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1
Urs, Ion Social Sciences & International Studies Faculty of Arts & Social Sciences UNSW. « The empowerment of aggressive state ideology in two periods of Russian history ». Awarded by:University of New South Wales. Social Sciences & ; International Studies, 2007. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/40568.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The concepts of power and state - particularly embedded in the idea of the Great Power, with a geopolitical perspective and a profoundly aggressive character - are tantamount in importance to the Russia's elite political ideology. However, the existence of different emphases within such a political ideology, ranging from the active-obstructive to the passive stances, brings into question the factors of variation that might be responsible for the elite's level of determination to pursue these concepts over an internal or foreign policy development. In addressing this query, two tasks are set: descriptive - involving a survey of the content of Russian aggressive political ideology over different periods in history; and explanatory - determining circumstances that might account for the empowerment of one or other option of Russian aggressive political ideology. Therefore, the thesis includes a comparison of historical periods with similar relevance to the Russian state. The concern here is in relation to shifting factors of variations of aggressive political ideology acting in the space-frame of one state, but in different time-frame. Resting on these frames the thesis explores the shaping of the Russian elite's defining principles of state internal and foreign policy development and traces the factors of variation responsible for the empowerment of one or other particular form of the aggressive political ideology. The factors of variation discussed in the thesis are different in nature and intensity. The primary impetus for variation in the form that aggressive political ideology would take is determined by the factor of national distress. Other factors (regime volatility, political and economic motivations, information dissemination, and challenges within the international system) are responsible for the depth and extent to which aggressive ideology is going to resonate. No factor could create the variation by itself. The argument is that a specific set of factors is required to create the conditions for variations in the form the aggressive political ideology would take and to determine whether aggressive ideology would generate or not an obstructive political decision.
2
Reynolds, Natasha. « The mid Upper Palaeolithic of European Russia : chronology, culture history and context : a study of five Gravettian backed lithic assemblages ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:f9a56097-50b9-427d-8276-3acc191c834c.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis examines the Mid Upper Palaeolithic (MUP) of Russia (ca. 30,000-20,000 14C BP). During this time, as in the rest of Europe, the principal archaeological industry is known as the Gravettian. However, in Russia two other industries, the Streletskayan and the Gorodtsovian, are also known from the beginning of the MUP. Historically, there have been significant problems integrating the Russian MUP record with that from the rest of Europe. The research described in this thesis concentrates on backed lithic assemblages (including Gravette points, microgravettes, other backed points and backed bladelets) from five Russian Gravettian sites: Kostenki 8 Layer 2, Kostenki 4, Kostenki 9, Khotylevo 2 and Kostenki 21 Layer 3. These are studied from an explicitly Western European theoretical perspective, using standard techno-typological methods to construct typological groupings and describe the variation between and within sites. Alongside this, new radiocarbon dates from several sites Kostenki 8 Layer 2, Kostenki 4 and Borshchevo 5) were obtained. These radiocarbon dates are critically analysed alongside published dates and unpublished dates made available to this research. The results of the research constitute a new culture history for the Russian MUP. Each stage of the MUP is dated and described, and the uncertainties in our knowledge outlined. One new lithic index fossil is defined and two others are re-assessed. The Russian record is compared with the contemporary archaeological record elsewhere in Europe, in order to describe large-scale synchronic variation and changes through time in the homogeneity and regionalisation of material culture. The relationship between these dynamics and climate change are discussed.
3
Tappe, Timothy James. « The role of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe in Ukraine's Orange Revolution was Russia right ? / ». Laramie, Wyo. : University of Wyoming, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1663116641&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=18949&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Riga, Liliana. « Identity and empire : the making of the Bolshevik elite, 1880-1917 ». Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=37820.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study concerns the sources of the revolutionary Bolshevik elite's social and ethnic origins in Late Imperial Russia. The key finding is that the Bolshevik leadership of the revolutionary years 1917--1924 was highly ethnically diverse in origin with non-Russians---Jews, Latvians, Georgians, Armenians, Poles, Lithuanians, and Ukrainians---constituting nearly two-thirds of the elite. The 'Russian' Revolution was led primarily by elites of the empire's non-Russian national minorities. This thesis therefore considers the sources of their radicalism in the peripheries of the multinational empire.Although the 'class' language of socialism has dominated accounts not only of the causes of the Revolution but also of the sources of Bolshevik socialism, in my view the Bolsheviks were more a response to a variety of cultural, linguistic, religious, and ethnic social identities than they were a response to class conflict. The appeal of a theory about class conflict does not necessarily mean that it was class conflict to which the Bolsheviks were responding; they were much more a product of the tensions of a multi-ethnic imperial state than of the alienating 'class' effects of an industrializing Russian state.
How 'peripherals' of the imperial borderlands came to espouse an ideology of the imperial 'center' is the empirical focus. Five substantive chapters on Jews, Poles and Lithuanians, Ukrainians, Transcaucasians, and Latvians, consider the sources of their radicalism by contextualizing their biographies in regional ethnopolitics and in relationships to the Tsarist state. A great attraction of Russian (Bolshevik) socialism was in what it meant for ethnopolitics in the multi-ethnic borderlands: much of the appeal lay in its secularism, its 'ecumenical' political vision, its universalism, its anti-nationalism, and in its implied commitment to "the good imperial ideal". The 'elective affinities' between individuals of different ethnic strata and Russian socialism varied across ethnic groups, and often within them. One of the key themes, therefore, is how a social and political identity is worked out within the context of a multinational empire, invoking social processes such as nationalism, assimilation, Russification, social mobility, access to provincial and imperial 'civil societies', linguistic and cultural choices, and ethnopolitical relationships.
5
Victoir, Laura A. « Moscow-area estates : a case study of twentieth-century architectural preservation and cultural politics ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670078.
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Sigler, Krista Lynn. « Kshesinskaia's Mansion : High Culture and the Politics of Modernity in Revolutionary Russia ». University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1243013516.
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Shane, Jeffrey. « The Russian Revolution in the Eyes of a Thai Royal ». Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou150211893501528.
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O'Neill, Thomas J. « Business, investment and revolution in Russia : case studies of American companies, 1880's - 1920's ». Thesis, McGill University, 1987. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=76751.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study of the American business presence in Russia from the late 19th Century to the early Soviet period, focuses on more than twenty individual firms that operated there or otherwise conducted business with Russia. They are presented as primary and secondary case studies in three distinct groups: financial industries, manufacturing industries, and sales, services and light manufacturing industries.The primary cases, American Express, Case and Vacuum Oil Company, offer a detailed insight into: motives for opening installations in Russia, daily operations, the effects of war, revolution and nationalization as well as business relations under the early Soviet government. The secondary case studies include, Citibank, Chase Manhattan Bank, Morgan Guaranty and New York Life Insurance Company in the financial group; Western Electric, Westinghouse Airbrake and General Electric in the manufacturing group; and United Shoe, Otis, Moline Plow, Kodak, Parke, Davis & Co., Chesebrough-Pond's and Continental Gin in the sales, services and light manufacturing group.
Collectively these firms present a comprehensive account of the largely neglected and misunderstood role of private American business in Russia. The experiences of these companies help dispel conventional notions of U.S. commercial interests in Russia and place American involvement in proper perspective.
9
Bannah, Maxwell Joseph. « A cause for animation : Harry Reade and Cuban revolution ». Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2007. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/16452/1/Max_Bannah_Thesis.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This monographic study examines the life of the Australian artist Harry Reade (1927-1998), and his largely overlooked contribution to animation within historical, social, political and cultural contexts of his time.
The project constitutes a biography of Reade, tracing his life from his birth in 1927 through to his period of involvement with animation between 1956 and 1969. The biography examines the forces that shaped Reade and the ways in which he tried to shape his world through the medium of animation. It chronicles his experiences as a child living in impoverished conditions during the Great Depression, his early working life, the influence of left wing ideology on his creative development, and his contribution to animation with the Waterside Workers' Federation Film Unit, in Sydney. The study especially focuses on the period between 1961 and 1969 during which Reade supported the Cuban Revolution's social and cultural reform process by writing and directing animated films at the Instituto Cubano del Arte e Industria Cinematográficos (Cuban Institute of the Art and Industry of Cinema - ICAIC), in Havana.
The thesis argues that Reade played a significant role in the development of Cuban animation during the early years of the Cuban Revolution. Further, his animated work in this cultural sphere was informed by a network of political alliances and social philosophies that were directly linked to his experiences and creative development in Australia.
Theoretical approaches to biographical method and animation studies have been used to provide a cohesive framework for an investigation of Reade's life and animation work. The thesis also draws on Reade's autobiography and his animated works, oral histories, newspaper articles, press cartoons, illustrations, photographs, and official government archival documents. This project also has an archival purpose in collecting and compiling Reade's animation work onto CD.
