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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Russia – Politics and government – 1990-"
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Cherkasov, P. « IMEMO in Early 1990s (continued) ». World Economy and International Relations, no 8 (2015) : 101–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-8-101-110.
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The article analyzes IMEMO activities in 1992–1993, when in Russia, under the influence of both radical economic reforms and drastic weakening of the central government, a deep political crisis emerged and gained a dangerous traction, fraught with the death of a young democracy and even the collapse of the state. Under these conditions, along with economic issues, the politological research came to the fore in IMEMO – the analysis of the country's new political system, the definition of its development vector. The Center of Socio-economic and Socio-political Research of IMEMO headed by German Germanovich Diligenskii played the major role in this work. Analysts of the Center prepared a number of recommendations for public authorities concerning the creation and development of a new democratic political system in Russia. IMEMO experts paid the utmost attention to the nature of the political crisis that arose in the post-Soviet Russia in late 1991, and the ways to overcome it. In January 1993, the results of the study were presented to the discussion at the Academic Council. It was agreed that one of the main causes of the political crisis in the country was the social tensions worsening, as a consequence of the “shocking therapy” conducted by the government of Gaidar in 1992. In the discussion on the political outlook German Diligenskii, rejecting the possibility of the old command-administrative system restoration, substantiated a probability of transformation of the "market democracy" not yet established in Russia into the "authoritarian monopoly or monopoly-bureaucratic system". Noting the disunity of democratic forces, weakness of the entrepreneurial class, largely dependent on the state, Diligenskii formulated a program for uniting all adherents of “arket democracy” under the slogan of "social liberalism", which would take into account Russian specifics. Consolidation of democracy and market economy in Russia is impossible without preservation of the state territorial integrity and consolidation of the central government, with a clear division of functions and powers of its constituent branches. Monopolization (usurpation) of all power by one of the branches – legislative or executive – should not be allowed. The victory of any of them in any case would mean the defeat of democracy. Such was, in general terms, the position of IMEMO in the face of the 1992–1993 political crisis. Acknowledgement. The publication was prepared as part of the President of Russian Federation grant to support the leading scientifi c schools NSh-6452.2014.6.
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Orekhovsky, P. A. « PARADOXES OF REGRESSIVE MODERNIZATION AND EXPORT OF RUSSIAN INSTITUTIONS ». Federalism, no 2 (22 juillet 2019) : 61–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.21686/2073-1051-2019-2-61-71.
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In Russia, the topic of modernization continues to be relevant. The government, the parliament, the opposition, and the scientific community regard it as an urgent task. The process of economic growth, which began in the 00s, is viewed as recovery after the USSR catastrophe, and the modernization project is associated with the construction of the Russian analogue of the Western “welfare society”, in many ways resembling old dreams of “socialism with a human face”. But there are various options for modernization. In the 1980-s S. Hall proposed the concept of regressive modernization for characterize the policy of the government of M. Thatcher. This concept allows a much better understanding of the history of the 1990s and the current economic policy in Russia. The specific paradox of regressive modernization is that the Russian center-right government conducts elements of neoliberal politics in combination with state paternalism and even populism. Elements of social archaics, such as clericalism and national autonomy, which enjoy separate legal regimes within the Federation, remind us of a flexible imperial political system. The export of traditionalism and paternalism, which at the same time look like a modern institutional design, is the basis of Russian “soft power”. This creates opportunities for increasing profitable trade and economic cooperation with countries of both left orientation and preserving autocratic, right-wing conservative political regimes.
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Kondratenko, O. « THE ESSENCE OF THE PHENOMENON OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION GEOPOLITICS ». Actual Problems of International Relations, no 133 (2017) : 4–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2017.133.0.4-15.
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The essence of the internal geopolitics of the Russian Federation (RF) and its influence on the foreign policy of Moscow is analyzed in the article. It was found that on the background of Russian nationalism the activation of separatist sentiments in the Russian national autonomies had occurred, particularly in the North Caucasus (Chechnia, Dahestan).Eventually, it caused two Chechen wars, as well as to the formation of dissatisfaction with the Center’s actions in Tatarstan, South and East Siberia and others. However, after internal politics and internal economy shocks of the 1990-th Russia has outlined a course to restore the status of a great state. An important factor for the Russian government is the support of its foreign policy by the population. It is traced that the level of electoral support of the Russian president entirely depends on the success of the Russian Federation on the international arena. Kremlin actively cultivates and uses imperial mood of society in order to justify the return of its “unjustly deprived” great power status. Therefore, governmental expansionist geostrategy obtains active support among theintelligentsia and broad social strata.
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Leisse, Olaf, et Utta-Kristin Leisse. « A Siberian Challenge : Dealing with Multiethnicity in the Republic of Buryatia ». Nationalities Papers 35, no 4 (septembre 2007) : 773–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990701475178.
