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1
Chebeňová, Nina. « Kultúrna diplomacia ako nástroj zahraničnej politiky Ruskej federácie, Prípadová štúdia : Slovensko ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-201983.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The diploma thesis is focused on defining the place of cultural diplomacy and concepts of soft power and nation branding in the foreign policy of the Russian Federation, as since the end of the Cold War importance of culture and cultural diplomacy in international relations has started to grow. It analyses the question whether cultural diplomacy as part of the foreign policy of the Russian Federation contributes to increase attractiveness and positive image abroad. To determine positives, negatives and exploit the potential, SWOT analysis was applied. In the case study the position of Slovakia in the cultural diplomacy of the Russian Federation with regard to problem areas of cooperation is defined. It also includes analysis of the activity, its results and major projects of the Russian Centre of Science and Culture in Bratislava.
2
Noble, Ben. « Rethinking 'rubber stamps' : legislative subservience, executive factionalism, and policy-making in the Russian State Duma ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:6a027f93-90d6-4ecc-9346-48712a003de0.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Conventional wisdom views authoritarian legislatures as 'rubber stamps'. According to this model, non-democratic parliaments are entirely subservient to dominant executives, having no influence on the development of policy; as a result, all bills introduced into the legislature become laws without amendment. Although these bodies might perform other functions, they serve - according to this account - a purely ceremonial function in the policy-making process. There is evidence, however, inconsistent with this portrayal from a range of non-democracies, including evidence of executive bill failure and bill amendment. Existing attempts to explain these apparently deviant observations refer to some degree of legislative autonomy - bills fail and change as a result of legislator influence. According to these accounts, authoritarian elites use legislatures to co-opt members of the opposition and to gather information about citizen grievances. This dissertation, in contrast, argues that legislative activity in non-democracies can be driven by executive concerns. Whereas the 'rubber stamp' model infers from executive dominance an absence of legislative activity, the approach proposed by this dissertation suggests there are a variety of reasons why executive actors might want to amend or kill off their own bills in the legislature. In particular, these legislative policy developments can result from clashes between executive factions, which use legislative institutions to monitor, challenge, and amend each others' proposals. This dissertation proposes and assesses this new approach using fine-grained data on legislative processes and outputs from the contemporary Russian State Duma. The analysis draws on a variety of data sources, using both qualitative and quantitative methods. The findings suggest that legislative institutions can still 'matter' in non-democracies, even with an entirely subservient body of legislators.
3
Gorska, Joanna Agnieszka. « Dealing with a juggernaut : analysing Poland's policy towards Russia, 1989-2004 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670075.
Texte intégral
4
Torgersen, Dale G. « KTO I KUDA ? Russia, language, and national identity ». Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2009/Dec/09Dec%5FTorgersen.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Europe and Eurasia))--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2009.Thesis Advisor(s): Tsypkin, Mikhail ; Keyser, Boris. "December 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 27, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Russian Language, Language Policy, Russification, Russia, Russian Federation, Soviet Union, Former Soviet Union, Identity, Nationalist, Nationalism, russkie, rossiianne, Baltic States, Ukraine, Georgia, Moldova, Pushkin, Lermontov, Tolstoy, Romanov Dynasty, Bolsheviks, Communist Party, Lenin, Stalin, Khrushchev, Brezhnev, Gorbachev, Yeltsin, Putin. Includes bibliographical references (p. 31-33). Also available in print.
5
Golubchikov, Oleg. « Cities of the Russian northwest in a new space economy : global forces, local contexts ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670150.
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6
Fredheim, Rolf Emil. « Playing for time : the past in Russian media coverage (2003-13) ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708818.
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7
Victoir, Laura A. « Moscow-area estates : a case study of twentieth-century architectural preservation and cultural politics ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670078.
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8
Martin, Jeremy Andrew. « Russia and the "West" a useful paradigm or an imagined actor ? / ». Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1178124728.
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9
Linden, Corina Herron. « Power and uneven globalization : coalitions and energy trade dependence in the newly independent states of Europe / ». Thesis, Connect to this title online ; UW restricted, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10775.
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10
Price, Hilary Downs Driscoll. « NATO-Russia cooperation in Bosnia, 1995-2003 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669921.
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11
Mikenberg, Eero. « Pskov region of the Russian Federation as foreign policy actor ». Thesis, Connect to e-thesis, 2008. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/211/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (Ph.D.) - University of Glasgow, 2006.Ph.D. thesis submitted to the Department of Central and East European Studies, University of Glasgow, 2006. Includes bibliographical references. Print version also available.