10
Osipova, Zinaida. « Engineering a Soviet Life : Gustav Trinkler's Bourgeois Revolution ». Miami University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1588365551985983.
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11
Shakibi, Zhand Paul. « The King, the Tsar, the Shah : agency and the making of revolution in Bourbon France, Romanov Russia and Pahlavi Iran ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.250158.
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Pasholok, Maria. « Imaginary interiors : representing domestic spaces in 1910s and 1920s Russian film and literature ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c9d47ca1-6164-48fb-99f1-67ef37c77c4a.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis is an exploration of the ways in which a number of important Russian writers and filmmakers of the 1910s and 1920s appropriated domestic interiors as structural, visual and literary metaphors. My focus is on the artistic articulation of the closed space of the Russian domestic interior, in particular as it surfaced in the narratives of the modernist literature and cinema of the time and became an essential metaphor of its age. In my discussion I take issue with two standard ways of understanding domestic space in existing literature. I argue that representations of home spaces in early twentiethcentury Russian culture mount a challenge to the conventional view of the home as a place of safety and stability. I also argue that, at this point, the traditional approach to the room and the domestic space as a fixed closed structure is assailed by representations that see domestic space as kinetic. The importance of the 'room in motion' means that I address cinematic as well as literary representations of domestic space, and show that even literary representation borrow cinematic techniques. My different chapters constitute case studies of various separate, but complementary, aspects of the representation of home space. The first chapter shows how domestic space in reflected in the poetical language of Anna Akhmatova. The second chapter focuses on the parallel exploration of rooms and a child's consciousness in Kotik Letaev by Andrei Belyi. The third chapter discovers the philosophy of a room built by Sigizmund Krzhizhanovskii in his short stories of the 1920s. The next three chapters focus on interiors of three different cinematic genres. The fourth chapter looks closely at films created by Evgenii Bauer, showing the director's innovative techniques of framing and set-design. The fifth chapter explores the film Tret'ia Meshchanskaia by Abram Room, focusing on the director's employment of the room as a structural device of the film. The last chapter analyses two lyrical comedies by Boris Barnet to show the comic effect produced by the empty room and domestic objects in his films, and also focuses on the image of staircase. In conclusion, I speculate that the representation of interior spaces in the period in question goes beyond genre, medium, and narrative structure and becomes an important and culturally dynamic motif of the time.
13
Bannah, Maxwell Joseph. « A cause for animation : Harry Reade and Cuban revolution ». Queensland University of Technology, 2007. http://eprints.qut.edu.au/16452/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This monographic study examines the life of the Australian artist Harry Reade (1927-1998), and his largely overlooked contribution to animation within historical, social, political and cultural contexts of his time. The project constitutes a biography of Reade, tracing his life from his birth in 1927 through to his period of involvement with animation between 1956 and 1969. The biography examines the forces that shaped Reade and the ways in which he tried to shape his world through the medium of animation. It chronicles his experiences as a child living in impoverished conditions during the Great Depression, his early working life, the influence of left wing ideology on his creative development, and his contribution to animation with the Waterside Workers' Federation Film Unit, in Sydney. The study especially focuses on the period between 1961 and 1969 during which Reade supported the Cuban Revolution's social and cultural reform process by writing and directing animated films at the Instituto Cubano del Arte e Industria Cinematográficos (Cuban Institute of the Art and Industry of Cinema - ICAIC), in Havana. The thesis argues that Reade played a significant role in the development of Cuban animation during the early years of the Cuban Revolution. Further, his animated work in this cultural sphere was informed by a network of political alliances and social philosophies that were directly linked to his experiences and creative development in Australia. Theoretical approaches to biographical method and animation studies have been used to provide a cohesive framework for an investigation of Reade's life and animation work. The thesis also draws on Reade's autobiography and his animated works, oral histories, newspaper articles, press cartoons, illustrations, photographs, and official government archival documents. This project also has an archival purpose in collecting and compiling Reade's animation work onto CD.
14
Flynn, Moya. « Global frameworks, local realities : migrant resettlement in the Russian Federation ». Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2001. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1399/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The thesis explores the 'return' migration and resettlement experience of members of ethnic Russian and Russian speaking migrant populations who over the period 1991-2000 left their homes in the former republics of the Soviet Union to resettle on the territory of the Russian Federation, their 'historical homeland'. The study focuses upon individual experiences of resettlement in two regions of the Russian Federation, but locates these experiences within the context of the wider regional, national and global migration regimes. The thesis traces the development of the institutions and legislation of the Russian federal and regional migration regimes over the period 1995-2001. The study demonstrates that the way in which the migration process (the migration movement and subsequent resettlement) and the space of 'return' are constructed, through political and non-political discourse and practice, often conflicts with migrant experiences of the same process and their expectations of 'return'. It charts how migrants, despite displacement and the often constraining features of the surrounding migration environment, begin to re-construct their own sense of 'home' at the site of settlement. The study concludes that rather than the migration process of the Russian populations from the former republics being a 'return' to a 'homeland', for the individual migrant the process represents an attempt to re-create an immediate 'home', that is primarily achieved through a reliance upon personal networks of family and friends.
15
Bartman, Christi Scott. « Lawfare use of the definition of aggressive war by the Soviet and Russian governments / ». Bowling Green, Ohio : Bowling Green State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=bgsu1241726718.
Texte intégral
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Kenna, Timothy C. « The distribution and history of nuclear weapons related contamination in sediments from the Ob River, Siberia as determined by isotopic ratios of Plutonium, Neptunium, and Cesium ». Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/29059.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (Ph.D.)--Joint Program in Oceanography (Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Earth, Atmospheric, and Planetary Sciences; and the Woods Hole Oceanographic Institution), 2002.Includes bibliographical references.
This thesis addresses the sources and transport of nuclear weapons related contamination in the Ob River region, Siberia. In addition to being one of the largest rivers flowing into the Arctic Ocean, the bulk of the former Soviet Union's nuclear fuel reprocessing and weapons testing facilities (i.e. Mayak, Tomsk-7, and Semipalitinsk) are located within the Ob drainage basin. The atom ratios 240Pu/239Pu, 237Np/239Pu, and 137Cs/240Pu, measured by magnetic-sector ICP-MS, are used to distinguish between contamination derived from global fallout and contamination derived from local sources. Deposition chronologies estimated for sediment cores are used to construct a record of weapons related contamination at the sites sampled. Contaminant records indicate that in addition to debris from atmospheric weapons tests, materials derived from local sources have also played a role in nuclear weapons related contamination of the Ob region. Isotopic data presented in this study clearly demonstrate that non-fallout contamination has been transported the full length of the Tobol, Irtysh, and Ob Rivers (i.e. the tributaries draining Mayak, Semipalitinsk, and Tomsk-7, respectively). In several instances, unique isotopic compositions are observed in sediments collected from tributaries draining each of the suspected non-fallout sources. In such cases, these materials and their deposition ages have been used to link contamination in the Ob delta to Mayak, Tomsk-7, or Semipalitinsk. Linear transport rate estimates (km yr-1) indicate that contaminated sediments transit between source tributaries and the Ob delta on time-scales of [less than or equal to] l year.
(cont.) These estimates suggest that a catastrophic release of contamination due to dam failure at one of the many reservoirs located at both Mayak and Tomsk-7 that contain high levels of radioactive waste would result in measurable levels of contamination in the delta within as little as 1 year. Isotopic concentrations in sequentially extracted sediments containing weapons related contamination reveal that the majority of plutonium and neptunium (80 to 90 percent) behaves in a similar fashion regardless of the source and is removed by treating the sediments with citrate-dithionite. This indicates that plutonium and neptunium are not truly refractory and likely associate with redox sensitive sedimentary components. Isotopic ratios measured in extracted fractions suggest that only a minor fraction of contamination is associated with acid leachable or acid digestible sedimentary phases.
by Timothy Cope Kenna.
Ph.D.
