [in Ukrainian].Piskun, 2019 – Piskun V., Davydiuk V. Shchodennyky ukrainskoho selianyna Petra Fedorovycha Kurinnoho. 1919 rik[The diaries of the Ukrainian peasant P. F. Kurinnyi]. Kyiv, «Vydavnytstvo Liudmyla», 2019. 444 s. [in Ukrainian].Uman i umanchany, 2013 – Uman i umanchany ochyma P. F. Kurinnoho [Uman and Uman residents through the eyesof P. F. Kurinnyi] / Uklad. Yu. V. Torhalo / Uman: VPC «Vizavi», 2013. 344 s. [in Ukrainian].Uman i umanchany, 2014 – Uman i umanchany ochyma P. F. Kurinnoho [Uman and Uman residents through the eyesof P. F. Kurinnyi] / Uklad. Yu. V. Torhalo / Uman: Vydavets «Sochinskyi», 2014. 428 s. [in Ukrainian].
24
Khomenko, Oleksandr, et Bohdan Skopnenko. « “Kiev Citizen” Movie by T. Levchuk : Ukrainian Revolution of 1917—1921 in the Ukrainian Soviet Cinematography ». Ukrainian Studies, no 2(79) (3 août 2021) : 136–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.30840/2413-7065.2(79).2021.234515.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Cinematography is one of those unique cultural phenomena, whose history has always attracted historians’ interest. In the 20th century, this phenomenon did not only determine the direction of cultural transformations development but also impacted the formation of ideologies and political regimes. Today this topic is especially relevant considering the fact that the propaganda methods, intrinsic of dictatorship systems, namely the Soviet totalitarian regime, are actively used by the antidemocratic Russian power for achieving its political goals. The special interest in the context of the “hybrid warfare” which is currently going on between Russia and Ukraine, causes the construction in the Soviet period cinematography of the image of a “Ukrainian bourgeois nationalist” as the instrumental technologies of ideological manipulations used in such movies proved their effectiveness for shaping the outlook of a “new Russian citizen”. Such phenomenon, especially in the 20th century, determined not only the direction of aesthetic transformations of cultural development but also had an impact on the formation of ideologies and strengthening of political regimes. This topic is relevant because the methods of propaganda that were actively used by totalitarian regimes (including the Soviet totalitarian one) are now actively applied by the undemocratic Russian regime to achieve political goals. The construction of the image of the "Ukrainian bourgeois nationalist" in the Soviet cinema constitutes special interest in the context of today’s Russia’s "hybrid warfare" against Ukraine. The instrumental technologies of ideological manipulation used in the creation of films have shown their effectiveness in shaping the worldview of the “new Soviet man.” Forms of this type of consciousness still continue to influence the political choices of many citizens of our state. The film “Kiev Citizen”, studied in the article, was created in 1958 by Ukrainian Soviet film director T. Levchuk at Kyiv O. Dovzhenko Studio. This film is a classic example of ideologically biased film production. Using this movie, we can observe technological principles and constructive models of falsification of the 20th–century history of Ukraine by the Soviet regime, in particular the events of the Ukrainian revolution of 1917–1921. In the film “Kiev Citizen”, the events of the Ukrainian revolution of 1917–1921 were falsified in order to illustrate the audience the Soviet version of the history of Ukraine and the events connected with the seizure of power by the Bolsheviks. Soviet propaganda tried to form in this way the audience loyal to the “Soviet empire” type of psychological perception of reality. In particular, the facts related to the Bolsheviks’ attempt to seize power in Kyiv in October 1917, the battles for the Arsenal plant in January 1918, and the conclusion of a peace treaty between the Ukrainian People’s Republic and Germany were falsified.
25
Kuras, Leonid V., et Bazar D. Tsybenov. « От Уполномоченного императорского российского правительства в Монголии И. Я. Коростовца до Уполномоченного НКИД РСФСР в Монголии О. И. Макстенека : к 100-летию российско-монгольских дипломатических отношений ». Монголоведение (Монгол судлал) 13, no 2 (30 novembre 2021) : 351–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2500-1523-2021-2-351-365.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Introduction. An urgent issue of Mongolian studies today is the role of Russian-Mongolian diplomatic relations in promoting the statehood of Mongolia in the first quarter of the twentieth century. The revolutionalry movement in Inner Asia, in particular, and the social-political history of modern Mongolia, in general, are closely associated with the efforts of Russian diplomacy and, especially, with a number of diplomats who greatly contributed to the promotion of Mongolian direction of the Russian politics in the East. The aim of the present article is the study of the activities of Russian diplomats, namely I. Ya. Korostovets, the Plenipotentiary of the Imperial Russian Government in Mongolia, and O. I. Makstenek, the Representative of the People’s Commissariat of Foreign Affairs of the RSFSR in Mongolia. Accordingly, the research has been conducted along the following lines: i) history of the issue, ii) examination of 1912 Russian-Mongolian agreement, iii) description of the events in Outer Mongolia between 1917 and 1920, and iv) analysis of Makstenek’s report as a source on the history of Mongolian Revolution of 1921 and the Soviet-Chinese relations. Conclusions.Both Korostovets, on behalf of the Russian Imperial Government, and Makstenek, on behalf of the RSFSR, played a significant role in establishing the regional system of international relations in the Baikal region. The 1912 Russian-Mongolian Agreement, which was in fact the result of Korostovets’ efforts, was instrumental in promoting Mongolia as a subject of international law and in initiating the movement of Mongolians to their de facto and de jure independence from China. Makstenek’s report shows much effort the Soviet diplomat took in preparing the Mongolian Revolution of 1921. Besides receiving and delegating Mongolian revolutionaries to Soviet Russia, taking an active part in preparations to the First Congress of the Mongolian People’s Revolutionary Party and in the formation of military detachments of Mongolian People’s Revolutionary Army, Makstenek conducted negotiations with the Chinese authorities in Urga and Maimachen, i.e. in fact initiated the diplomatic proceedings designed to prepare the presence of Soviet troops in Mongolia.