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The Republic of Buryatia, along with 12 other former Soviet states during the same year, had declared its sovereignty no later than 8 October 1990. This did not actually mean a declaration of independence. Rather, this step was taken to urge the central government to acknowledge Buryatia as a free and equal partner at the political level. Boris Yeltsin, during his time as Russian president, did much to support this claim by propagating a vision of a post-Soviet Russia as a union of free peoples with equal rights. The central government in Moscow therefore recognized the existence of relatively autonomous regions. This was also done to respond to the interests of the different ethnic groups, which became increasingly important in the political sphere.
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Maltseva, Elena. « The Politics of Retirement Age Increase in Russia : Proposals, Protests and Concessions ». Russian Politics 4, no 3 (27 septembre 2019) : 375–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2451-8921-00403005.
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The article discusses the changes to the Russian pension system since 2013, focusing specifically on the most recent policy moves. It argues that, despite the apparent instability of the Russian pension system caused by numerous policy shifts that have occurred since 2015, one element has remained constant: since the early 1990s the transformation of the Russian pension system has been driven primarily by neoliberal economic advisers to the Russian government. Passage of the long-delayed decision to raise the retirement age, which provoked large-scale protests, can be understood in light of the current geopolitical and economic risks that complicate the future of Russian economy.
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Fylypenko, Artem. « The Transnistrian Conflict in 1992 and Russian Aggression Against Ukraine : Comparative Analysis ». Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no 37-38 (12 décembre 2018) : 62–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2018.37-38.62-70.
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The article presents a comparative analysis of the Transnistrian conflict of 1990-1992 and the Ukrainian-Russian conflict in 2014-2018. The similarities and differences between the two conflicts are analyzed. It is proved that the scenario under which events in the Donbas are developing is very similar to the events in Transnistria in 1990-1992, in particular, through the use of linguistic issues for the emergence of confrontation, the provision of military and political support, including through the involvement of irregular formations , direct intervention of armed units of the regular Russian army in war.
Particular attention is paid to the methods of information warfare against Moldova in the early 90's. The similarity of these methods with those used by Russia in the information war against Ukraine is shown, in particular: 1) dehumanization of the enemy, dissemination of information about its cruelty and inhumanity; 2) manipulation of historical facts; 3) representation of the struggle against separatism as the aggression of one state against the other; 4) appeal. to the events of the Second World War; 5) the statement that foreign troops are fighting on the side of government forces; 6) attempts to present separatist movements as "popular".
The conclusions state that the Transnistrian conflict of 1990-1992, as well as the occupation of Crimea and the conflict in the East of Ukraine in 2014-2018, are part of Russia's overall strategy to preserve the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine in its sphere of influence. The ultimate goal of this strategy is the reintegration of separatist enclaves under conditions favorable to Russia, namely: the ability to influence foreign policy, change foreign policy priorities (rejection of the course on European and Euro-Atlantic integration), preservation of dependence on supplies of Russian energy carriers.
Key words: Ukraine, Republic of Moldova, Transnistria, Transnistria conflict, Ukrainian-Russian conflict, Donbass
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Mironov, B. N. « Ethnic Discrimination in the Formation of State Bodies of the USSR ». Modern History of Russia 11, no 1 (2021) : 149–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu24.2021.110.
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The level of ethnopolitical inequality is estimated as the ratio of the share of an ethnic group employed in public authorities to the share of this ethnic group among the entire employed population. This indicator can be called the coefficient of ethnopolitical representativeness. In Imperial Russia, almost all major non-Russian ethnic groups had representatives in power structures, although in most cases this was unrepresentative; the number of nominees from an ethnic group did not correspond to its population size. During the entire Soviet period, 1917–1990, there was a steady and systematic decrease in the inequality of ethnic groups in power structures. In 1989, discrimination in the authorities as a whole practically disappeared. The advantages of Russians in forming the Soviet government were minimized; their percentage in government corresponded to their share in the population. In some areas of government, ethnic inequality was leveled at different rates. In the state apparatus, equality in representation was already achieved in 1959. In the apparatus of party and public organizations, there was also a tendency to overcome discrimination, but in this area, by 1990, the percentage of non-Russians remained slightly lower than their share in the population. Minimization of ethnic inequality was a natural consequence, on the one hand, of the national policy of the country’s leadership, on the other — the desire of ethnic elites for equality in political rights.
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Helf, Gavin, et Jeffrey W. Hahn. « Old Dogs and New Tricks : Party Elites in the Russian Regional Elections of 1990 ». Slavic Review 51, no 3 (1992) : 511–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2500058.
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Much of the analysis of the results of republican and local elections held in the USSR in 1989-1990 understandably focused on the dramatic victories of candidates and groups committed to a radical reform of the old system. Anti-communist majorities were elected to the parliaments of several republics. The city governments of Moscow, Leningrad and Sverdlovsk fell under the control of activists associated with the self-styled “democratic bloc” and, in summer 1990, Boris Yeltsin was elected to chair the RSFSR Supreme Soviet. Conversely, local party officials suffered embarrassing defeats in the face of competition from popular fronts united under the banner of Democratic Russia. That the Party itself was in disarray over how to respond to these challenges was reflected in the open split between rival platforms at the 28th party Congress in July 1990. Taken together, these events could easily convey the impression that old party elites “lost” the local elections of 1990 and that they lost because they failed to adapt to the new rules of democratic politics.