17
Lin, Yuexin Rachel. « Among ghosts and tigers : the Chinese in the Russian Far East, 1917-1920 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:6b8153ea-0f39-43cd-9c76-416f86c85d02.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis examines the experiences of the overseas Chinese in the Russian Far East during the revolutionary and Civil War period from 1917 to 1920, as well as their responses to the upheaval. Bucking the current trend towards transcultural history, the thesis argues that Chinese identity and nationalist language were of prime importance to this community. By concentrating on Chinese-language sources, the thesis re-privileges the community's internal discourses and highlights the prevalence of nationalist rhetoric across the Sino-Russian border. It also sites the Chinese community's use of nationalist language within the context of the global diaspora, for which questions of national weakness and revival were also pressing. Going further, the thesis postulates the presence of "Chinese nationalism with Russian characteristics", in which the issues surrounding Chinese nationalism as a whole were heightened. It shows that the rhetoric of 'national humiliation' and victimhood were particularly immediate to the community in the Russian Far East, since it was located at one of the epicentres of imperial contestation. In practice, this led to a modus vivendi with the Reds and a decisive turn against the Whites. Furthermore, the chaos of the revolutions and Civil War imbued this nationalism with an opportunistic quality. The collapse of Russian state power became the 'opportunity of a thousand years' for China to redress past wrongs. This allowed the overseas community to work closely with local authorities and the Beijing government to achieve shared goals. New civil society organisations with community-wide aims were formed. Beijing extended its diplomatic reach in the form of new Far Eastern consulates. Finally, common nationalist rhetoric underpinned China's successful attempt to re-establish its civilian and military presence on the Amur River. "Chinese nationalism with Russian characteristics" could be effectively harnessed to secure multi-level and cross-border cooperation.
18
Martinkus, Andrius. « "'Rusijos idėjos' evoliucija 'klasikinio' eurazizmo filosofijoje (1920-1929)" ». Doctoral thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2011. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2010~D_20110221_150521-21481.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Disertacijoje analizuojama trečiajame ir ketvirtajame XX a. dešimtmečiuose rusų porevoliucinėje emigracijoje veikusio intelektualinio ir politinio sąjūdžio - "eurazininkų" - idėjinė evoliucija. Nustatoma, kad eurazininkų sąjūdžio idėjinė transformacija (kuri dažnai apibūdinama kaip "Rusijos idėjos išsigimimas į Kremliaus mafijos pasaulinės hegemonijos idealą") buvo nulemta skirtingų koncepcijų (atstovaujamų pirmiausia N.Trubeckojaus, P.Savickio, G.Florovskio ir L.Karsavino) konkurencijos, atvedusios į 1929 m. eurazininkų judėjimo skilimą. Disertacijoje parodomas išskirtinis L.Karsavino (nuo 1928 m. gyvenusio Kaune)vaidmuo "klasikinio" eurazizmo idėjinėje evoliucijoje.The ideological evolution of the intellectual and political movement existed in postrevolutionary Russian emigration in the third and fourth decades of the XX century is analyzed in this dissertation. The ideological transformation of the Eurasians movement (which was defined as "degeneration of Russian idea to the Kremlin mafia universal ideal of hegemony") was determined by the rivalry between different conceptions which were represented by N.Trubetzkoy, P.Savicky, G.Florovsky and L.Karsavin. L.Karsavin role (lived in Kaunas since 1928) in this dramatic movement's evolution which culmination was the split of the movement in 1929 is analyzed in this dissertation.
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Martinkus, Andrius. « 'Russian ideas' evolution in the 'classical' eurasism philosophy" ». Doctoral thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2011. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2011~D_20110221_150505-26714.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The ideological evolution of the intellectual and political movement existed in postrevolutionary Russian emigration in the third and fourth decades of the XX century is analyzed in this dissertation. The ideological transformation of the Eurasians movement (which was defined as "degeneration of Russian idea to the Kremlin mafia universal idea of hegemony) was determined by the rivalry between different conceptions witc were represented by N.Tubetzkoy, P.Savicky, G.Florovsky and L.Karsavin. L.Karsavin role (lived in Kaunas since 1928) in this dramatic movement's evolution which culmination was the split of the movement in 1929 is analyzed in this dissertation.Disertacijoje analizuojama trečiajame ir ketvirtajame XX a.dešimtmečiuose porevoluiucinėje rusų emigracijoje veikusio intelektualinio ir politinio sąjūdžio - "eurazininkų" - idėjinė evoliucija. Nustatoma, kad idėjinė eurazininkų judėjimo transformacija (kuri dažnai apibūdinama kaip "Rusijos idėjos išsigimimas į Kremliaus mafijos pasaulinės hegemonijos idealą") buvo nulemta skirtingų koncepcijų, kurioms atstovavo pirmiausia N.Trubeckojus, P.Savickis, G.Florovskis ir L.Karsavinas, konkurencijos, atvedusios į 1929 m. judėjimo skilimą. Atskirai nagrinėjamas L.Karsavino (nuo 1928 m. gyvenusio Kaune), suvaidinusio ypatingą vaidmenį klasikinio eurazizmo idėjinėje evoliucijoje, "eurazinis" palikimas.
20
Sell, Daniel James. « Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin's United Russia the how and why of Russia's new party of power / ». Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1226594286.
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Bain, Courtney. « Entrepreneurship in Russia patterns and problems of its development in the post-Soviet period / ». Thesis, Connect to e-thesis. Move to record for print version, 2007. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/18/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (Ph.D) - University of Glasgow, 2007.Ph.D. thesis submitted to the Department of Central and East European Studies, Faculty of Law, Business and Social Sciences, 2007. Includes bibliographical references. Print version also available.
22
Ardovino, Michael. « Revisiting Eric Nordlinger : The Dynamics of Russian Civil- Military Relations in the Twentieth Century ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 2001. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2918/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper examines the role that military has played in the political development of the former Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the modern Russian Federation. By utilizing the theoretical tenets of Eric Nordlinger, this paper endeavors to update and hopefully revise his classic work in civil-military relations, Soldiers in Politics. Chapter one of this paper introduces many of the main theoretical concepts utilized in this analysis. Chapter two considers the Stalinist totalitarian penetration model that set the standard for communist governments around the world. Chapter three follows up by addressing the middle years of Khrushchev and Brezhnev. Both reformed the military in its relation to the party and state and made the armed forces a more corporate and professional institution. Chapter four pinpoints the drastic changes in both the state and armed forces during Gorbachev's perestroika and glasnost. The military briefly ventured to a point it never gone before by launching a short coup against the last Soviet president. Chapter five focuses on the last ten years in the Russian Federation. While still a professional organization typical of the liberal model of civil-military relations, the armed forces face great uncertainty, as economic and social problems demand more of their time and resources. Chapter six concludes by speculating on the future of Russian civilmilitary relations and reconsiders the importance of Nordlinger's elegant yet parsimonious work.
23
Artman, Vincent M. 1981. « "Passport Politics" : Passportization and Territoriality in the De Facto States of Georgia ». Thesis, University of Oregon, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/11506.
Texte intégralRésumé :
ix, 161 p. : mapsIn 2002, the Russian government began distributing tens of thousands of Russian passports in the de facto states of Abkhazia and South Ossetia. Some scholarly attention has been devoted to this process, known as passportization, but most of the literature treats passportization as a primarily political process, ignoring its geographic aspects. This thesis shows that passportization in Abkhazia and South Ossetia amounted to a process of "biocolonization," wherein the populations of the de facto states were discursively captured by Russia through individual naturalization. Consequently, passportization served to create "Russian spaces" within the internationally recognized borders of Georgia and, in the process challenged international legal norms rooted in the logic of the modern state system.
Committee in charge: Dr. Alexander Murphy, Chair; Dr. Shaul Cohen, Member; Dr. Julie Hessler, Member
24
Howard, Jeff S. « The effective use of the tsarist wealth by the Soviet government ». [Johnson City, Tenn. : East Tennessee State University], 2002. http://etd-submit.etsu.edu/etd/theses/available/etd-1113102-175520/restricted/HowardJ112502a.pdf.
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Stocksdale, Sally A. « British diplomatic perspectives on the situation in Russia in 1917 : an analysis of the British Foreign Office correspondence ». Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/26927.
Texte intégralRésumé :
During the third year of the Great War 1914-1918 Russia experienced the upheaval of revolution, precipitating the abdication of Tsar Nicholas II and installation of the Provisional Government in March, and culminating in the Bolshevik takeover of November, 1917. Due to the political, military, and economic chaos which accompanied the revolution Russia was unable to continue the struggle on the eastern front.
Russia was not fighting the war against the Central Powers of Germany and Austria-Hungary alone, however, and her threat to capitulate was of the gravest concern to her Allies, Great Britain and France. In fact the disintegration of Russia's war effort was the pivotal issue around which Anglo-Russian relations revolved in 1917. Britain's war policy was dominated by the belief that the eastern front had to be maintained to achieve victory. It appeared that any interruption to the eastern front would allow Germany to reinforce her lines on the western front, then to win and control the economic destiny of Europe. Britain could not allow this to happen.