26
BEER, DANIEL. « RUSSIA IN THE AGE OF WAR AND REVOLUTION, 1880–1940 ». Historical Journal 47, no 4 (29 novembre 2004) : 1055–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x04004108.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The alcoholic empire: vodka and politics in late Imperial Russia. By Patricia Herlihy. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002. Pp. vi+244. ISBN 0-19-513431-1. £25.00.Nikolai Sukhanov: chronicler of the Russian Revolution. By Israel Getzler. Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2002. Pp. xix+226. ISBN 0-333-97035-7. £45.00.Making war, forging revolution: Russia's continuum of crisis, 1914–1921. By Peter Holquist. Cambridge, MA, and London: Harvard University Press, 2002. Pp. xi+359. ISBN 0-674-00907-X. £29.95.The Russian Civil War: primary sources. Edited by A. B. Murphy. Basingstoke: Macmillan Press, 2000. Pp. xviii+274. ISBN 0-333-77013-7. £45.00.Homosexual desire in revolutionary Russia: the regulation of sexual and gender dissent. By Dan Healey. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2001. Pp. xvi+392. ISBN 0-226-32233-5. £25.00.These five volumes under review each address different aspects of Russia's experience of modernization and revolution from the 1880s to the 1930s. Our understanding of the scale and complex nature of the changes wrought during these years has been immeasurably enriched by two important factors: first, the recent opening of the former Soviet archives and the detailed case studies that their contents have facilitated; secondly, a mounting reluctance to see 1917 as a radical break with the past and hence an increasing tendency to reinsert the Revolution into a broader series of dynamic and momentous changes that rocked Russia during the period. The rapid expansion of cultural history in the discipline has prompted many scholars to rethink central features of the revolutionary period and to open up new fields of study. Over the last decade, attention has turned to the dynamism and diversity of late tsarist and early Soviet culture embracing topics as wide-ranging as crime, popular religion, the natural and social sciences, and representations of sex.1 Another recent focus has been the experience of conflict across the years of the Revolution and Civil War and its impact on prospects for democracy in Russia.2 The rise to prominence in the historiography of the term ‘modernity’ is an obvious feature of a more comparative analytical framework that has sought to re-insert Russia's revolutionary experience into a pan-European perspective.
27
Khomenko, Oleksandr, et Bohdan Skopnenko. « Ukrainian Revolution of 1917—1921 in the Propaganda Discourse of the Russian Bolshevism : Tymofii Levchuk’s Film “A Kyiv Citizen” (1958) ». Ukrainian Studies, no 3(80) (28 octobre 2021) : 151–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.30840/2413-7065.3(80).2021.241993.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The history of cinema is one of those unique cultural phenomena, which constantly attracts the attention of researchers. This phenomenon, especially in the 20th century, determined not only the direction of aesthetic transformations of the cultural development but also had an impact on the formation of ideologies and the strengthening of political regimes. This topic is relevant because the methods of propaganda that were actively used by totalitarian regimes (including the Soviet totalitarian rule) are now actively used by the undemocratic Russian administration to achieve political goals. The construction of the “Ukrainian bourgeois nationalist” image in Soviet cinema is of special interest in the context of Russia's “hybrid warfare” against Ukraine, which continues today. The instrumental technologies of ideological manipulation used in the creation of films have shown their effectiveness in shaping the worldview of the “new Soviet man”. Forms of this type of consciousness still continue to influence the political choices of many citizens of our state. The film “A Kyiv Citizen”, studied in the article, was created in 1958 by the Ukrainian Soviet film director T. Levchuk at the Kyiv O. Dovzhenko Studio. The film is a classic example of the ideologically biased film production. On the example of this film, we can observe technological principles and constructive models used by the Soviet regime to falsify the history of Ukraine in the 20th century, in particular the events of the Ukrainian revolution of 1917–1921. In the film “A Kyiv Citizen”, the events of the Ukrainian revolution of 1917–1921 were counterfeited in order to illustrate to the audience the Soviet version of the history of Ukraine and the events related to the seizure of power by the Bolsheviks. In such a way, the Soviet propaganda tried to form in the viewer a type of psychological perception of reality loyal to the “Soviet empire”. In particular, the facts related to the Bolsheviks' attempt to seize power in Kyiv in October 1917, the battles for the Arsenal plant in January 1918, and the conclusion of a peace treaty between the Ukrainian People's Republic and Germany were falsified.
28
Mytrofanenko, Yurii. « Katerynoslav's conscious Ukrainianness in the context of the problem of national identity and historical memory of 1917-1919 ». Universum Historiae et Archeologiae 5, no 1-2 (30 décembre 2022) : 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/26220508.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article analyzes the events of participation of Ukrainian lovers of Ekaterislav region in the process of restoring national identity, related to overcoming amnesia of historical memory in the Ukrainian National Democratic Revolution of 1917–1921. Formulation problem. Chronological framework of the study March 1917 – end of January 1919 due to That it was during this period that various forms of Ukrainian statehood (Central Rada, Hetmanate, Directory) operated in Katerynoslav with a short break due to the seizure of power by the Bolsheviks (January 1918 – March 1918). The aim of research to this era was the most favorable for the restoration of historical memory, which influenced the development of the national identity of the inhabitants of the industrial Russified Katerynoslav, who had Cossack Ukrainian roots. Conscious Ukrainianness of Katerynoslav played an important role in the processes of revival of the Ukrainian nation in Katerynoslav. The main results. The article notes that the decisions of the Ukrainian National Congress of Katerynoslav in 1917 had a significant impact on the processes of national revival in Ekaterinoslav during 1917–1919; organization of Free Cossack detachments and their participation in repelling Bolshevik aggression in December 1917 – early 1918. During the Hetmanate, the Council of the Union of Democrat Farmers in Katerynoslav, headed by Dmytro. In 1919 The Council of Ukrainian Teachers in Katerynoslav not only initiated the renaming of Katerynoslav, but also called on representatives of other Ukrainian cities to get rid of Russian imperial markers. During 1917–1919, the conscious Ukrainianness of Katerynoslav played an important role in the revival of Ukrainian national identity in the Katerynoslav region, which had important practical results in defending the region from Russian occupiers. D. Yavornytsky, V. Bidnov, M. Omelyanovych-Pavlenko, Agapit, and the Sparrow Brothers played an important role in these processes. The author uses the methodology of microhistory and biography, a regional approach, associated with little-known episodes of the life of D. I. Yavornytsky. Concise conclusions and practical meaning. The influence of the Ekaterinoslav pro-Ukrainian intelligentsia on the processes of restoration of Ukrainian national identity and historical memory during the Ukrainian revolution of 1917–1921 has been established. The author interprets little-known sources and introduces into scientific circulation new documents that reveal little-known episodes of D. Yavonytsky's activity during the Hetmanate. The study is based on a variety of sources of different origins documents : normative documents, ego-sources and materials of the press. Ekaterinoslavshchina. Scientific novelty and originality. The author highlights the events of the Ukrainian Revolution, which are not well known enough for the life of Ukrainian-loving Katerynoslav. Some sources are introduced for the first time with analytical author's interpretation. Scientific novelty and main results are the introduction into scientific circulation of unknown or insufficiently known documents, analysis and interpretation of documents insufficiently processed by researchers. The type of article: research article.