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Yakutin, Yu V. « Academician Abalkin. Precepts of the Russian school of socio-economic thought and the practice of perestroika reforms ». Management and Business Administration, no 4 (décembre 2020) : 116–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.33983/2075-1826-2020-4-116-180.
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The article continues the series of articles in the journal MBA about Russian academicians who actively collaborated with the VEO of Russia. Academician L.I. Abalkin (1930–2011) — a prominent scientist and economist of the last decades of the Soviet era and the beginning of the post-Soviet period. L.I. Abalkin's activity is multi-faceted both in the field of economic theory, especially political economy, and in the field of practical justification of economic reforms, transformation of the planned Soviet system into a market economy. Participation in 1989–1990 in the work of the government as Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR and Chairman of the Commission on economic reform, describes him as an outstanding representative of academic science, who had a huge impact on the development of economic theory and economic practice. L.I. Abalkin played an exceptional role in developing the problems of the Russian school of socio-economic thought. He not only justified its distinctive features and principles of methodological approach to its study, but also brought back to scientific circulation the works of many undeservedly forgotten Russian economists. The article also shows the need to continue Abalkin's research in this area of economic theory, the creative development of the scientific heritage of L.I. Abalkin.
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Büdenbender, Mirjam, et Andrea Lagna. « Statecraft strategies and housing financialization at the periphery : Post-socialist trajectories in Russia and Poland ». Finance and Society 5, no 2 (6 décembre 2019) : 105–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2218/finsoc.v5i2.4136.
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A new literature on housing and financialization has emerged in recent years, but scholars have yet to examine how political actors shape national trajectories of housing financialization. In this article, we address this shortcoming by examining the cases of Russia and Poland in the 1990-2018 period. We argue that in both contexts political elites implemented a radical market-oriented reshaping of housing finance. However, by pursuing distinct statecraft strategies and modes of integrating the domestic economy into global markets, Russian and Polish political elites created two divergent trajectories of housing financialization. Russian political elites pursued patrimonial statecraft strategies and a mode of global economic integration based on raw material exports. The Putin administration channeled revenues from raw material exports into the securitization-based housing finance system and used this infrastructure as an instrument of hegemonic power. In doing so, the Russian government shielded homeowners from exposure to financial risk. In contrast, Polish political elites pursued liberal statecraft strategies and a mode of global economic integration based on foreign capital inflows. Polish political parties therefore enabled foreign banks to dominate the housing finance system and sell foreign currency mortgages, which exposed homeowners to considerable financial risk. In light of these findings we call for further research into the political factors that shape the process of housing financialization, both in the post-socialist space and beyond.
Thèses sur le sujet "Russia – Politics and government – 1990-"
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Logvinenko, Igor. « The politics of electoral reform in the Russian State Duma, 1993-2005 ». Click here for download, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1288668441&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=3260&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Noble, Ben. « Rethinking 'rubber stamps' : legislative subservience, executive factionalism, and policy-making in the Russian State Duma ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:6a027f93-90d6-4ecc-9346-48712a003de0.
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Conventional wisdom views authoritarian legislatures as 'rubber stamps'. According to this model, non-democratic parliaments are entirely subservient to dominant executives, having no influence on the development of policy; as a result, all bills introduced into the legislature become laws without amendment. Although these bodies might perform other functions, they serve - according to this account - a purely ceremonial function in the policy-making process. There is evidence, however, inconsistent with this portrayal from a range of non-democracies, including evidence of executive bill failure and bill amendment. Existing attempts to explain these apparently deviant observations refer to some degree of legislative autonomy - bills fail and change as a result of legislator influence. According to these accounts, authoritarian elites use legislatures to co-opt members of the opposition and to gather information about citizen grievances. This dissertation, in contrast, argues that legislative activity in non-democracies can be driven by executive concerns. Whereas the 'rubber stamp' model infers from executive dominance an absence of legislative activity, the approach proposed by this dissertation suggests there are a variety of reasons why executive actors might want to amend or kill off their own bills in the legislature. In particular, these legislative policy developments can result from clashes between executive factions, which use legislative institutions to monitor, challenge, and amend each others' proposals. This dissertation proposes and assesses this new approach using fine-grained data on legislative processes and outputs from the contemporary Russian State Duma. The analysis draws on a variety of data sources, using both qualitative and quantitative methods. The findings suggest that legislative institutions can still 'matter' in non-democracies, even with an entirely subservient body of legislators.
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Lavrova, Victoria N. « The role of the oligarchs in 1996 presidental election in Russia ». Virtual Press, 2003. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1265093.