This study focuses on the reportage from British diplomats and representatives in and outside of Russia to their superiors at the Foreign Office in London from December 1916 to December 1917. A vast wealth of documentation is available in the Foreign Office Correspondence. Analysis of these notes reveals certain trends which were dictated by the kaleidoscopic turn of events in Russia and the national ethos of these representatives. A minute analysis demonstrates a great diversity of opinion regarding the situation in Russia, ranging from optimism to pessimism and objectivity to prejudice in all phases of the year 1917. To a limited degree this diversity can be correlated with the geographical location and diplomatic status of the individual representatives. Above all it is clear that when historians quote from these sources, they choose the quotations which support the conclusions they have already reached because they know the outcome of the developments that they are describing. The individuals on the spot at the time were far less prescient and insightful. They were much more affected by their own historical prejudices and rumours, as well as the vagaries and short-term shifts of their immediate environment. Many of them believed in the great-man theory of history; a number attributed all developments and difficulties to some aspect of the Russian national character; some explained certain events during the year by conspiracies, especially of the Jews, with whom they tended to equate the Bolsheviks. Only a few were consistently solid and realistic in their appraisal of events, attributing them to factors favoured by our most respected historians.Arts, Faculty of
History, Department of
Graduate
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Sjölander, Jonas. « Solidaritetens omvägar. : (LM) Ericsson, svenska Metall och Ericssonarbetarna i Colombia 1973-1993 ». Doctoral thesis, Växjö universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-528.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study deals with the historical compromise between Labour and Capital—the so-called “Swedish model”—and the abandonment of this compromise in connection with the third industrial revolution. The focus of the study lies in the transformations in working life and labour internationalism from 1973 to 1993. The strategies of the trade union regarding the protection of workers’ rights at local, national and international levels are of particular interest. The relations between the Company Union Group at LM Ericsson, the Swedish Metalworkers’ Federation and the local union at Ericsson’s work premises in Colombia (Sintraericsson) are examined in depth. The research is conducted through archive studies and interviews according to oral history theories. The theoretical perspectives in the dissertation are mainly inspired by postcolonial and materialist world system theories. The examined relations took place in a time that from the point of view of the trade union was characterized by uncertainty and anxiety about the future. The visible effects of the technological and industrial processes of transformation in Sweden as well as in Colombia had increased, and one of the main manifestations of the changes was the decreasing demand of manual labour. The introduction of the electronic AXE-system at LM Ericsson industries constituted a significant pass toward increasingly minimized and decreasing labour-intensive telecommunication systems. In Colombia, the local management took advantage of both the political unrest and instability and the absence of functional legislation praxis of work in order to set back and, finally, repudiate Sintraericsson. Many obstacles were mounted impeding the realization of collected and vigorous international labour actions which, had these been successful, would have constituted a response to the union-hostile actions initiated by the company. The Swedish Metalworkers’ Federation and the Company Union Group at LM Ericsson in Sweden were faced with several strategical and ideological issues resulting in their support of Sintraericsson appearing as obligatory or even absent. The study further shows that LM Ericsson as a company had advantages when compared with the Labour Organizations in Sweden and Colombia. The company early established business connections in Colombia and had knowledge about, and was an active part of, the Colombian society. The company was not driven by moral principles though it on the one hand could point at Colombian laws and norms, and on the other hand at overreaching economical “laws” when it came to motivating the politics vis-à-vis the employees, the local union and the frequent dismissals of union activists at Ericsson de Colombia.
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Mirschel, Markus. « Der Kampf um die parteipolitische Macht in der Russländischen Föderation : die KPRF 1991 - 1996 ». Master's thesis, Universität Potsdam, 2007. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2008/1665/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Wahlen sind wichtige Bestandteile demokratischer Strukturen und werfen schon im Vorfeld ihrer Durchführung ihre Schatten voraus. Die Russländische Föderation (RF) stellt hierbei keine Ausnahme dar, aber können in ihrem Falle nur selten westeuropäische Maßstäbe angewandt werden. Russischen Uhren ticken anders. Für die RF gelten keine Schablonen, keine allgemein übertragbaren Parameter. Fragen der Sozialisierung, Mentalitätsfragen und Fragen nach der politischen Kultur spielen hierbei in der Realität eine entscheidende Rolle.
Es ist wichtig, die Akteure im System selbst zu untersuchen, nicht aber, wie es in der Literatur stattfindet, mit dem Blick auf die Wirkung der Einzelakteure auf das Gesamtsystem, sondern des Gesamtsystems auf einen Einzelakteur. Hierbei analysiert die Arbeit die spezifischen Eigenarten des russländischen politischen Systems, verdeutlicht die Entwicklung des politischen Lebens in der RF, besonders der politischen Vereinigungen und streicht die rechtliche Stellung sowie die politischen Lager heraus.
Im vereinigungspolitischen Spektrum der RF haben sich nur wenige Konstanten herauskristallisieren können. Einer dieser Fixpunkte ist in der Kommunistischen Partei der Russländischen Föderation (KPRF) zu sehen. Die Vereinigung hatte es geschafft, wie ein Phönix aus der Asche aufzusteigen. Sich nicht nur über die Zeit des Putsches 1993 zu retten, sondern in der Folgezeit zur einzigen Vereinigung zu erwachsen, der es möglich war, sich gegen die rechtspopulistische Liberal-Demokratische Partei Russlands (LDPR), die Parteien der Macht´, aber auch gegen JABLOKO und die Jelzin-Administration zu behaupten. Keine Vereinigung dieser Zeit schaffte es, so viele Mitglieder und Wähler an sich zu binden, wie es die kommunistische Partei unter G. A. Sjuganow vermochte. Letztendlich ist es der KPRF gelungen, mit G. A. Sjuganow den aussichtsreichsten Gegenkandidaten zu B. N. Jelzin aufzubauen. Die Präsidentschaftswahl von 1996 ist, wie keine nach ihr, denkbar knapp ausgefallen und erst in der Stichwahl entschieden worden.
Gleichsam stellt das Jahr 1996 für die Vereinigung eine tief greifende Zäsur dar. Für die Erfolge und Niederlagen der KPRF ist es von Vorteil, die sie beeinflussenden Faktoren in exogene, der Makroebene politische System der RF´ und in endogene, der Mikroebene KPRF´ entstammende Faktoren zu unterteilen. Auf die exogenen Faktoren, wie beispielsweise die exponierte Stellung des Präsidenten, eine fehlende Parteiengesetzgebung, die marginale Stellung der Staatsduma, die Politikverdrossenheit und Sozialisierung der Wahlbevölkerung oder die geografischen Dimensionen der Föderation, konnte die Sjuganow-Vereinigung nur geringfügig Einfluss nehmen. Die endogenen Faktoren, wie das politische Programm, das Statut oder eine fehlende innerparteiliche Homogenität, lagen in den Händen der Vereinigung und konnten von ihr aktiv, aus ihr heraus gestaltet werden.
Für den angestrebten Sieg zur Präsidentschaftswahl 1996 oblag es der KPRF, geeignete Strategien zu finden. Als für das Ziel positiv kann der Schwenk von der unversöhnlichen zur konstruktiven Opposition, eine breite Koalitionsbereitschaft, das Nutzen dichter Netzwerke und ein breites Angebot programmatischer Schwerpunkte, gekoppelt an den Passus Partei leninistischen Typs´ gewertet werden. Dass G. A. Sjuganow in der Vereinigung umstritten war, der Vorwurf des fehlenden Charismas im Raum stand und es die Vereinigung nicht vermochte, ausreichend Mobilisierungspotential gegenüber Wählern außerhalb der KPRF-Stammwählerschaft zu erreichen, sind als dem Ziel abträglich zu betrachten. Ferner verfolgte die KPRF einen grauen, klassischen, aber z. T. unprofessionellen Wahlkampf, der der Kremladministration nicht gefährlich werden konnte und dem modernen, stark medialen Wahlkampf B. N. Jelzins nichts entgegenzusetzen hatte. Eine einseitige Ausrichtung auf russisch-nationale Themen kann ebenfalls als strategischer Fehler der KPRF gesehen werden, zeigten doch Umfragen, dass dem Großteil der Wahlbevölkerung mehr an der Verbesserung der sozial-ökonomischen Lage gelegen war, als an nationaler Rhetorik. Eine von exogener Seite geschürte Kommunismusangst und das Fehlen eines positiven Alternativprogramms von endogener Seite runden das Scheitern der KPRF zur Präsidentschaftswahl 1996 ab.