29
Vladimir B., Lobanov. « The political elite of the North Caucasus during the revolution and civil war : plans and implemen-tation of political concepts ». Kavkazologiya 2023, no 1 (30 mars 2023) : 70–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.31143/2542-212x-2023-1-70-78.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article handles the problems associated with modern Russian historiography devoted to the Revolution and the Civil War on the territory of the Terek and Dagestan regions in 1917-1921. Some argue the post-Soviet period provided Russian historians with a unique opportunity to ex-plore previously little-studied topics related to administrative-territorial and national-state chang-es in the Terek-Dagestan region, with the history of the Cossacks and their participation in the an-ti-Bolshevik movement on the Terek. Historians also pay close attention to the study of issues re-lated to the activities of the mountain liberal social movement, the influence of Islamists on revo-lutionary events in the region. It is concluded that the Russian historiography of the revolutionary period in the North Caucasus is experiencing a flourishing period; this topic attracts the attention of not only North Caucasian historians but also researchers from St. Petersburg, Moscow, Yekate-rinburg.
30
Emelyanova, Elena A. « Rumyantsev Museum and Its Library : Controversy, Reorganization, Disbandment (1917—1921) ». Bibliotekovedenie [Russian Journal of Library Science] 71, no 6 (15 février 2023) : 561–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.25281/0869-608x-2022-71-6-561-574.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In 2022, the Russian State Library (RSL) celebrates the 160th anniversary of the Rumyantsev Museum, which has changed its status and official name several times throughout its history (after the February Revolution of 1917 — the State Rumyantsev Museum). The article considers the internal processes that took place in the Museum at the beginning of the 20th century, which resulted in its disbandment in 1918—1921 and the formation of the main library of the country based on its book holdings. This determines the scientific novelty of the study, which for the first time raises questions about the causes of these events. The source base of the research is the materials of the RSL Archive. For the first time, the author introduces into scientific circulation the official notes of employees, designed to make the necessary changes to get out of the critical situation in which the largest cultural centre of Moscow turned out to be before 1917 and in the post-revolutionary period. The presented notes were written by two groups of specialists of the museum, who proposed divergent ways of its further existence. Some of the staff considered it necessary to preserve the integrity of the museum and its further development. Another group insisted on the separation of the library from the museum and on its obtaining the status of an independent institution. For the first time, the article also introduces into scientific circulation the archival documents of the “Minutes Meetings of the Scientific Council” (later the Collegium) of the State Rumyantsev Museum, covering the stages of making decision on the disbandment and further transfer of the monuments of the museum’s branches to other institutions throughout the country. The documents from the RSL Archive reflect the controversy on this issue. In the wake of social changes, the internal museum disputes have gone beyond its borders. When discussing projects, representatives of the central libraries and the new Government spoke out in support of transformation. The process of finding the way out of the crisis situation led to the disbandment of the State Rumyantsev Museum and the formation of the All-Union Public Library named after V.I. Lenin (then, the V.I. Lenin State Library of the USSR, and nowadays the Russian State Library) based on its book collections.
31
Lityński, Adam. « GEORGIAN ATTEMPTS TO BECOME INDEPENDENT. 100TH ANNIVERSARY OF DECLARATION OF DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF GEORGIA (1918) ». Roczniki Administracji i Prawa 1, no XVIII (30 juin 2018) : 109–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.5989.
Texte intégralRésumé :
After February Revolution of 1917 in Russia, the nations of the previous Russian Imperium began their efforts to get their independency, among them were three nations of Transcaucasia: Armenians (Armenia), Azeris (Azerbaijan), Georgians (Georgia). After the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk of 3rd March 1918, Bolshevik Russia in reality handed over the territory of Transcaucasia to Germans and Turks. Especially Turkey became aggressive and expansive. Armenia together with Azerbaijan and then together with Georgia set up Trans-caucasian Federal Democratic Republic which collapsed soon. There were significant discrepancies among the nations. Azerbaijan wanted to get union with Turkey, but Georgia preferred Germany and Armenia counted on “white” Russia (ge¬neral Denikin). Each of these three countries set up own independent republics, among other Democratic Republic of Georgia. Soon Germany and Turkey lost the First World War, but north Caucasus was attacked by troops of General Denikin supported by England and France. Later on, in 1920, Bolsheviks entered this territory. The Red Army of Bolsheviks conquered each of the independent republics one by one, set up own governments and in¬corporated the territories into Russian Socialistic Federal Soviet Republic [RSFSR]. On 16 March 1921, RSFSR signed friendship agreement with Turkey. As a result of this agreement, Russia and Turkey divided the territory of Transcaucasian between them.
32
Gapeyeva, Olga. « The phenomenon of the Ukrainian revolution of 1917-1921 in awareness-raising activities of the Russian Federation ». Skhid, no 1(147) (31 mars 2017) : 53–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.21847/1728-9343.2017.1(147).94140.
Texte intégral
33
Lessa, Mônica Leite. « Menezes, Lená Medeiros de. Tramas do Mal - Imprensa e Discursos de Combate - A Revolução (1917-1921). Editora Ayran, 2019, 306p. ISBN 978-65-80699-00-1 ». Mural Internacional 12 (24 mai 2021) : e59953. http://dx.doi.org/10.12957/rmi.2021.59953.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Lená Medeiros de Menezes analisa os primórdios da guerra cultural midiática movida pelos Estados Unidos contra a Revolução Russa apontando os principais discursos circulantes, o papel das agências de notícias internacionais e o alcance desse combate político-ideológico na imprensa carioca.Palavras-chave: Revolução Russa, Imprensa, Guerra Cultural, Anticomunismo.ABSTRACTLená Medeiros de Menezes analyzes the beginnings of the media cultural war agede by the United States against the Russian Revolution, pointing out the main circulating speeches, the role of international news agencies and the scoope of this political-ideological struggle in the Rio de Janeiro press.Keywords: Russian Revolution, Medias, Cultural War, Anti-communism. Recebido em: 16 abr. 2021 | Aceito em: 21 mai. 2021.