12
Belousova, Valentina. « U.S. Bilateral Trade with its Major Trading Partners and Russia ». Thesis, North Dakota State University, 2011. https://hdl.handle.net/10365/29552.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study examines U.S. exports and imports to/from its major 15 trading partners and Russia. To analyze U.S. export and import flows the gravity model approach is used. Factors affecting U.S. bilateral trade flows with its 16 trading countries are evaluated using Generalized Method of Moments (GMM). Annual data from 2000 to 2009 are used for this study. Goods traded between the U.S. and its trading partners are disaggregated into three groups based on the Standard International Trade Classification (SITC). Results show that major factors affecting both U.S. export and import flows are distance and change in polity score. Also U.S. exports are influenced by U.S. trading partner Gross Domestic Product (GDP) for agricultural (AGR) and middle sector (MID) groups. U.S. foreign direct investment is a complement for U.S. exports of final (FIN) group and at the same time it serves as substitute for U.S. exports of AGR. On the other hand, U.S. imports of AGR and foreign direct investment (FDI) from 16 trading partners to the U.S. are substitutes. This study also reveals that the U.S. and Russia bilateral trade could be improved through economic growth in both countries, improving political cooperation and increasing inward and outward FDI.
13
Romášek, Štěpán. « Behaviorální aspekty ekonomických vztahů, organizací a marketingu v rámci Ruské federace ». Master's thesis, Vysoké učení technické v Brně. Fakulta podnikatelská, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-223265.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Tato diplomová práce pojednává o politických, ekonomických a především sociálně-kulturních aspektech, které mají vliv na mezinárodní obchod, organizace a marketing týkající se Ruské federace, jež jsou dány do kontextu zejména s Českou republikou (eventuálně jinými relevantními státy). Cílem mé práce je nalézt překážky v obchodu s Ruskou federací a způsob jakým je možné je překonat. Důraz primárního výzkumu mé práce bude kladen na interkulturní složku, konkrétně na rozdíly v organizačním chování a chování spotřebitele. Zaměřím se na specifický profil potenciálních účastníků v oblastech marketingu a obchodu. Zohledním také znalosti z nashromážděných dat o politicko-ekonomickém prostředí zemí. Použitím vybrané metodologie rozšířím teoretické podklady a sekundární výzkum o nové poznatky a v širším kontextu vyvodím závěry a návrhy pro optimalizaci bariér, kterým firmy jsou rozšiřující pole působnosti do Ruska vystaveny a jimž mohou čelit.
14
Matukhno, Natalia S. « U.S. Foreign Policy Toward Russia : Agenda-Setting Time Series Analysis (1945-2004) ». Ohio : Ohio University, 2005. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1125780999.
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15
Borén, Thomas. « Meeting-places of transformation : urban identity, spatial representations and local politics in St Petersburg, Russia / ». Stockholm : Department of Human Geography, Stockholm University, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-412.
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16
Bernard, Andrew T. « The eagle, the bear, and the yurt : evaluating Kyrgyzstan's foreign policy behavior with the United States and Russia in the post-9/11 security environment / ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Jun%5FBernard.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2005.Thesis Advisor(s): Anne L. Clunan, Mikhail Tsypkin. Includes bibliographical references (p. 107-115). Also available online.
17
Brown, James D. J. « The energy impact theory of foreign policy : an analysis of Soviet Union and Russian Federation, 1970-2010 ». Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2011. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=166218.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis addresses the substantive problem: how does variation in energy wealth impact upon the foreign policies of major energy-producing states? To answer this question, the thesis draws upon the ‘resource curse’ literature, as well as existing works of foreign policy analysis, to formulate a new theory. Based on a framework of neoclassical realism, this energy impact theory of foreign policy proposes that energy wealth, conceived as a national capability, has a significant and reliable effect on major energy-producing states’ foreign policies. Specifically, it is hypothesised that increases in energy capabilities amplify the scale and scope of these states’ international activity; promote boldness, ambition, and aggression; and encourage the adoption of unilateralist approaches to foreign policy. Decreases in energy capabilities are anticipated to have the opposite effects. Having delineated the core features of this middle-range theory, the model is tested using an initial, most-likely case study of the Soviet Union and Russian Federation, 1970 to 2010. The results of this empirical study are enormously encouraging since, following meticulous qualitative analysis of events data, the theory is concluded to have significant explanatory value in this context, as well as substantial promise as a more general model. In this way, the thesis endeavours to make a distinctive contribution, not only to research into the factors shaping Moscow’s international conduct, but also to the broader theoretical literatures on the ‘resource curse’ and foreign policy analysis. It is anticipated that this thesis marks only the beginning of a much more extensive programme of research.