Die Arbeit zeigt, dass die exogenen, wie auch endogenen Faktoren sowohl hemmend, als auch fördernd auf die KPRF einwirken konnten. Woran die KPRF beim Erreichen des Wahlsieges von 1996 letztendlich scheiterte, kann aus keiner der beiden Seiten eindeutig abgeleitet werden. Sowohl die endogenen, als auch die exogenen Faktoren leisteten ihren Betrag zum Scheitern der Vereinigung, doch muss festgehalten werden, dass die Einflussnahme der KPRF auf die hemmenden Faktoren im exogenen Bereich hätte stärker ausfallen können.Elections are important elements of democratic structures and cast a cloud over transforming processes, especially in the Russian Federation. One can rarely apply Western European parameters, as there are no simple patterns fitting the political structures. Questions of socialisation, mentality and questions concerning the political culture play a decisive role in Russian reality. The thesis analyses the specific rules of the Russian political system, shows the development of the political parties and is gives review of the regulatory framework and the political situation in the Russian Federation in the period 1991 - 1996. The main focus of the thesis is on the CPRF and the fast development after 1993, which could be compared to phoenix rising from the ashes. The CPRF matured and became an invariable political part of the Russian Federation. The Communist Party lost the presidential elections in 1996, which was the main chance for the CPRF to come into power. Candidate G. A. Zyganov received 32% of the votes, just 35% short of B. N. Yeltsin. The thesis analyses the mistakes the CPRF made and divides the influences into exogenous parameters (emanate from the macroscopic political system of the Russian Federation´) and endogenous parameters (emanate from the microscopic CPRF´).
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Casey, Walter Thomas. « Unexpected Unexpected Utilities : A Comparative Case-Study Analysis of Women and Revolutions ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 2000. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2728/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Women have been part of modern revolutions since the American Revolution against Great Britain. Most descriptions and analyses of revolution relegate women to a supporting role, or make no mention of women's involvement at all. This work differs from prior efforts in that it will explore one possible explanation for the successes of three revolutions based upon the levels of women's support for those revolutions. An analysis of the three cases (Ireland, Russia, and Nicaragua) suggests a series of hypotheses about women's participation in revolution and its importance to revolutions' success.
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Strugnell, James Paul. « Paintings by numbers : applications of bivariate correlation and descriptive statistics to Russian avant-garde artwork ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/10722.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In this thesis artwork is defined, through analogy with quantum mechanics, as the conjoining of the nonsimultaneously measurable momentum (waves) of artwork-text (words within the primary sources and exhibition catalogues) with the position (particles) of artwork-objects (artist- productivity/exhibition-quantities). Such a proposition allows for the changes within the artwork of the Russian avant-garde to be charted, as such artwork-objects are juxtaposed with different artwork-texts from 1902 to 2009. The artwork of an initial period from 1902 to 1934 is examined using primary-source artwork-text produced by Russian artists and critics in relation to the contemporaneous production-levels of various types of Russian-avant-garde artwork-objects. The primary sources in this dataset are those reproduced in the artwork-text produced by the 62 exhibitions described below, and those published in John E. Bowlt's 1991 edition of Russian Art of the Avant-Garde: Theory and Criticism. The production of artwork in the latter period from 1935 to 2009 is examined through consecutive exhibitions, and the relationship between the artwork-text produced by these exhibitions and the artwork-objects exhibited at them. The exhibitions examined within this thesis are 62 containing Russian avant-garde artwork, held in Britain from 1935 to 2009. Content analysis, using an indices-and-symptom analytical construct, functions to convert the textual, unstructured data of the artwork-text words to numerical, structured data of recording-unit weighted percentages. Whilst artist-productivity and exhibition-quantities of types of artwork-object convert the individual artwork-objects to structured data. Bivariate correlation, descriptive statistics, graphs and charts are used to define and compare relationships between: The recording units of the artwork-texts; the artist-productivity/ exhibition-quantities of types of artwork-objects; the structured artwork-text data and structured artwork-object data. These various correlations between structured artwork-text data and structured artwork-object data are calculated in relationship to time (Years) to chart the changes within these relationships. The changes within these relationships are synonymous with changes within Russian avant-garde artwork as presented from 1902 to 1934 and within the 62 British exhibitions from 1935 to 2009. Bivariate correlations between structured artwork-texts data and structured artwork-objects data express numerically (quantitatively) the ineffable relationships formed over time by large sets of unstructured data in the continued (re)creation of artwork.
30
Knazan, Jennifer. « A vague and lovely thing : gender, cultural identity and performativity in contemporary poetry by Russian women ». Thesis, McGill University, 2008. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=112402.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Poetry by Russian women which has been published since the fall of the Soviet Union reveals that the quest to explore female identity and experience is no longer inviolable in Russian literature. This thesis examines female personae, gender and cultural identity in the work of Russian poets Nina Iskrenko (1951--1994), Tatiana Voltskaia (b. 1960), and Iuliia Kunina (b. 1966). Although the poetics of these writers' texts are broad-ranging, all of their work takes up the subjects of gender and cultural identity. Their poems explore identity as a discursive practice, rather than a fixed construct within the strictures of authoritative metanarratives' binary oppositions (male/female, feminine/masculine, Russian/non-Russian). This lends their poetry to postmodern analysis, an approach that heretofore has rarely been applied to poetry by Russian women. Within this theoretical framework, Judith Butler's formulation of "performativity" and Mikhail Epstein's theory of "transculturalism" are particularly well-suited to the task, as each entails non-essentialist conceptions of identity. Donna Haraway's formulation of "woman" as cyborg" is also a fitting theoretical complement, as it suggests the hybridization of identity, as well as the increasing role of the Internet in contemporary and future developments in Russian literature. The rapid changes in the late- and post-Soviet cultural landscape have engendered in contemporary poetry by Russian women powerful, new expressions of gender and cultural identity, which are resulting in startling subversions of authoritative discourses while at the same time forging coalitional "transmodern" identities.
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Retish, Aaron Benyamin. « Peasant Identities in Russia’s Turmoil : Status, Gender, and Ethnicity in Viatka Province, 1914-1921 ». The Ohio State University, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1051221981.
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Nealy, James Allen Jr. « THE METRO METROES : SHAPING SOVIET POST-WAR SUBJECTIVITIES IN THE LENINGRAD UNDERGROUND ». Miami University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1404224329.
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Gumb, Christoph. « Drohgebärden. Repräsentationen von Herrschaft im Wandel ». Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Philosophische Fakultät I, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/16862.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Im Russischen Zarenreich waren Drohungen ein zentrales Instrument der Machtausübung. Die Androhung von Gewalt erlaubte es dem Staat, seine Untertanen in Schach zu halten, ohne Gewalt tatsächlich anwenden zu müssen. Als während der Gewaltexzesse der Revolution von 1905 die Drohkulisse des Zarenreiches in sich zusammenfiel, geriet das System in eine elementare Krise. In dieser Arbeit wird anhand einer Fallstudie untersucht, wie die imperiale russische Armee als zentraler politischer Akteur neue Praktiken entwickelte, die das Überleben des Zarenreichs sicherten. In Zusammenarbeit von Militäreinheiten vor Ort und dem Ministerium in St. Petersburg wurden Regelungen ausgearbeitet, mit denen die symbolische Androhung von Gewalt durch den tatsächlichen, realisierten Gewaltakt ersetzt werden sollte. Hierzu wollten die Militärs zunächst, dass die Differenz zwischen Soldaten und Zivilisten wieder sichtbar gemacht werden sollte. Soldaten sollten sich nur noch in Extremsituationen auf den Strassen blicken lassen um dann „schnell und entschieden“, wie eine der zentralen Forderungen jener Zeit lauerte, zur Waffe zu greifen. Diese Taktiken hatten kurzfristig Erfolg. Langfristig führten sie jedoch zur Erosion des russischen Zarenreichs: Die Revolution von 1905 hatte die Grenzen der Drohpotentiale des Zaren aufgezeigt.In Tsarist Russia, the threat was an important instrument of rule. Threats of violence enabled the state to subdue its subjects without the need to resort to the actual use of violence. But when the Tsar’s threats lost their effectiveness during the excessive violence of the revolution of 1905, Russia endured a fundamental crisis. My work uses Warsaw as a case study to examine how the Imperial Russian Army secured the survival of Tsarist Russia by developing new practices of threat. Units on the ground and the military bureaucracy in St. Petersburg developed new regulations that aimed at replacing the symbolic threat of violence with its actual and finely regulated application. As a precondition for this, the military command wanted to reestablish the symbolic boundaries between soldiers and civilians. Soldiers were allowed to leave their barracks only in situations when this was absolutely necessary. However, they then had to use violence “quickly and decisively,” as a popular phrase described it. In the short term, these tactics proved successful. In the longer run, however, they led to the erosion of the Tsarist regime during its next fundamental moment of crisis. The revolution of 1905 had shown to the people the limitations of the Tsar’s threat potential.
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Gundrum, Duane A. « (Neo) revolutionary messages : an analysis of the impact of counter-narratives versus state narratives during the 1991 Coup D'etat in the former Soviet Union ». Scholarly Commons, 2008. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/685.