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This thesis explored the role of the six wealthy Russian businessmen, the oligarchs, in 1996 reelection of President Boris Yeltsin. This research was qualitative and descriptive. The goal was to collect the information from various sources and summarize it, demonstrating how the interference of the oligarchs reflected on the process of the election, as well as on the careers of their own.The research concluded that the oligarchs' role was, first of all, in the organization and financing a highly effective election campaign team; consolidating the business elite and big capital around Yeltsin, using the media that they controlled as a tool of pro-Yeltsin propaganda; and influencing some key decision taken by Yeltsin. The result was Yeltsin's victory, and the increase of the oligarchs' wealth and political power.This ability of the oligarchs to manipulate politics completely cemented the interrelation between business and politics in Russia, which contributed to Russia's reputation as a country of corruption and lawlessness.Department of Political Science
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Urs, Ion Social Sciences & International Studies Faculty of Arts & Social Sciences UNSW. « The empowerment of aggressive state ideology in two periods of Russian history ». Awarded by:University of New South Wales. Social Sciences & ; International Studies, 2007. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/40568.
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The concepts of power and state - particularly embedded in the idea of the Great Power, with a geopolitical perspective and a profoundly aggressive character - are tantamount in importance to the Russia's elite political ideology. However, the existence of different emphases within such a political ideology, ranging from the active-obstructive to the passive stances, brings into question the factors of variation that might be responsible for the elite's level of determination to pursue these concepts over an internal or foreign policy development. In addressing this query, two tasks are set: descriptive - involving a survey of the content of Russian aggressive political ideology over different periods in history; and explanatory - determining circumstances that might account for the empowerment of one or other option of Russian aggressive political ideology. Therefore, the thesis includes a comparison of historical periods with similar relevance to the Russian state. The concern here is in relation to shifting factors of variations of aggressive political ideology acting in the space-frame of one state, but in different time-frame. Resting on these frames the thesis explores the shaping of the Russian elite's defining principles of state internal and foreign policy development and traces the factors of variation responsible for the empowerment of one or other particular form of the aggressive political ideology. The factors of variation discussed in the thesis are different in nature and intensity. The primary impetus for variation in the form that aggressive political ideology would take is determined by the factor of national distress. Other factors (regime volatility, political and economic motivations, information dissemination, and challenges within the international system) are responsible for the depth and extent to which aggressive ideology is going to resonate. No factor could create the variation by itself. The argument is that a specific set of factors is required to create the conditions for variations in the form the aggressive political ideology would take and to determine whether aggressive ideology would generate or not an obstructive political decision.
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Ardovino, Michael. « Revisiting Eric Nordlinger : The Dynamics of Russian Civil- Military Relations in the Twentieth Century ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 2001. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2918/.
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This paper examines the role that military has played in the political development of the former Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the modern Russian Federation. By utilizing the theoretical tenets of Eric Nordlinger, this paper endeavors to update and hopefully revise his classic work in civil-military relations, Soldiers in Politics. Chapter one of this paper introduces many of the main theoretical concepts utilized in this analysis. Chapter two considers the Stalinist totalitarian penetration model that set the standard for communist governments around the world. Chapter three follows up by addressing the middle years of Khrushchev and Brezhnev. Both reformed the military in its relation to the party and state and made the armed forces a more corporate and professional institution. Chapter four pinpoints the drastic changes in both the state and armed forces during Gorbachev's perestroika and glasnost. The military briefly ventured to a point it never gone before by launching a short coup against the last Soviet president. Chapter five focuses on the last ten years in the Russian Federation. While still a professional organization typical of the liberal model of civil-military relations, the armed forces face great uncertainty, as economic and social problems demand more of their time and resources. Chapter six concludes by speculating on the future of Russian civilmilitary relations and reconsiders the importance of Nordlinger's elegant yet parsimonious work.
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Niyazbekov, Nurseit. « Protest mobilisation and democratisation in Kazakhstan (1992-2009) ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:494a3742-e7d6-4adf-8728-e644a3f7f249.