34
Hridina, Anastasia, et Nadiya Temirova. « The Problem of Building the Armed Forces in the Memoirs of Contemporaries of the Ukrainian Revolution in 1917-1921 ». Scientific Papers of the Vinnytsia Mykhailo Kotsiubynskyi State Pedagogical University. Series : History, no 40 (juin 2022) : 131–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.31652/2411-2143-2022-40-131-138.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The aim of the article is to analyze the memoirs of contemporaries and direct participants in the revolutionary events in 1917-1921. Attention is focused on the process of formation of the Ukrainian Armed Forces - the mainstay of the Ukrainian Central Council. The memoirs of active participants of the national Ukrainian movement - V. Vynnychenko, M. Hrushevsky, D. Doroshenko are taken as a basis. Memoirs of representatives of other camps of revolutionary competitions - the white movement of I. Mazepa, A. Denikin, the Bolshevik camp - E. Bosch, V. Atonov-Ovsienko were studied for a more objective coverage of the research topic. Memoirs are presented as book publications, thematic collections, author's biographies, magazine and newspaper publications. Materials of the State Archives of Donetsk region are also involved, which allow to present the peculiarities of the course of events in Donetsk region. The methodological basis of the study were general scientific methods of comparison and analysis. In preparation for publication, the leading methods were historical-comparative, synchronous and retrospective. The use of the mentioned scientific methods allowed to analyze the sources and draw conclusions about the scientific problem. The scientific novelty of the study is that the researcher attempted to analyze available memoirs on the formation of the Ukrainian armed forces - the mainstay of the Ukrainian Central Council. Conclusions. Memoirs show that, on the one hand, from the first days of the revolution, a spontaneous movement began among Ukrainian servicemen - the creation of Ukrainian committees, communities, clubs, tendencies to create Ukrainian military units, even the idea of creating a united Ukrainian front. On the other hand, the leaders of the Ukrainian revolution did not have a more or less clear idea of the attitude to the army, the prospect of creating their own armed forces. The Central Council could not determine its position on this issue for fear of spoiling relations with the Provisional Government. Disputes within the Ukrainian movement, in particular between M. Hrushevsky and M. Mikhnovsky, and distrust of representatives of the military command, in particular P. Skoropadsky, also affected this solution. The latter in his memoirs describes in detail the vicissitudes of the creation of the Ukrainian corps in the Russian army. In general, according to the authors of the memoirs, the Ukrainian government has failed to organize a real military force in Ukraine that could resist the enemy. All contemporaries assess the armed forces of Ukraine as weak, disorganized, chaotic. Most saw this as the fault of the Central Council, which failed to coordinate its actions properly and began an open conflict with the Russian government. Memoirs of the Bolsheviks reflect the process of formation on the ground (mostly in cities and workers' settlements of eastern and southern Ukraine) units of the Red Guard from local workers.
35
KRAVETS, Nataliia. « THE ARCHIVAL-INVESTIGATIVE CASE OF VASYL PROKHODA AS A HISTORICAL SOURCE ». Ukraine : Cultural Heritage, National Identity, Statehood 33 (2020) : 331–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/ukr.2020-33-331-341.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The archival-investigative case of Vasyl Prokhoda, a Ukrainian military, public and political figure, Lieutenant Colonel of the Ukrainian People's Republic Army, military historian, is analyzed, as it is not only an important source for studying his life but also for studying totalitarianism in the Ukrainian SSR and the USSR. The investigation clarified the circumstances of the detention and arrest of V. Prokhoda in late January - early February 1945, the vicissitudes of the investigation from February 2, 1945, to September 10, 1945. Working methods of employees of the SMERSH counterintelligence administrative departments are highlighted. Some facts of V. Prokhoda's biography are characterized: his participation in the Ukrainian revolution of 1917–1921, public activity during emigration to Czechoslovakia, work in construction companies during World War II. The author analyzed topics of questions of interest to investigators: military service in the Russian tsarist army on the eve and beginning of World War І; national-cultural activities in POW camps in the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy; participation in Ukrainian military structures during the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917–1921; struggle against the Bolshevik government in Ukraine; activities in public societies and organizations in exile in Czechoslovakia and Germany (as «Sokil», «Society of Former Soldiers of the Ukrainian People's Republic Army», «Ukrainian National Union»); work in construction companies «in favor of Germany» during World War ІІ; information on the activities of the emigration government of the Ukrainian People's Republic and relations with its leaders; «counter-revolutionary nationalist» activities of the leaders of Ukrainian emigrant organizations. The facts of V. Prokhoda's biography in the archival-investigative case and his memoirs «Zapysky nepokirlyvoho» («Notes of the Rebellious») are compared. Keywords: Vasyl Prokhoda, Ukrainian People's Republic, archival-investigative case, public activity, SMERSH, People's Commissariat for Internal Affairs.
36
Savchenko, Grygorii. « Participation of Ukrainian Military of the Russian Army in Mass Revolutionary Events in Kyiv (March 1917) ». Ethnic History of European Nations, no 63 (2021) : 106–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2518-1270.2021.63.13.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article examines the unfolding of the revolutionary events in Kyiv in March 1917. The participation of Ukrainian combatants in mass revolutionary events is considered in the context of the emergence of the Ukrainian military movement in the Russian army. Military Ukrainians were active organizers and participants in demonstrations, assemblies and meetings held in the city at the beginning of the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917–1921. The influence of military participation in mass events on the formation of their national identity is analyzed. The actions promoted the idea of the national-territorial autonomy of Ukraine among the military. It is determined that gaining national-territorial autonomy of Ukraine was one of the main demands at the meetings. The result of the mass events was the creation of governing bodies by the Ukrainian military movement, which led to its greater organization and determination. Ukrainians began to form national military units under the influence of mass events. In March 1917 the creation of the Bohdan Khmelnytsky Regiment began. The issues of forming a military unit were constantly discussed by Ukrainians at their meetings. They tried to involve the Kyiv Military. District Command in mass events and hoped for its help. Attention is drawn to the influence of the Polish military on the emergence of the Ukrainian military movement. It is concluded that the participation of the Ukrainian military in mass events in Kyiv gave impetus to the deployment of the Ukrainian military movement at the front and in the rear of the Russian army.