Texte intégralRésumé :
On August 19, 1991, government hard-liners overthrew the Soviet Union for a period of 72 hours. Boris Yeltsin, the President of Russia, staged a protest on the steps of the Russian White House, where he gave speeches against the coup d'etat, releasing these speeches for dissemination between the hard-liners and the masses gathered to support Yeltsin. Yeltsin 's protest created a constituted identity amongst the people gathered who became part of the protest against the government. This created a confrontation between the two publics, where the state message developed a narrative involving a glorified past to which they wished to return, while the counter-public created a counter-narrative that argued a future of continued reforms would benefit the people of Russia and the Soviet Union. In the end, the counter-narrative achieved stronger approval from the masses, essentially replacing the state's narrative with its own. As a result, the hard-liners lost their grab for power, and Yeltsin emerged the winner in an ideological struggle for the future of the Russia and the Soviet Union.
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Limonov, Leonid E., Konstantin A. Kholodilin et Sofie R. Waltl. « Housing Rent Dynamics and Rent Regulation in St. Petersburg (1880-1917) ». WU Vienna University of Economics and Business, 2019. http://epub.wu.ac.at/6817/1/wp279.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article studies the evolution of housing rents in St. Petersburg between 1880 and 1917 covering an eventful
period of Russian and world history. We collect and digitize over 5,000 rental advertisements from historic newspapers, which we use together with geo-coded addresses and detailed structural characteristics to construct a quality-adjusted rent price index in continuous time. We provide the first pre-war and pre-Soviet index based on market data for any Russian housing market. In 1915, one of the world's earliest rent control and tenant protection policies was introduced as a response to soaring prices following the outbreak of World War I. We analyze the impact of this policy: while before the regulation rents were increasing at a similar rapid pace as other consumer prices, the policy reversed this trend. We find evidence for official compliance with the policy, document a rise in tenure duration and strongly increased rent affordability among workers after the introduction of the policy. We conclude that the immediate prelude to the October Revolution was indeed characterized by economic turmoil, but rent affordability and rising rents were no longer the prevailing problems.Series: Department of Economics Working Paper Series
36
Rizzo, Ricardo Martins. « Espectros vencidos : a teorização negativa do sistema internacional em Marx e Engels ». Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-05112015-132622/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Parte significativa dos escritos de Marx Engels sobre política internacional são marcados por uma dificuldade teórica, que não deixou de causar desconforto na própria tradição marxista: diante dos êxitos da contra-revolução após 1848, e de uma perspectiva revolucionária plasmada na crítica ao sistema internacional herdado do Congresso de Viena em 1815, as categorias centrais do materialismo hitórico pareciam perder capacidade de formulação política. Se o avanço da concorrência capitalista no mercado mundial possibilitava que as contradições sociais dos países mais avançados fossem universalizadas, por meio da universalização das relações de produção burguesas, o sistema internacional parecia atuar em sentido contrário, permitindo que os tempos sociais do atraso arbitrassem o ritmo das transformações políticas na Europa. Negada pelo sistema internacional, a marcha da história social em Marx e Engels dá lugar a uma teorização negativa. Suas categorias clássicas dão lugar a outras. Classes sociais cedem terreno, em Engels, aos povos sem história. Em Marx, a causalidade é substituída pela analogia; processos, por indivíduos; realidades sociais concretas, por encarnações abstratas. A contemporaneidade política de tempos sociais divergentes que caracteriza a complexa duração do absolutismo na Europa fornece o terreno em que os problemas da teorização negativa eclodem. O fato de que o Estado absolutista de tipo oriental por excelência, a Rússia czarista, pudesse de alguma forma empregar, por meio de sua diplomacia, a coerção de tipo feudal encarnada em sua própria formação para arbitrar o ritmo das revoluções burguesas no ocidente, em pleno século XIX, constitui a principal negatividade com que Marx e Engels se depararam ao pretenderem retomar a marcha revolucionária interrompida em 1815.An important part of Marx and Engels\'s writings on international politics is characterized by a theoretical difficulty, one which has been the cause of significant uneasiness in the Marxist tradition itself. Faced with the strides of counter-revolution in Europe after 1848, and departing from a revolutionary standpoint centered on the criticism of the international system as set forth by the Vienna Congress in 1815, the core categories of dialectic materialism seemed to loose power of political formulation. If the advancement of capitalist competition in the world market was bound to universalize the social contradictions of the most advanced countries, by the universalization of bourgeois production, the international system, on the other hand, appeared as the medium by means of which the social temporalities of backwardness managed to impose themselves on the European political order. Denied by the international system, the march of social history in Marx and Engels gives room to the a negative theorization. Its classic categories give way to new ones. In Engels, social classes give way to nonhistorial peoples; in Marx, causality is replaced by analogy, processes by individuals, concrete social realities by abstract representations. The international coexistence of different political temporalities that characterizes the complex duration of absolutism in Europe sets the stage for the problems of the negative theorization. The fact that the most typical form of oriental absolutist State, czarist Russia, could successfully deploy its feudal coercion, through its diplomacy, to dictate the rhythm of bourgeois revolutions in the West in the nineteenth century constitutes the main negativity with which Marx and Engels are faced in their quest to resume historys course after its interruption in 1815.
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Dreyer, Nicolas D. « 'Post-Soviet neo-modernism' : an approach to 'postmodernism' and humour in the post-Soviet Russian fiction of Vladimir Sorokin, Vladimir Tuchkov and Aleksandr Khurgin ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1917.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The present work analyses the fiction of the post-Soviet Russian writers, Vladimir Sorokin, Vladimir Tuchkov and Aleksandr Khurgin against the background of the notion of post-Soviet Russian postmodernism. In doing so, it investigates the usefulness and accuracy of this very notion, proposing that of ‘post-Soviet neo-modernism’ instead. Common critical approaches to post-Soviet Russian literature as being postmodern are questioned through an examination of the concept of postmodernism in its interrelated historical, social, and philosophical dimensions, and of its utility and adequacy in the Russian cultural context. In addition, it is proposed that the humorous and grotesque nature of certain post-Soviet works can be viewed as a creatively critical engagement with both the past, i.e. Soviet ideology, and the present, the socially tumultuous post-Soviet years. Russian modernism, while sharing typologically and literary-historically a number of key characteristics with Western modernism, was particularly motivated by a turning to the cultural repository of Russia’s past, and a metaphysical yearning for universal meaning transcending the perceived fragmentation of the tangible modern world. Continuing the older Russian tradition of resisting rationalism, and impressed by the sense of realist aesthetics failing the writer in the task of representing a world that eluded rational comprehension, modernists tended to subordinate artistic concerns to their esoteric convictions. Without appreciation of this spiritual dimension, semantic intention in Russian modernist fiction may escape a reader used to the conventions of realist fiction. It is suggested that contemporary Russian fiction as embodied in certain works by Sorokin, Tuchkov and Khurgin, while stylistically exhibiting a number of features commonly regarded as postmodern, such as parody, pastiche, playfulness, carnivalisation, the grotesque, intertextuality and self-consciousness, seems to resume modernism’s tendency to seek meaning and value for human existence in the transcendent realm, as well as in the cultural, in particular literary, treasures of the past. The closeness of such segments of post-Soviet fiction and modernism in this regard is, it is argued, ultimately contrary to the spirit of postmodernism and its relativistic and particularistic worldview. Hence the suggested conceptualisation of post-Soviet Russian fiction as ‘neo-modernist’.
38
Andrusenko, Ekaterina. « Transformace sociálněekonomického systému v Ruské federaci se zaměřením na hospodářství Sverdlovské oblasti ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-192563.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The main objective of this thesis is to evaluate the circumstances and transition of the socio-economic system of the Russian Federation. It is also focused on the regional economy of Sverdlovsk region as a socio-economic subsystem. Uralmash plant is presented here as an example of an economic player in a process of transition. The thesis is based on several specific theories: socio-economic system and its transition, evolution of the economic systems by J. Schumpeter, social choice between chaos and dictatorship based on the new comparative economics, regionalist theory and corporate finance. It is chosen comparative-historical and empirical-statistical methodology. The main finding of the thesis is the inability of the socio-economic system of the USSR to continue in development as a result of dictatorship. However, the new Russian economy fell into a structural shift. The contribution of the thesis is a comprehensive view on transition process in Russia both at national and at regional and local level. Both theoretical and practical sites of transition are reflected. Not only macroeconomic but also microeconomic point of view is taken into account.