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This thesis consists of two objectives which divide it into two parts. Thus, part one explores the cyclicity of protest mobilisation in post-Soviet Kazakhstan in the 1992–2009 period and part two investigates the relationship between protest mobilisation and democratisation in the 1990s, a decade marked by early progress in democratisation followed by an abrupt reversal to authoritarianism. Acknowledging the existence of numerous competing explanations of protest cyclicity, the first part of this study utilises four major social movement perspectives – relative deprivation (RD), resource mobilisation (RMT), political opportunity structures (POS) and collective action frames (CAF) – to explain variances in protest mobilisation in Kazakhstan over time and four issue areas. Adopting a small-N case study and process-tracing technique, the thesis’s first research question enquires into which of these four theoretical perspectives has the best fit when seeking to explain protest cyclicity over time. It is hypothesised that the ‘waxing and waning’ of protest activity can best be attributed to the difficulties surrounding the identification and construction of resonant CAFs. However, the study’s findings lead to a rejection of the first hypothesis by deemphasising the role of CAFs in predicting protest cyclicity, and instead support the theoretical predictions of the POS perspective, suggesting the prevalence of structural factors such as the regime’s capacity for repression and shifts in elite alignments. The second research question revolves around variations in protest mobilisation across four issue areas and explores the reasons why socioeconomic grievances mobilised more people to protest than environmental, political and interethnic ones. According to the second hypothesis, people more readily protest around socioeconomic rather than political and other types of grievances due to the lower costs of participation in socioeconomic protests. While the regime’s propensity for repressing political protests could explain the prevalence of socioeconomic protests in the 2000s, the POS perspective’s key explanatory variable failed to account for the prevalence of socioeconomic protests in the early 1990s, resulting in the rejection of the second hypothesis. The second part of the thesis attempts to answer the third research question: How does protest mobilisation account for the stalled transition to democracy in Kazakhstan in the 1990s? Based on the theoretical assumption that instances of extensive protest mobilisation foster democratic transitions, the study’s third research hypothesis posits that transition to democracy in Kazakhstan stalled in the mid-1990s due to the failure of social movement organisations to effectively mobilise the masses for various acts of protest. This assumption receives strong empirical support, suggesting that protest mobilisation is an important facilitative factor in the democratisation process. The thesis is the first to attempt to employ classical social movement theories in the context of post-communist Central Asian societies. Additionally, the study aims to contribute to the large pool of democratisation literature which, until recently (following the colour revolutions), seemed to underplay the role of popular protest mobilisation in advancing transitions to democracy. Finally, the research is based on the author’s primary elite-interview data and content analysis of five weekly independent newspapers.
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Glad, Lotte Marie. « A Comparative Content Analysis of ITAR-TASS's and the United Press International's Coverage of the Russian Referendum in April 1993 ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 1994. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500855/.
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A comparative content analysis was conducted to determine whether the Russian (ITAR-TASS) and the American (UPI) wire service coverage of President Boris Yeltsin in the April 25, 1993, referendum was balanced and unbiased. Also, the amount of space dedicated to this topic was measured. Study results indicate that ITAR-TASS was more critical of Yeltsin prior to the referendum than UPI, and that there was no statistically important difference between the two wire services in their post referendum coverage. UPI articles were almost 30% longer than the ITAR-TASS articles. Each UPI article was on an average more than 220 words longer than were the ITAR-TASS articles.
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Gundrum, Duane A. « (Neo) revolutionary messages : an analysis of the impact of counter-narratives versus state narratives during the 1991 Coup D'etat in the former Soviet Union ». Scholarly Commons, 2008. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/685.
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On August 19, 1991, government hard-liners overthrew the Soviet Union for a period of 72 hours. Boris Yeltsin, the President of Russia, staged a protest on the steps of the Russian White House, where he gave speeches against the coup d'etat, releasing these speeches for dissemination between the hard-liners and the masses gathered to support Yeltsin. Yeltsin 's protest created a constituted identity amongst the people gathered who became part of the protest against the government. This created a confrontation between the two publics, where the state message developed a narrative involving a glorified past to which they wished to return, while the counter-public created a counter-narrative that argued a future of continued reforms would benefit the people of Russia and the Soviet Union. In the end, the counter-narrative achieved stronger approval from the masses, essentially replacing the state's narrative with its own. As a result, the hard-liners lost their grab for power, and Yeltsin emerged the winner in an ideological struggle for the future of the Russia and the Soviet Union.
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Sheeler, Ralph A. « Glasnost : a Russian fantasy ». Virtual Press, 1991. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/834136.
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Chapter one began with an introduction to the concept of glasnost and the events surrounding the first four years of Mikhail Gorbachev's reign as General Secretary of the Soviet Union. This rhetorical study gained its thrust from an Aristotelian definition of rhetoric. The method proposed was one of Ernest Bormann's fantasy theme analysis. This study looked at mediated fantasy themes as they chained out in the Western media regarding the glasnost campaign.Chapter two presented the setting for the dramas of glasnost with a look at the history of Soviet leadership and the impact each General Secretary had on Soviet society. Chapter three examined the characters of glasnost. 9iographical information was presented on the players of the dramas. Finally, chapter four examined the media's rhetoric as it chained out the dramas of glasnost through Mikhail Corbachev and his battles with antagonists from the left, from the right, and from within.Department of Speech Communication
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Robinson, Nick. « Major government, minor change : the politics of transport, 1990-1997 ». Thesis, University of Warwick, 1998. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/4311/.