18
Kalashnyk, Leonid. « Environmental Decision-making in the Pskov Region of the Russian Federation ». Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2003. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-2345.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The break-up of the Soviet Union handed down the Russian Federation a number of Soviet environmental legacies ranging from contaminated areas to the old bureaucratic procedures and outdated practices. In the post-Soviet years of transition to a free-market economy Russia began to face increasingly acute tension between environmental security and economic development, and the state’s ability to effectively pursue environmental policies deteriorated. Current environmental policy-makers are faced with a multitude of challenges that range from complicated environmental systems to the inconsistent legislative framework and resource deficiencies. Although researchers have paid some attention to these problems, environmental decision-making remains a poorly illuminated area and constitutes a theoretically challenging problem. This paper addresses the regional environmental decision-making process in the Russian Federation. Using the Pskov region on the border with Byelorussia and the two future EU members Estonia and Latvia as a case study, this paper seeks to supply a better understanding of how environmental decisions are made on the regional and local levels with a special focus on constraints affecting environmental policy-making. The study attempts to explain the environmental decision-making process in light of the two competing theories of decision- making, incrementalism and the bureaucratic politics model. It is primarily based on interviews made in the Pskov region in the autumn of 2002.
19
Matz, Johan. « Constructing a post-Soviet international political reality Russian foreign policy towards the newly independent states, 1990-95 / ». Uppsala : [Uppsala University], 2001. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/46401841.html.
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20
Beaupré, Maxime. « Unwilling foes : Russia's and China's reaction to the challenge of the American ballistic missile defence programme ». Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=83170.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The official reaction of the Russian Federation and of the People's Republic of China to the announcement made by the United States in December 2001 to abrogate the almost thirty years old Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM) Treaty has been remarkably weak, given their sustained and coordinated opposition to the deployment of strategic defences against ballistic missiles (BMD). Because the existing literature, particularly balance of power theory, under-explored this puzzle and fails to provide a satisfactory explanation to it, a neoclassical realist model building on structural and unit-level variables is proposed to supplement this caveat. It is argued that Russia, as a stagnant great power experiencing trouble at the domestic level, bandwagons with the United States because it discounts the medium- and long-term threat posed by BMD. China, a rising developmental state, is soft balancing because it resents the project and the threat it poses to its security. It has not hard balanced so far because there is an acknowledgement that this could jeopardize its power base, as the telling example of the USSR collapse illustrated.
21
Mitchell, C. S. Humanities & Social Sciences Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. « Phoenix from the Ashes ? : Russia???s defence industrial complex and its arms exports ». Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy. School of Humanities and Social Sciences, 2007. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/38745.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The continued existence of the Russian defence and arms industry, known as the Oboronnyi Promyshennyi Kompleks (OPK), was called into question following the disintegration of the Soviet Empire in 1991. Industry experts cited the lack of a domestic market, endemic corruption, and excess capacity within the industry as factors underpinning its predicted demise. The most telling factor was the sudden removal of considerable government subsidies and high defence industry wages that had traditionally buttressed the industry's economic viability and encouraged the cream of Russia's workers into the sector. It was a crippling blow. However, the industry's export customers in China, India and Iran during those early years became the OPK's saving grace. Their orders introduced hard currency back into the industry and went a long way to preventing the forecasted OPK collapse. Although pessimistic predictions continued to plague the OPK throughout the 1990s, the valuable export dollars provided the OPK the breathing space it needed to claw back its competitive advantage as an arms producer. That revival has been further underpinned by a new political commitment, various research and development initiatives, and the restoration of defence industry as a tool of Russian foreign policy. In order to gauge the future prospects for the OPK, it is necessary to examine the domestic and external drivers that have either underwritten its success to date or are still required to ensure its long term endurance. Domestically, continued success demands a closer collaboration between the OPK and the Russian armed forces. It also requires serious efforts to curb endemic corruption, further consolidation of the defence industry and continued development of the Russian domestic market for arms. Externally, the strength of the state arms exporter, Rosoboronexport, global market diversification and joint military ventures with strategic partner countries are essential ingredients for long term OPK success. Cultivating and maintaining the economic and political momentum vital for the OPK's progress will be a daunting undertaking for Russia. However, Russia's accomplishments in these key areas since 2000 suggest that continued success is a genuine prospect and that the OPK could potentially grow to be the proverbial 'phoenix from the ashes'. China and India constitute approximately eighty percent of the total Russian arms transfer market. Trading and cooperation with these two countries has provided Moscow with the finances to sustain its defence industry through continued orders and valuable finance for research and development programmes for military hardware. However, post 2015, the Chinese market will be nearing total saturation and the Indian market will have contracted somewhat, as the indigenous defence industries of these nations can be expected to usurp the demand for Russian equipment. This scenario, together with a more active foreign policy under Putin has seen Russia launch aggressive marketing campaigns into the Middle East, South East Asia and Latin America. The strategy has already begun to pay dividends with large contracts being signed by Algeria, Indonesia, and Venezuela. The Russians hope that large sales to these countries will trigger further sales within the respective regions. The realised or potential contracts for arms from Libya, Saudi Arabia, Malaysia, Mexico, and Brazil suggest that this strategy is producing the desired result. The short term future of the Russian OPK looks promising. The rising domestic defence order is beginning to challenge the export market as the OPK's most important customer. Meanwhile, exports will be safeguarded by continued foreign demand for niche Russian defence products such as cruise missiles and air defence systems as well as cost effective and user friendly Russian aircraft, ships, submarines and land systems. Flexible financing options offered by Rosoboronexport will stimulate demand in new markets such as Algeria and Indonesia and sustain the economic viability of the OPK for at least the next decade.