39
Salama, Benjamin. « Gabriel François Doyen (1726-1806), peintre du roi ». Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020SORUL007.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Acteur pionnier au sein du mouvement de régénération de la peinture d’histoire dans la seconde moitié du XVIIIe siècle, Gabriel François Doyen (1726-1806) doit sans aucun doute être considéré comme l’un des artistes les plus importants de sa génération. Elève de Carle Vanloo puis à l’École royale des élèves protégés, il s’illustre avec un premier grand chef d’œuvre présenté au Salon de 1759, La Mort de Virginie, qui le fit considérer par la critique comme l’un des espoirs du renouveau de la peinture française. Sa gloire culmine avec une grande commande religieuse, Le Miracle des ardents, exposé au Salon de 1767 et resté célèbre grâce à une longue critique que lui consacra Diderot, dans laquelle il opposera le style puissamment lyrique de l’artiste à la manière de Vien, annonçant de l’esthétique néoclassique. Chargé d’importantes commandes royales au cours des années 1770, apprécié pour ses œuvres puissamment poétiques inspirées par l’Iliade, Doyen finit néanmoins par perdre la faveur du public dans les années 1780, au moment même où s’impose la génération de David. Sous la Révolution, l’artiste sera chargé d’importantes fonctions au sein de la Commission des monuments et œuvrera pour la préservation du patrimoine français aux côtés d’Alexandre Lenoir, son ancien élève. En 1792, il choisira finalement de partir en Russie pour achever sa carrière ; il y occupera la charge de professeur à l’Académie impériale des Beaux-arts de Saint-Pétersbourg, mais aussi la place de peintre de l’impératrice Catherine II et de son fils Paul IerAs one of main pioneer in the regeneration movement of history painting in the second half of the eighteenth century, Gabriel François Doyen (1726-1806) must undoubtedly be considered one of the most important artists of his generation. Student of Carle Vanloo and then at the École royale des élèves protégés, he is illustrated with a first great masterpiece presented at the Salon of 1759, La mort de Virginie, which made him consider by critics as one of the new hopes of the renewal of French painting. His glory culminates with a great religious command, Le Miracle des Ardents exposed to the Salon of 1767 and remained famous thanks to a long criticism that Diderot dedicated to him, in which he contrasted the powerful lyric style of the artist like Vien, announcer of neoclassical aesthetics. He was in charged with important royal commands in the 1770s, appreciated for his powerful poetic works inspired by the Iliad, Doyen eventually lost the public 's favor in the 1780s, at the very same moment when the generation of David is needed . Under the French Revolution, the artist will be in charged with important functions within the Comission des monuements and will work for the preservation of French heritage alongside Alexandre Lenoir, his former student. In 1792, he finally chose to go to Russia to complete his career ; he held the position of professor at the Imperial Academy of Fine Arts in St. Petersburg, but also the rank of painter of the Empress Catherine II and his son Paul I
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Lherbette-Michel, Isabelle. « L’idee russe de l’Etat, contribution a la théorie juridique de l’Etat : le cas russe des origines au postcommunisme ». Thesis, Bordeaux 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013BOR40064.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Il existe une continuité dans l’« idée » russe de l’Etat qu’une analogie dans la continuité des systèmes ne reflète pas. De la Russie impériale à la Russie soviétique, l’Etat (Gosudarstvo) n’est pas conçu comme une entité abstraite et autonome. A la dimension césariste du pouvoir correspond la non-émergence, et du concept et de la réalité d’un Etat. Jusqu’en 1917, la conception russe du pouvoir est conditionnée par le discours idéologique – religieux. Après 1917, sa principale caractéristique est d’être subordonnée à l’idéologie, en tant qu’expression de la volonté du Parti communiste. L’Etat soviétique s’impose donc comme un Etat « de fait » et non comme un Etat « de droit ». La prédominance du discours idéologique entrave, à la fois, la constitution d’une culture de l’Etat, qui reste une culture du pouvoir, et la formation d’une culture de l’antériorité et de la supériorité du droit sur l’Etat. Après la désintégration de l’Union soviétique, la référence à la démocratie libérale et à l’Etat de droit devient un outil de la création d’une nouvelle légitimité pour l’Etat postcommuniste. L’entrée de la Russie dans la modernité politique nécessite une rupture avec les postulats idéologiques du passé. Or, la déconstruction du socialisme est un processus beaucoup plus complexe que la construction de la démocratie. Bien qu’ayant subi, sur plusieurs siècles, plusieurs types de transitions – de l’absolutisme de droit divin au socialisme, puis au postcommunisme -, l’Etat russe a donc conservé certains caractères constants et typiques qui en font, encore aujourd’hui, un modèle hybride, en tension entre autoritarisme et démocratieThere is a continuity as concerns the « idea » of the state that an analogy with the different systems does not reflect. From imperial to Soviet Russia, the state (Gosudarstvo) is not thought of as an abstract and autonomous entity. Until 1917, the Russian conception of power is conditioned by the religious ideological discourse. After 1917, her main feature is one of submission to ideology, in other words the expression of the will of the Communist Party. The Soviet state stands out by its « de facto » nature, rather than a « de jure » state. The supremacy of the ideological discourse hampers both the constitution of a new state culture, which remains focused on power, and the formation of the precedence and the superiority of law over the state. After the disintegration of the Soviet Union, reference to liberal democracy and the rule of law becomes a tool in creating renewed legitimacy for the postcommunist state. Russia’s entry into political modernity demands a rupture with the ideological postulates of the past. The dismantlement of socialism is a much more complex process than the construction of democracy. Despite having been subjected, over centuries, to many types of transition – absolutism founded on divine right to socialism, then postcommunism -, the Russian state has always preserved certain features (be they constant or specific) that make it, and still today, a hybrid model pulling towards both authoritarianism and democracy
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DOROFEYUK, Maria. « Dynamics and structure of strikes : on the way to the first Russian Revolution ». Doctoral thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/34981.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 12 February 2015Examining Board: Professor Federico Giovanni (EUI Supervisor) ; Professor Youssef Cassis (EUI Second Reader) ; Professor Leonid Borodkin (Lomonosov Moscow State University) ; Professor Jean-Paul Depretto (Toulouse University).
The research seeks to explore the basic characteristics of labor conflicts in the Russian Empire from the year 1895 to 1905. The central theme of the research is the structure of these labor conflicts, which varied by year, region and branch of industry. A second main subject is the nature of the interactions between the major factors in the labor movement in pre-revolutionary Russia. This work seeks to determine if there is a correlation between the features of the conflict and the intensity of the strike movement. The dissertation gives a new vision of the important phenomenon in the social and political history of Russia in the end of 19th / the beginning of 20th century. The present study is concerned with the lack of statistical analysis of labor conflicts in pre-revolutionary Russia. Particular attention is given to the scale of the strikes that affected all the regions of the Russian Empire and all branches of industry. The period 1895-1904 which is under consideration in the dissertation is important in Russian social history because it was the decade when the workers movement becomes more organized and politically motivated on the way to the first Russian Revolution. The research is focused on the analysis of dynamics and structure of labor conflicts in Russian industries in the decade which preceded the first Russian Revolution (1905-1907). The author characterizes the historical context of the process under consideration and provides the comparative analysis of labor conflicts in the main industrial regions of European part of Russian Empire (Left-Bank Ukraine, St.-Petersburg and Central Industrial Region) on the edge of centuries. The substantial part of the work is oriented to verification of the working hypothesis by means of the statistical analysis of a variety of labor conflicts based on the materials of the two big data bases.
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Stroud, Gregory. « Retrospective revolution : a history of time and memory in urban Russia, 1903-1923 / ». 2006. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3223726.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2006.Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 67-07, Section: A, page: 2707. Adviser: Mark D. Steinberg. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 176-193) Available on microfilm from Pro Quest Information and Learning.