37
Murdalov, Anzor A., et Rustam A. Tovsultanov. « The legal status of emigrants from Russia in the first years after the October Revolution of 1917 (on the example of North Caucasians) ». Current Issues of the State and Law, no 20 (2021) : 645–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/2587-9340-2021-5-20-645-659.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Emigration has been known to mankind for more than a century. We name the factors contributing to emigration, give examples from the history of emigration both abroad and Russia. We emphasize that at the present time, Russian citizens emigrate to other countries, using the right to freely leave the state, and can also have dual citizenship under Russian law, or renounce citizenship, and then get it again. We pay special attention to the settlement of the territory of North Caucasus, which began in the 8th – 7th – 6th – 5th thousand BC. We analyze the features of emigration of people from North Caucasus after the October Revolution of 1917. The specifics of the emigration of people from this region of country are emphasized. Thus, the majority of people emigrated to the Ottoman Empire, and then moved to Europe. We indicate that in fact, after the adoption of the Decrees of the Central Executive Committee, the SNK of RSFSR in 1921, “On the deprivation of the rights of citizenship of certain categories of persons who are abroad” many emigrants from Russia, including North Caucasians, have become disenfranchised. This circumstance greatly influenced the publication of the Nansen passport (it was introduced in 1922 and became widespread in 1924), according to which emigrants were granted a number of legal and social rights. In addition, it is applicable to emigrants from Russia, including from the North Caucasus, in 1922 and 1926. The Geneva definition of “Russian refugee” was given, and the International Convention on the International Status of Refugees of 1933 created an alternative to naturalization for refugees from Russia. Subsequently, before the outbreak of the Second World War, people received, as a rule, the citizenship of the countries in which they began to live.
38
Khishigt, N., L. V. Kuras et B. D. Tsybenov. « Autonomous Mongolia and Revolutionary Russia : On the Policy of Soviet Russia Towards Mongolia in 1917–1920 (To the 100th Anniversary of the Mongolian Revolution of 1921) ». Bulletin of Irkutsk State University. Series History 37 (2021) : 76–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.26516/2222-9124.2021.37.76.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article is devoted to the evolution of the policy of the Soviet Russia on the issue of Mongolia. The period under study begins with the attempts of Soviet Russia to establish relations with Mongolia in 1917–1918. The authors analyzed in detail the revolutionary aspect of Russian politics in Mongolia. In particular, the article studied the activities of the Section of Eastern Peoples of the Siberian Bureau of the RCP (b) and its structural unit – the Mongol- Tibetan department in 1919–1920. The Communist International in 1919–1920 gave preference to the development of the revolutionary movement in China and therefore the People's Revolutionary Party of Mongolia had to establish a close connection with the political trend in China. Thus, the documents of the Communist International emphasized the motive of the unity of interests of the working masses of China and Mongolia. The activity of the Mongol- Tibetan department was directed only to Mongolia, Tibet was not considered as the nearest object of the world socialist revolution.
39
Алымбаев, Жээнбек Байыскулович, Гулмира Асилбековна Атаканова et Талант Мурадиллаевич Шаанов. « Agricultural Reform 1921-1922 in Kyrgyzstan ». Bulletin of Science and Practice, no 8 (15 août 2022) : 457–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.33619/2414-2948/81/48.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Анализируется земельно-водная реформа 1921-1922 гг., проводимая на Севере Кыргызстана. Отмечаются решения, принятые партией большевиков, цели и задачи реформы. Основные идеи проведения реформы были заложены в декрете «О социализации земли». Отмечено, что до революции 1917 года среди сельских жителей абсолютное большинство составляло кочевое киргизское население, их было примерно свыше 80% из 160 тыс крестьянских хозяйств. Началом реформы считается 1921 год. В результате реформы из северной части Кыргызстана было выселено 6057 кулацких и наиболее зажиточных хозяйств, а на освобожденных землях было размещено 5970 бедняцких семей. Проведение реформы происходило в тяжелых условиях, манапы и русские кулаки выступали против реформы. В результате земельно-водной реформы ускорился процесс оседания кочевников, к 1927 году 62% киргизских хозяйств перешли на оседлый образ жизни. В результате ликвидации бай-манапов как класс, в 1929 году из 190 тыс киргизских хозяйств, 3,5 тыс считавшихся кулаками, были отправлены в ссылку за пределы Республики. The land and water reform of 1921-1922 is analyzed. held in the North of Kyrgyzstan. The decisions taken by the Bolshevik Party, the goals and objectives of the reform are noted. The main ideas for the reform were laid down in the decree “On the socialization of land”. It is noted that before the revolution of 1917, the vast majority of rural residents were the nomadic Kyrgyz population, they were approximately over 80% of the 160 thousand peasant farms. The beginning of the reform is considered to be 1921, when the accounting of land allotments, water sources, and agricultural implements began. As a result of the reform, 6,057 kulak and most prosperous households were evicted in the northern part of Kyrgyzstan, and 5,970 poor families were placed on the liberated lands. The implementation of the reform took place in difficult conditions, manaps and Russian kulaks opposed the reform. As a result of the land and water reform, the process of settling of nomads accelerated; by 1927, 62% of Kyrgyz households switched to a settled way of life. As a result of the liquidation of the bai-manaps as a class, in 1929, out of 190 thousand Kyrgyz households, 3.5 thousand considered kulaks were sent into exile outside the Republic.
40
Ponikarovskaya, Marina. « Pavel Konstantinovich Simoni (1859—1939) : 34 Years of Service in the Department of Russian Language and Literature of the Imperial Academy of Sciences ». ISTORIYA 13, no 4 (114) (2022) : 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840021201-0.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article explores the biography and research activities of philologist, paleographer and specialist in folklore Pavel Konstantinovich Simoni. In 1888, being a graduate of the Historical and Philological Faculty of St. Petersburg University and a disciple of I. V. Yagich, he was involved in the work on the publication of the dictionary of the modern Russian language, which was being prepared by the Department of Russian Language and Literature of the Imperial Academy of Sciences. Having proved himself in the course of this work in the best possible way, in January 1892 P. K. Simoni received an invitation to join the Department of Russian Language and Literature and take up a new position of clerk, established shortly before. Since then, the whole life of the scholar has been inseparably linked with the Academy of Sciences and the Department of Russian Language and Literature, where he worked for almost 35 years. P. K. Simoni had a wide range of research interests and often worked simultaneously in several different areas: he conducted studies in the field of Russian paremiology, studied and published old recordings of Russian songs and epics, prepared several works on the history of bookmaking in Russia, etc. After the revolution of 1917 P. K. Simoni turned to a new for him kind of activity — teaching. He began to give lectures and hold seminars on Slavic-Russian paleography, the history of printing houses, the history of books and book distribution in various educational institutions of Petrograd. Recognizing P. K. Simoni’s scholarly merits, in December 1921 the Russian Academy of Sciences elected him as its corresponding member to the Department of Russian Language and Literature and by the specialty “Russian literature”. After the retirement in 1926, the scholar continued his active research and teaching activities, not giving it up until the last days of his life.