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This thesis looks at the politics of transport in the Major era, arguing that transport has emerged as an issue of high political salience in the 1990s. In this period transport, and most particularly the motor car, increasingly came to be blamed for a combination of economic and environmental problems including rising congestion, noise, land-use impacts and a deterioration of air quality and traffic safety standards. The primary. aim of this thesis is to explain these developments and their effects by utilising agenda setting theory. This thesis argues that the operation of the agenda setting dynamic in the transport case illustrates aspects of a number of models of agenda setting. It looks at the role of actors, problems, external events and non-decision making and argues that, in part, they all make a useful contribution to the study of political change in the Major era. However, it also argues that different models of agenda setting apply in different circumstances and that a model which may provide a useful explanation of situation A may provide a less satisfactory explanation of situation B. The explanation for this is that transport is a multi-faceted issue which affects mobility, the environment, and economic development as well as issues of lifestyle and personal freedom; the priorities which central government attaches to transport policy outcomes reflect this diversity. These different aspects of the transport issue are affected by different agenda setting processes, depending on the extent to which they challenge the dominant policy imperatives of the state. For example, in a situation in which the policy imperatives of the state are threatened, the agenda setting process will be highly constrained and proponents of change, will find it very difficult, if not impossible, to alter the agenda. In such a case, the models of non-decision making will be an important, often the dominant, explanation of the agenda setting process. Overall, this study argues that the transport agenda setting process operates in, and is constrained by, a policy making environment which is dominated by the policy imperatives of the state.
Livres sur le sujet "Russia – Politics and government – 1990-"
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Feldbrugge, F. J. M. 1933-, Sivakoff Natasha et Avilov Gainan, dir. Russian Federation legislative survey : June 1990-December 1993. Dordrecht : M. Nijhoff, 1995.
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Gorʹkai︠a︡ pami︠a︡tʹ : Zapiski uchastnika dramaticheskikh sobytiĭ 1990-1993 gg. Moskva : Galerii︠a︡, 2005.
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Morgan-Jones, Edward. Constitutional bargaining in Russia, 1990-93. New York : Routledge, 2010.
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Shocking Mother Russia : Democratization, social rights, and pension reform in Russia, 1990-2001. Toronto : University of Toronto Press, 2004.
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Regional economic voting : Russia, Poland, Hungary, Slovakia and the Czech Republic, 1990--1999. New York : Cambridge University Press, 2006.
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Naumov, Oleg. Liberalʹnye partii v Rossii v 1990-e gg. Orenburg : I︠U︡zhnyĭ Ural, 2007.
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1950-, Shearman Peter, dir. Russian foreign policy since 1990. Boulder : Westview Press, 1995.
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Pushkarev, S. G. Self-government and freedom in Russia. Boulder, Colo : Westview Press, 1988.
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Ciliga, Ante. Après la Russie, 1936-1990. Quimperlé : Editions La Digitale, 1994.
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Ciliga, Ante. Après la Russie, 1936-1990. Quimperlé : Editions La Digitale, 1994.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Russia – Politics and government – 1990-"
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Bacon, Edwin. « Politics and Government ». Dans Contemporary Russia, 94–127. London : Macmillan Education UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-40827-3_5.
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McCormick, John. « Russia ». Dans Cases in comparative government and politics, 265–88. London : Macmillan Education UK, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-352-00736-7_12.
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Robson, William A. « Russia Revisited ». Dans Politics and Government at Home and Abroad, 258–72. London : Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003254751-15.
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George, Julie A. « Georgia Fragmented, 1990–2003 ». Dans The Politics of Ethnic Separatism in Russia and Georgia, 95–143. New York : Palgrave Macmillan US, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230102323_4.
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Rogger, Hans. « Government Policy on Jewish Emigration ». Dans Jewish Policies and Right-Wing Politics in Imperial Russia, 176–87. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1986. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-06568-4_6.
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Rogger, Hans. « Government, Jews, Peasants and Land after the Liberation of the Serfs ». Dans Jewish Policies and Right-Wing Politics in Imperial Russia, 113–75. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1986. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-06568-4_5.
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Wijermars, Mariëlle. « The Digitalization of Russian Politics and Political Participation ». Dans The Palgrave Handbook of Digital Russia Studies, 15–32. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-42855-6_2.
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AbstractThe chapter discusses the impact of digitalization and the rise of online and social media on Russian politics and political participation. It departs from the question whether the introduction of digital technologies has resulted in the transformation of Russian politics in ways that go beyond the mere replication of political practices in digital form. Placing its analysis in the context of Open Government thinking, the chapter examines four areas: first, it discusses changes in political communication; second, it examines the impact of online communications on political campaigning; third, the chapter reflects on changes in the voting process; and, finally, it critically examines digital tools for political participation (so-called civic technologies) and civic engagement.
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Gaufman, Elizaveta. « Cybercrime and Punishment : Security, Information War, and the Future of Runet ». Dans The Palgrave Handbook of Digital Russia Studies, 115–34. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-42855-6_7.
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AbstractCybersecurity à la Russe is marked by the authoritarian nature of the state that is primarily concerned by the question of regime survival. This logic motivates continuous securitization of the Internet that is framed as a potential accessory to crimes committed both by foreign and domestic actors. This chapter aims to show the discrepancies in Russian cyber politics at home and abroad, highlighting its struggle for more internet regulation that is seen by the Russian government as a panacea against perceived external attempts at regime change while exploiting digital public spaces abroad. At the same time, this chapter shows that despite seemingly formidable “cyber army” capabilities for external use, domestic surveillance and attempts to build a Great Russian Firewall are still lacking.