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Head, Michael O., University of Western Sydney, College of Law and Business et School of Law. « Marxism, revolution and law : the experience of early Soviet Russia ». 2004. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/26455.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The 1917 Soviet Revolution in Russia was an attempt to fundamentally reorganise economic, social and legal life along anti-capitalist, participatory and egalitarian lines. This thesis suggests seven criteria for assessing the early Soviet legal debates: 1/. Broad ranging legal debates 2/ The social and historical context 3/. The legal record of Soviet Russia 4/. The socialist opposition 5/. Classical Marxist legal theory 6/. The axis of the early debates 7/. The contrast with Stalinism. An introduction explains the parameters of the thesis. Chapter 1 examines the classical Marxist theory of law and the state. Chapters 2 and 3 review the revolution’s context: the pre-1917 legal record and the political physiognomy and dynamics of the 1917 revolution. Chapters 4 and 5 probe the legal record of early Soviet Russia, and Lenin’s views on law. Chapter 6 reviews the legal debates, while chapters 7 and 8 focus on the particular contributions of Stuchka and Pashukanis. Chapter 9 examines the impact of the Socialist opposition, most notably the Left Opposition formed by Leon Trotsky at the end of 1923. Chapter 10 draws some tentative conclusions.Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
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Head, Michael LL B., University of Western Sydney, College of Law and Business et School of Law. « Marxism, revolution and law : the experience of early Soviet Russia ». 2004. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/26540.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The 1917 Soviet Revolution in Russia was an attempt to fundamentally reorganise economic, social and legal life along anti-capitalist, participatory and egalitarian lines. This thesis suggests seven criteria for assessing the early Soviet legal debates: 1/. Broad ranging legal debates 2/ The social and historical context 3/. The legal record of Soviet Russia 4/. The socialist opposition 5/. Classical Marxist legal theory 6/. The axis of the early debates 7/. The contrast with Stalinism. An introduction explains the parameters of the thesis. Chapter 1 examines the classical Marxist theory of law and the state. Chapters 2 and 3 review the revolution’s context: the pre-1917 legal record and the political physiognomy and dynamics of the 1917 revolution. Chapters 4 and 5 probe the legal record of early Soviet Russia, and Lenin’s views on law. Chapter 6 reviews the legal debates, while chapters 7 and 8 focus on the particular contributions of Stuchka and Pashukanis. Chapter 9 examines the impact of the Socialist opposition, most notably the Left Opposition formed by Leon Trotsky at the end of 1923. Chapter 10 draws some tentative conclusions.Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
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Head, Michael. « Marxism, revolution and law : the experience of early Soviet Russia ». Thesis, 2004. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/26540.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The 1917 Soviet Revolution in Russia was an attempt to fundamentally reorganise economic, social and legal life along anti-capitalist, participatory and egalitarian lines. This thesis suggests seven criteria for assessing the early Soviet legal debates: 1/. Broad ranging legal debates 2/ The social and historical context 3/. The legal record of Soviet Russia 4/. The socialist opposition 5/. Classical Marxist legal theory 6/. The axis of the early debates 7/. The contrast with Stalinism. An introduction explains the parameters of the thesis. Chapter 1 examines the classical Marxist theory of law and the state. Chapters 2 and 3 review the revolution’s context: the pre-1917 legal record and the political physiognomy and dynamics of the 1917 revolution. Chapters 4 and 5 probe the legal record of early Soviet Russia, and Lenin’s views on law. Chapter 6 reviews the legal debates, while chapters 7 and 8 focus on the particular contributions of Stuchka and Pashukanis. Chapter 9 examines the impact of the Socialist opposition, most notably the Left Opposition formed by Leon Trotsky at the end of 1923. Chapter 10 draws some tentative conclusions.
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KOTKINA, Irina. « Classical opera under authoritarian rule : a comparative study of cultural policy in the USSR, Italy and Germany ». Doctoral thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10401.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 15 December 2008Examining Board: Prof. Edward Arfon Rees (EUI, and European Research Institute, University of Birmingham) - supervisor Prof. Heinz-Gerhard Haupt (EUI) Prof. Svetlana Savenko (Moscow State P.I. Tchaikovsky Conservatory, and Russian State Institute for Art Studies) Prof. Hans Erich Bödeker (Max Planck Institute for History, Göttingen, and Max Planck Institute for the History of Science, Berlin)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
The aim of this thesis is to analyze and compare the operatic culture of Stalinist USSR, Nazi Germany, and Fascist Italy. This task implies analyzing and comparing the operatic cultures, and scrutinizing governmental policies as they affected opera in the USSR, Germany, and Italy in the period of authoritarian rule. The most important focus is on the impact which these three regimes had on opera. And we start our analysis from the paradoxical fact that opera managed to retain its high quality during the time of strictest repression
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Shtakser, Inna. « Structure of feeling and radical identity among working-class Jewish youth during the 1905 revolution ». Thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/3307.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This dissertation "'Structure of Feeling" and Radical Identity among Working-Class Jewish Youth during the 1905 Revolution" examines the emotional aspects of revolutionary experience during a critical turning point in both Russian and Jewish history. Most studies of radicalization construe the process as an intellectual or analytical one. I argue that radicalization involved an emotional transformation, which enabled many young revolutionaries to develop a new "structure of feeling', defined by Raymond Williams as an intangible awareness that allows us to recognize someone belonging to our cultural group, as opposed to a well-versed stranger. The key elements of this new structure of feeling were an activist attitude towards reality and a prioritization of feelings demanding action over others. Uncovering the links between feeling, idea, and activism holds a special significance in the context of modern Jewish history. When pogroms swept through Jewish communities during 1905-6, young Jews who had fled years earlier, often after bitter conflicts with their families and a difficult rejection of traditions, returned to protect their communities. Never expecting to return or be accepted back, they arrived with new identities forged in radical study circles and revolutionary experience as activist, self-assertive Jews. The self-assertion that led them away earlier proved them more effective leaders than traditional Jewish communal authorities. Their intellectual and emotional experiences in self-education, secularization, and political activism meant creating a new social status within the Jewish community legitimating a new Jewish identity as working-class Jewish revolutionary.text
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Hetherington, Philippa. « Mythos and Eros in Fin de Siecle Russia : Zinaida Gippius’ Sexual Revolution ». Thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/1548.
Texte intégralRésumé :
At the turn of the twentieth century, Russian writer Zinaida Gippius postulated a radical repudiation of the notions of biologically determined gender and sexuality. An active participant in the Russian religious renaissance of the period, she combined this repudiation with a critique of Orthodox asceticism, formulating in the process a doctrine of ‘holy flesh’. After 1905, she transformed her philosophies into a utopian project for religious revolution, based on the twin principles of sexual freedom and gender equality. This thesis examines the ways in which Gippius used these ideas to resist patriarchal norms, problematising traditional narratives of Russian history, which confine such resistance to bourgeois and socialist feminism, both of which Gippius eschewed
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Trapeznik, Alexander. « The working class of Tula in late nineteenth century Russia, 1880-1900 ». Phd thesis, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/131962.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This work is a socio-historical study of the Tula working class
between 1880 and 1900. It adds a further regional dimension to the
burgeoning scholarship of social historical studies of the worker
question within Russian historiography and because of the
importance of the labour working class during this period of
concentrated industrialisation and worker politicisation, this study
seeks to provide a portrait of Tula worker society.
The investigation will initially focus on the historiography of
the Russian working class, its historians and theories of social change.
The industrial history of Tula and the surrounding province is
presented, which highlights the role played by foreign entrepreneurs
in Tula's early industrial development. Secondly, Tula workers
themselves are examined together with their background and what
motivated their journey to Tula. The composition of a Tula working
class family is analysed, the social and economic ramifications of
living in Tula are explored and material is presented on family life,
on marriage, and on patterns of residence and household
composition. The issue of the permanency of worker ties to Tula is
investigated as is that of an hereditary proletariat. Finally, material is
presented on cooperatives, mutual aid societies and the incidence of
worker unrest. How these developments and events influenced or
hindered Tula workers' capacity for collective action and class
consciousness is also explored. The study concludes with a summary
of the issues raised, in terms of an examination of the interaction
between the forces of innovation and tradition, of continuity and
discontinuity, in Russian society.
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ZHURAVLEV, Oleg. « Microsociology of big events : the dynamics of eventful solidarities in "for fair elections" and Euromaidan protest movements ». Doctoral thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/59572.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 22 October 2018Examining Board: Professor Donatella della Porta, Scuola Normale Superiore, supervisor; Professor László Bruszt, Central European University; Professor Nina Eliasoph, University of Southern California; Professor Laurent Thévenot, Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales.
The thesis is devoted to a micro-sociological analysis of "big" protests. Comparing Russian "For fair elections" movement with Ukrainian Euromaidan, I study how eventful identities, solidarities, and cultural representations that emerged in the course of the protests then developed and changed contributing to either socio-political change, or reproduction. I analyze dynamics of both the uprisings themselves and the dynamics of post-protest collective action. The first part of the text analyzes a phenomenon new to Russia: the politicized local activism that has emerged in the wake of the "For fair elections" protests. Urban activism in Russian has been rarely politicized; rather, it addressed "familiar", "close to home" problems and that kept distance from "politics". Anti-Putin rallies of 2011-2012 changed the landscape of Russian civic activism. Inspired by the experience of collective actions, protesters resolved to keep it going in their own neighborhoods, establishing local activist groups and tackling smaller-scale problems typical of apolitical activism, e.g., defending parks from deforestation and buildings from demolition, and working for improvements. However, activists attributed oppositional and "political" meanings to practices that had been rather apolitical before the protests of 2011-2012. Thus, my study revealed the significant eventful change in the political culture of Russian urban activism. At the same time, in many cases mass events lead to the intensifying of pre-existing political and cultural structures, cultures, identities and discourses. In the second part of the text I show that Euromaidan consecutively first weakened and then enforced the ethno-cultural and political split between Western and Eastern Ukranian citizens. While “Euromaidan” initially succeeded at creating a new civic identity that united the protesters, this identity failed to spread beyond the event. Paradoxically, the initial push for civic unity and inclusivity, when intensified, transformed into a tool of promoting exclusivity. The text is based on the analysis of in-depths interviews and focus-groups. The conclusions address the theoretical discussions within the eventful approach in social science, pragmatic and cultural sociology.