41
Chekalov, Kirill A. « “Your Letters are as Cordial as a Friend’s Handshake” (Correspondence between André Gide and Fyodor Rosenberg) ». Studia Litterarum 7, no 1 (2022) : 508–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.22455/2500-4247-2022-7-1-508-519.
Texte intégralRésumé :
St. Petersburg branch of the Archive of the Russian Academy of Sciences stores a correspondence between a famous French writer André Gide and a renowned soviet Orientalist scholar, member of the USSR Academy of Sciences, Fyodor Rosenberg (1867–1934). Part of the correspondence is kept in the Parisian library Jacques Doucet. In 1921, the University of Lyon published the epistolary in French (in total 338 letters). The correspondence covers a long period from 1896 to the date of death of the Russian academic. This letters allow to contemplate the spiritual world of two outstanding cultural figures of the fin de siècle, as well as to see once again how the revolution in Russia influenced the mindset and the way of life of academic life. The fact that the epistolary lacks a number of letters is mainly explained by the 1917 Revolution. Only a short collection of letters dates back to the 1920s (when Rosenberg was a senior research curator at the Asiatic Museum, now the Institute of Oriental Manuscripts of the Russian Academy of Sciences), while the early 20th century is broadly represented in the correspondence. Social and political reality becomes more and more catastrophic as it invades that highly estheticized, sometimes explicitly Pre-Raphaelite-like universe into which Rosenberg, a refined expert in both Eastern and Western-European cultural traditions, would like to withdraw. “Beautiful Italy” occupies a significant place in the letters. Rosenberg’s deep emotions connected with his being a homosexual are also an important part of the epistolary. The edition is prepared by Nikol Dziub, professor at the University of Upper Alsace (UHA). The introductory note and an extensive pageby- page commentary provide a comprehensive view of the reality, cultural landmarks, and personalities that appear in the correspondence.
42
Medovarov, Maxim V. « The Rusins of Chetm Land and Bessarabia in Aleksey Filippov’s views about the outskirts of the Russian Empire ». Rusin, no 67 (2022) : 188–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/67/11.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article analyses the views of Alexey Frolovich Filippov on the “Rusin question” in Chetm Land, Bessarabia, and other regions in the context of his social activities, views on the problems of various outskirts of the Russian Empire and adjacent territories in general. The analysis of Filippov's views on the “national question” covers both his political projects and the stance of the media under his administration. Particular attention is paid to Filippov's political position during the formative young years, his experience of living in multi-ethnic Mogilev, and participation in student communities at Moscow University. His trip to the Rusins of Chetm Land is considered in detail as a turning point in the formation of his program, which was imperial and nationalist at the same time. The author also considers the role of “Russian outskirts” in the context of Filippov's editorial program in his journal Russkoe Obozrenie in 1901-1903, with special attention given to the history of the Russian presence in Bessarabia. The article describes Filippov's activity on the outskirts of Russia in 1904-1911 as well as an updated national-democratic program designed during his political activity in St. Petersburg in 1912-1914. Filippov's views on the expansion of the Empire after the October Revolution developed during his service to Soviet power in 1917-1921. The author concludes that the problem of Filippov's attitude to the Rusins is closely related to the general methodological problem of the imperial outskirts in Russian conservative thought and that Filippov's approach to the outskirts developed within the framework of “imperial nationalism.”
43
Groshevaja, Viktorija. « From the overthrow of the monarchy to the establishment of the Soviet Republic : State-legal transformation of Ukraine between 1917–1921 ». Vestnik of the St. Petersburg University of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia 2024, no 2 (28 juin 2024) : 43–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.35750/2071-8284-2024-2-43-54.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Introduction. The article studies the processes of transformation of the state-legal system and establishment of the Soviet Republic in Ukraine in 1917-1921, accompanied by the confrontation of internal political forces, which followed differential approaches and offered variable models of nation-state formation. The paper analyses the ways of defining the state organisation of Ukraine after the overthrow of the monarchy by the Bolsheviks, as well as the Ukrainian political forces, acting from separatist, “self-styled” positions.The peculiarities of the Ukrainian People’s Republic (hereinafter - UNR) of the period of the Central Rada, Skoropadsky’s Ukrainian Power, and the Directory. The role of the Ukrainian Central Rada (hereinafter - UCR), the General Secretariat of Ukraine and the All-Ukrainian National Congress in the transformation of the state structure of Ukraine is analysed.The significance of universals - acts of constitutional nature for the development of the legal system of Ukraine was revealed. The peculiarities of the political struggle between the adherents of “Ukrainianism” and supporters of the Bolsheviks in the years of the Socialist Revolution and the Civil War were determined. The most important normative legal acts being crucial for the establishment of the Soviet power in Ukraine were identified. Research methods. The main methodological principles of the research were the principles of historicism, unity of theory and practice, comprehensive study of social processes and phenomena, unity of history and logics. The main methodological approach of the research was the system approach. General scientific (historical, functional, theoretical modeling, hypothesis construction) and special (formal-legal, historical-legal, comparative-legal) methods of legal research were used. Results.The paper found that during 1917-1921 in Ukraine there was a transformation of the statelegal system, characterised by the transition from the monarchical form of government (after the overthrow of the monarchy in the Russian Empire) to the republican system of bourgeois, nationalliberal type, and later - to the establishment of a republic of the Soviet type. The article revealed that the national-state development on the Ukrainian regions in the years of the All-Russian Revolution was determined by: 1) the aspiration of regional political forces to create national, autonomous local authorities independent of the center (centrifugal process); 2) the formation of Soviets as official local authorities with their gradual transition under the control of the Bolshevik Party (centripetal process).Ukrainian governmental development occurred gradually, reflecting the specifics and course of the military and political confrontation (winter 1917-1918, early 1919, winter 1919-1920). The first Constitution of the Ukrainian Socialist Soviet Republic, adopted in Kharkov by the III All-Ukrainian Congress of Soviets (March 1919), became the legal act that confirmed the victory of Soviet power in Ukraine.