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DeYoung, Alan J., Zumrad Kataeva et Dilrabo Jonbekova. « Higher Education in Tajikistan : Institutional Landscape and Key Policy Developments ». Dans Palgrave Studies in Global Higher Education, 363–85. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-52980-6_14.
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AbstractHigher education in Tajikistan has undergone substantial changes over the past 25 years as a result of both its internal crises and those social and economic transition challenges seen throughout the Newly Independent States (NIS). HEIs in the country have also shown eagerness to change and grow as they move toward world education space. In this chapter, we examine the evolution of the Tajik system of higher education from the Soviet time through independence (1991–2015) in terms of growth, emerging landscape and diversification, and key policy developments and issues. We analyze these changes in the context of relevant economic, social and political factors, and rely on a comparative analysis in understanding the commonalities and differences in higher educational landscapes between Tajikistan and others in the NIS. Institutional diversity has occurred in the country along several dimensions. Among these is a geometric expansion of the number of HEIs: Those transformed from preexisting Soviet institutes as well as the establishment of many new ones. This has been fueled partly by the mass creation of new programs that reflect the needs of an emerging knowledge-based economy but also the result of parental craving for higher education for their children—regardless of market demands. Specific features of the massification of higher education in Tajikistan are further explained by internationalization according to the Bologna Process and other globalization agendas; the establishment of international HEIs under bilateral government agreements (with Russia), and significantly increasing HEI programs and enrolments in far-flung regions of the country—especially in programs related to industry and technology. Our analyses are based on a variety of official statistical sources; educational laws, institutional documents and reports published by international organizations; accounts from the English-language press; and open-ended interviews conducted by the authors in Tajikistan between 2011 and 2014.
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Miedema, Frank. « Science and Society an Overview of the Problem ». Dans Open Science : the Very Idea, 1–14. Dordrecht : Springer Netherlands, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-2115-6_1.
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AbstractScience in the recent past promised to society to contribute to the grand challenges of the United Nations, UNESCO, WHO, the EU agenda and national agendas for change and improvement of our life, the human condition. In this chapter it will be briefly discussed how this social contract between science and society has developed since 1945. In the context of this book I distinguish three time periods, but I do realize slightly different time periods may be preferred, based on the perspective taken. The first phase from 1945 till 1960 is characterized by autonomy, building on the successes of the natural sciences and engineering in World War II. In the second phase, the late sixties till approximately 1980, government and the public lost trust and saw the downside of science and technology. The response from politics and the public was to call for societal and political responsible research inspired by broader socio-political developments in society. The third phase from 1990 till 2010 was one of renewed enthusiasm and hope that science and technology would bring economic growth, which should make nations internationally competitive. There increasingly was also room for societal problems related to environment and sustainability, health and well-being. In this approach of the so-called knowledge economy, with the world-wide embracing of neoliberal politics, strong relations with government and the private sector were established. This was accompanied by short-term accountability, control from government and funders at the level of project output, using accordingly defined metrics and indicators. Because of this, this model became firmly and globally institutionalized.
Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Russia – Politics and government – 1990-"
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Ardıl, Cemal. « Turkey - Black Sea Economic Cooperation Organization : Foreign Trade Relations during the 1996-2012 Period ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00661.
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This paper presents the regional economic relations between Turkey and Black See Economic Cooperation Organization (BSEC). The Heads of State and Government of eleven countries: Albania, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bulgaria, Georgia, Greece, Moldova, Romania, Russia, Turkey and Ukraine signed the Summit Declaration and the Bosphorus Statement giving birth to the Black Sea Economic Cooperation on 25 June 1992, in Istanbul. On 5 June 1998, the Heads of State or Government signed the BSEC Charter, came into force on 1 May 1999 BSEC has evolved into an international regional organization for economic cooperation. The organization has 12 members since Serbia joining the organization in 2004. It came into existence as a unique and promising model of multilateral political and economic initiative aimed at fostering interaction and harmony among the Member States, as well as to ensure peace, stability and prosperity encouraging friendly and good-neighbourly relations in the Black Sea region. Countries bordering the Black Sea, Balkan and Caucasus formed the BSEC countries cover an area of approximately 20 million square kilometer and represent more than 350 million people. The region with the foreign trade volume of U.S. $ 300 billion per year draws attention to the rich natural resources; and is the main European energy and transport corridor transfer. The Black Sea region is a contested neighbourhood and the subject of intense debates and conflicts in the globe. Also, this reflects the changing dynamics of the Black Sea region, its complex realities, the interests of outsiders and the region’s relations with the rest of the globe. Moreover, its strategic position, linking north to south and east to west, as well as its oil, gas, transport and trade routes are all important reasons for its increasing relevance. Turkey's foreign trade volume with BSEC member countries is steadily increasing as per the findings over the period of 1996-2012.
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Dementiev, A. P. « Zemstvo organs of self-government in the political life of Yenisei province during the Civil war (June 1918 - January 1920) ». Dans Civil War in the East of Russia (November 1917 – December 1922). FUE «Publishing House SB RAS», 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.31518/978-5-7692-1664-0-124-132.
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Михнева, Светлана Владимировна, et Геннадий Владимирович Панфилов. « MUNICIPAL POLITICS IN MODERN RUSSIA : THE ESSENCE AND GOALS IN THE CONDITIONS OF PUBLIC POWER REFORM ». Dans Высокие технологии и инновации в науке : сборник избранных статей Международной научной конференции (Санкт-Петербург, Январь 2022). Crossref, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.37539/vt195.2022.53.46.006.
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В статье рассмотрены сущностные основы муниципальной политики в новых условиях осуществления местного самоуправления и формирования единой системы публичной власти. Отдельное внимание уделено анализу понятия и субъектного состава муниципальной политики. Рассматривается сущность и особенности муниципальной политики в современных правовых условиях. Обоснован вывод о том, что субъектами муниципальной политики являются не только органы местного самоуправления, но и органы всей системы единой публичной власти. The article examines the essential foundations of municipal policy in the new conditions of local self-government and the formation of a unified system of public authority. Special attention is paid to the analysis of the concept and subject composition of municipal policy. The essence and features of municipal policy in modern legal conditions are considered. The conclusion is substantiated that the subjects of municipal policy are not only local self-government bodies, but also bodies of the entire system of unified public authority.
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Hana, Suela. « ANALYSIS OF INTEGRATION POLICIES FOR VICTIMS OF TRAFFICKING, THE NECESSITY OF THEIR MULTIDISCIPLINARY EVALUATION ». Dans 5th International Scientific Conference – EMAN 2021 – Economics and Management : How to Cope With Disrupted Times. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/eman.2021.413.
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Extensive developments and changes in the economic, political, social, cultural and scientific fields have undoubtedly brought problems and disturbing phenomena in many parts of the world, such as the trafficking and exploitation of human beings. Every year many women, girls and children are illegally transported across the borders of their countries of origin, sold or bought, bringing to mind all the primitive ways of human slavery, seen in stark contrast to the galloping development that society has taken today, as well as aspirations for a worldwide civilization and citizenship. Regarding Albania, the beginning of trafficking in human beings dates in 1995 (Annual Analysis of 2003 of the State Social Service, Tirana), where the country found itself in a situation of instability of political, economic, social and cultural changes, as well as in a transitional geographical position to was used by traffickers, mostly Albanians, as an “open door” for the recruitment, transportation and sale of women, girls and children from Moldova, Russia, Romania, Turkey, Albania, China, etc. Albania is identified as a source and transit country for trafficked women and children. In addition, many NGOs and international organizations report significant increase cases in the trafficking of human beings. In 1999, official sources reported that young women and girls had been lured or abducted from refugee camps in Albania during the Kosovo crisis and then sold for prostitution in Italy and the United Kingdom. Reports from Italy, Germany, Belgium and the UK suggest that Albanian women and girls, which are trafficked for prostitution mostly are from rural areas (Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe Review Conference, September 1999). It is almost common to talk about the phenomenon of trafficking in human beings, about the motivating and attractive factors, the consequences associated with this phenomenon of Albanian society. Given the extent of the trafficking phenomenon during the last 30 years transition period in Albania, the Government has made different legislative and institutional efforts, through a strategic approach to combat and mitigate this phenomenon. However, the elements of identification, protection, reintegration and long-term rehabilitation for victims of trafficking remain issues of concern and still not properly addressed, in the context of the institutional fight against trafficking in persons, which should have as its primary goal the protection of the human rights for victims of trafficking and not their further violation or re-victimization (Annual Report of the European Commission, 2007).
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Haydaroğlu, Ceyhun. « Political Economy of Russia’s Voting Power on Eurasian Countries ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00635.
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The relationship between economy and politics shows itself explicitly while governments are determining and implementing national and international economic policies. In democratic societies voting power, which means that economical and political units uses against one another in decision making mechanisms, shapes stability and/or unstability. It can be explained that a government, which is structured by the sovereignty of a single party in a parlament, has a monopoly power. Putin, has an important voting power in both The Council of The Federation and State Duma. The confidence through this voting power, while national economic and political equlibrium is provided, in international context, stable and strong policies are followed. Russia, increases the pressure and makes its economical and political power apperant on the eurasian countries, especially which were under its’ authority before. In this context Russia’s voting power calculated seperately for all election periods by Normalized Banzhaf Index. According to this, the effect of today’s Russia’s dominance on the Eurasian countries has been analyzed within the boundaries of political economics dicipline. In consequence of the analysis; it is indicated that, there is a linear relationship between the Russia’s voting power and economical stability, and Russia’s efficieny on the eurasian countries gradually increases. The most important feature of this study, which makes it differentiated form others, is making political economy of Russia’s efficiency on the eurasian countries within the context of political economics literatüre by the voting power perspective, besides cultural, historical and social factors.