44
Kartseva, Aleksandra. « Socio-Philosophical and Culturalogical Thought in Relations between Russia and Serbia ». Ideas and Ideals 15, no 1-2 (29 mars 2023) : 427–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.17212/2075-0862-2023-15.1.2-427-443.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article deals with the issues of socio-philosophical and culturological thought as a factor of interaction between Russia and Serbia in the modern European space. In the study the author presents the historical periods of socio-cultural development of relationships between the two countries, beginning from the first millennium. The work focused on identifying the common mental, cultural and historical commonalities of our peoples which allowed for the development of interaction between the two countries in the field of scientific cooperation, socio-philosophical, cultural and spiritual relations [1, c. 244-250]. The author defines the role of the language of communication and examines an important stratum of Serbian culture: Orthodoxy. In this context, the aspects of spiritual and cultural unity between Russia and Serbia, which have shaped the unity of views of the representatives of Serbian science and cultural, socio-philosophical and spiritual-cultural thought have emerged. The author defines the role of the ‘Russian House’ Centre for Culture and Science in Belgrade, Serbia, as a fulcrum of cultural, scientific and religious life of the Russian immigrant community and a firm manifestation of the Russian-Serbian spiritual, socio-philosophical and cultural ties between the two states. The paper focuses on such phenomena of intercultural contacts between Russia and Serbia as the scientific and cultural influence of the Russian intelligentsia after the 1917 revolution. Several waves of Russian emigration in the 19th and 20th century had the biggest impact on Serbian spiritual culture, architecture, civil engineering and art. One of the first associations of Russian post-November emigrants was the Archeological Society of Serbia (1921), represented by the Slavist historian A.L. Pogodin. Emigration to Serbia increased after the ruefully known ‘Philosophical steamer’ in 1922. This year, the St. Petersburg scholarly community widely marked the 100th anniversary of this exodus of Russian intellectuals, which marked the loss of the spiritual forces of Soviet Russia, but there was a considerable acquisition of culture, science, architecture, and theatrical art in Serbia, and thus in Europe.
45
Zosidze, Nugzar. « THE FINAL STAGE OF THE FIRST WORLD WAR AND THE POLITICAL SITUATION IN GEORGIA IN 1917 ». ინოვაციური ეკონომიკა და მართვა 10, no 2 (3 août 2023) : 194–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.46361/2449-2604.10.2.2023.194-204.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Nugzar Zosidze
Email:n.zosidze@bsu.edu
Associate Professor, Batumi Shota Rustaveli State University
Batumi, Georgia
https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2613-3365
Abstract. 1914-1921 is one of the most difficult periods in the history of Georgia. During this most difficult period, the country endured the stormy days of the Russian February Revolution of 1917 and the October revolutions. But with self-sacrificing battles and courageous actions of national forces, independence was restored. These years were even more painful from the point of view that certain regions of the country experienced the occupation of foreign countries several times.
The topic of the history of the research period has become especially relevant since the beginning of the 90’s of the twentieth century. However, many details and features of these relationships have not yet been fully investigated, fully studied and scientifically substantiated.
After the heavy political battles that developed in the Russian Empire in 1917, the social democrats became the vanguard of the national liberation struggle in Georgia, but at first they did not raise the issue of restoring national sovereignty. This could be due to the fact that at that time the political parties operating in Georgia had difficulty making independent decisions. It is true that the revolution forced Russia to give up active foreign policy, but it tried to interfere in the affairs of Transcaucasia.
This is what led to the fact that social democrats and social federalists did not fight for national independence, but were satisfied only with broad autonomy, the legalization and practical implementation of which should be decided by the constituent assembly of the Russian Provisional Government. We share with the famous researcher of Georgian history historian Z. Avalishvili's opinion that at that stage, "no one thought of severing the state connection with Russia; Just as they didn't think about it in Estonia, Latvia and other parts of Russia. In this regard, it can be said that Georgia was on par with others’’.
The small group of Georgian intellectuals, which was formed into the National Democratic Party in 1917, represented an important force in the national liberation struggle. They directly continued the program of the previous national liberation movement called „Tergdaleulebi“ and considered the 1783 treaty as the basis of the relationship. (G. Dekanozishvili, T. Sakhokia, P. Surguladze, L. Kereselidze, G. Machabeli and others).
In connection with the mentioned issue, Professor Sh. Vadachkoria thinks that it is the correct political orientation of the social democrats that led to the restoration of Georgia's state independence. "Georgia's independence, renewal and perfection of its statehood and Georgian social democracy are inseparable from each other". We partially agree with the above-mentioned opinion and consider that it is wrong to ignore the contribution of the Social Democratic Party in this case.
On October 25, 1917, the Bolsheviks overthrew the Provisional Government in the capital of the empire. On October 26, members of the Provisional Government, including Kerensky, were arrested in the Winter Palace. A Soviet government was established in Russia. After this coup d'état, the Transcaucasian de facto government, "Ozakom", lost its purpose. The missions of the Entente states wanted to create a government independent from Bolshevik Russia in Transcaucasia.
We think that the creation of the Transcaucasian Commissariat was a politically correct step, since Transcaucasia was officially separated from Soviet Russia by the creation of a new regional body, but only until the restoration of the legal authority of Russia, which was an indication that Transcaucasia would not be declared an independent state. It was not favorable for Transcaucasia to remove the Caucasus Front, because otherwise it might lead to the strengthening of aggression from Turkey, and the forced occupation of Transcaucasia countries.
46
Veeder, Gerry K. « The Red Cross Bureau of Pictures, 1917–1921 : World War I, the Russian Revolution and the Sultan of Turkey's harem ». Historical Journal of Film, Radio and Television 10, no 1 (janvier 1990) : 47–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01439689000260031.
Texte intégral
47
Bogdanov, V. P. « ARTIST AND POLITICS : REVOLUTION AND CIVIL WAR IN THE WORKS OF I. A. VLADIMIROV ». Arts education and science 3, no 32 (2022) : 77–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.36871/hon.202203009.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article is devoted to the work of the famous Russian artist I. A. Vladimirov. Being one of the classics of socialist realism, in 1917–1921 he created a series of drawings little-known in Soviet times, which showed extremely negative changes in the life of the country during the Revolutions and the Civil War. By analyzing various works of the artist and correlating his creativity with the milestones of his biography, the author shows the historical and artistic authenticity of his paintings. I. A. Vladimirov’s cooperation with the police and the Cheka at the beginning of Soviet regime a priory proves the artist’s good awareness of what was happening in the country and gives documentary value to his works. At the same time, being closely associated with Western illustrated publications (“The Graphic”, “L’Illustration”), as well as English and American charitable organizations (“Young Men’s Christian Association”, American Relief Administration), Vladimirov created many watercolors “to order”. Vladimirov’s paintings are certainly valuable as a historical source, but V. P. Bogdanov suggests dividing his works into those intended for the “domestic audience” and those designed for the English-speaking public. The works addressed to the Western viewer are exaggeratly grotesque. In order to achieve the desired effect, the artist uses the negative clichés developed by himself. It is these works, which most unattractively portray the Russian reality of the beginning of the Soviet power. As a result, they are still used as a tool in anti-Russian propaganda and information warfare. In turn, the images found in drawing for a Western audience, appeared periodically in Vladimirov’s works in the 1930s and 1940s. The work of I. A. Vladimirov is a vivid example of the influence of biographical facts and external conditions on the artist’s works.
48
Morozova, Tatyana I., et Vladimir I. Shishkin. « “…Into the fighting ranks of the Revolutionary Communist Party” : Admission of Former Socialists to the RSDLP(b) – RCP(b) (1917-1924) ». History 19, no 8 (2020) : 79–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2020-19-8-79-91.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article analyzes one of the problems of inter-party interaction in Russia in 1917–1924, which was not studies either intentionally or occasionally by Russian or foreign scholars. The subject of the research is the admission of socialists, who quit other parties, to the RSDLP(b) - RCP(b): more specifically who resigned the membership of Russian Social Democratic Labour Party (of Internationalists), Mensheviks, Right and Left wings of Party of Socialist-Revolutionaries, Socialist-Revolutionaries-autonomists, Union of Socialists-Revolutionaries Maximalists, Party of Revolutionary Communism, anarchists and so on. Based on the wide range of published materials, including data from the central and local periodicals, as well as unique archival sources that were added to the ever-growing aggregate of scientific knowledge for the first time, the article investigate, when, how and on what conditions former members of socialist parties (so-called “vykhodets”) were accepted for the RSDLP(b) – RCP(b) membership. The authors conclude that during 1917-1924 the conditions of admitting to Bolshevik Party changed crucially. At different moments, the Communist leadership solved different problems allowing former socialists to join the Bolshevik ranks. In 1917-1919 the admission of former socialists was initiated in order to rise the number of members of the RSDLP(b) - RCP(b), and the target audience mainly consisted of revolutionaries who had extensive experience in party and social work. After the October Revolution in 1917, the entering former members of the other parties to the Bolshevik party was considered as a tool of splitting and fragmentation of socialist parties and groups that were opponents and / or competitor for the Bolsheviks. Since the end of 1919, the admission of socialists to the RCP(b) had been gradually lost its significance as a source of recruiting and transformed mainly into an instrument for the destruction of the Mensheviks and Party of Socialist-Revolutionaries, as well as a mechanism for the adoption and incorporation of small groups with socialist and communist orientation. Since 1921, the admission of former socialists to the RCP(b) actually ceased to play the role into the process of increasing membership, but became one of the most important implement of degrading and defeating the Mensheviks and Party of Socialist-Revolutionaries. From the beginning of 1924, it was used exclusively as a factor of discrediting the socialists.
49
Rozhkov, Alexander. « “Only Bad With This Civil War” : Representation of the Events of 1917–1918 in Children’s Narratives ». Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no 4 (septembre 2022) : 225–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.4.20.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Introduction. Our understanding of the life of children during the Civil War is largely based on two sets of published documents: the essays of immigrant children, written abroad in 1924–1925, and personal documents of the children of the Petrograd nutritional colony, who made forced trip around the world in 1918–1921, about whom the book by O.I. Molkina. Therefore, any new sources in this area are very valuable. The purpose of the article is to reconstruct the images of childhood during the period of civil confrontation through the interpretation of the collection of “children’s letters” written in 1917–1918. Methods. The study is based on methodological developments in the study of “children’s” texts created by A.A. Salnikova. Based on the objectives of the study, the analysis of 54 selected narratives of children and adolescents (1917–1918) was carried out within the methodological framework of interpretive approach based on “understanding” reading of “children’s letters” through an unformalized analysis of their texts. Analysis. As a result of the analysis of the texts of letters of children and adolescents, the main thematic topics of correspondence were revealed, which made it possible to structure the texts of children’s letters. The identified thematizations were grouped into nine blocks: “war”, “revolution”, “deprivation”, “children”, “adults”, “life”, “protest”, “study”, “feelings / emotions”. The scope and objectives of the article allow to focus only on the first three blocks. Unlike the essays written by children in exile, many of the authors of the letters we studied belonged to a completely different social environment – the families of the Russian intelligentsia, who positively perceived the revolution, sympathizing with the Bolsheviks or being in their ranks. Results. Analysis of “children’s letters” 1917–1918 showed that there is no single children’s discourse about the Civil War. At least two diametrically opposite children’s discourses – “emigrant” and “revolutionary”, are quite clearly observed. The second discourse was presented in this work.
50
Shilovskiy, M. V. « Promyshlennovsky District during the Period of Social Cataclysm of 1917–1919 ». Bulletin of Kemerovo State University 22, no 2 (8 juillet 2020) : 370–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2078-8975-2020-22-2-370-378.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article deals with the social and political situation in the Kasminsk, Tarsminsk, Titovsk, and Morozovsk volosts (districts) of the Kuznetsk uyezd (area), Tomsk Province, in 1917–1919. The territories in question were inhabited by long-time Russian residents. The Revolution affected the largest settlements. Titovsk area was included in the system of Kuznetsk area people's assembly, while Kasminsk district was under the supervision of the so-called zemstvo from the very beginning. Soldiers from reserve regiments of Tomsk and Novonikolaevsk were sent to field work and had a destructive impact on the local life. Anarchists (G. F. Rogov, I. P. Novoselov, P. K. Lubkov, I. M. Drozhzhin, etc.) and their military units played a significant role in the partisan and rebel movement. V. P. Shevelyov-Lubkov (1892–1939) became the most famous Red leader in the territory. He was an old settler from the village of Shipitsina in the Titovsk district and a decorated army veteran. The Whites were defeated in the late 1919, which brought no relief as anarchist squads maintained their attacks on the Soviet troops. In 1921, peasants in the village of Bryukhanovo rebelled. The last pockets of resistance were eliminated as late as in 1922.