22
Khrulova-Nygren, Camilla, et Louise Andersson. « Business in Russia : A study investigating to what extent culture impacts business for Swedish managers ». Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för marknadsföring (MF), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-35537.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study is an empirical research that is set to examine to what extent culture affects the performance of Swedish managers when doing business with their Russian customers. The authors aim is to find out how important cultural awareness is when doing business between Sweden and Russia as well as what factors Swedish managers should consider before doing business with a Russian customer. The purpose of this study has been set in relation to empirical evidence based on a qualitative research approach with semi structured in-depth interviews as a method. Seven in-depth interviews has been conducted in order to fulfil the research questions and the purpose of this study, all interviewees has got at least three years of business related experience towards the Russian market. One of the main objectives of this study is to create a road map that will unveil hidden rules and provide a practical approach in order to avoid apprehensions and hesitations concerning the Russian culture, before arriving and while already in Russia. This study reveals that factors such as language, non-stereotyping, and a rigorous research about the Russian culture are needed for a Swedish businessman before doing business in Russia. When a Swedish businessman has arrived in Russia, considerations and efforts should be put on factors such as the importance of a formal dress code, practice status, as well as a strict leadership style.
23
Semukhina, Olga B. « RUSSIAN CULTURAL FACTORS RELATED TO PERCEIVED CRIMINAL PROCEDURE FAIRNESS : THE JUXTAPOSITION OF POLICY AND PRACTICE ». Doctoral diss., University of Central Florida, 2007. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/3435.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The purpose of this study is to investigate the relationship between the Russian culture and citizens' perceived fairness of the new Criminal Procedural Code of Russia of 2001 (CPC of 2001). The CPC of 2001 is a key policy in the Russian criminal law reform with the purpose of implementing adversarial procedure elements in Russia. The existing literature has documented the lack of public support along with observed violations of the CPC's major provisions which as made this an important area for study. It is theorized that the apparent contradiction between the underlying values of the Russian culture, and CPC's adversarial procedure that reflects anti-cultural values, are responsible for the lack of substantial public support and acceptance of the CPC of 2001. The theory of motivational values developed by Schwartz (1990) is used as a framework to examine the Russian culture. Damaska's (1986) theory of procedural models is used to examine the adversarial elements of the new CPC of 2001. The group value theory of fairness is employed to examine the relationships between Russian cultural values and the public opinion about the criminal procedural law (Lind & Tyler, 1988). The study used a multi-stage stratified random sample of 1,588 Russian residents to explore the relationship between the culture and the perceived fairness of the CPC of 2001. The sample is representative of the Russian Federation population. The data is analyzed through four structural-equation models, a set of non-parametric tests, and descriptive statistical analysis. The findings of this thesis confirmed that cultural values in Russia are predominantly collective. On average, 69% of Russian respondents reported that collective values play a very important role in their life. The type of prevailing values was dependent on the demographic characteristics of the sample: age, gender, place of residence, level of education, marital status, and household income. It was found that the majority of Russian citizens believe that the inquisitional criminal procedure is an ideal of fair law. On average, 72% supported the inquisitorial procedural model in Russia. Unlike the adversarial procedure, the inquisitorial procedural model is not based on competition between the equal parties of prosecution and defense. Instead, it is viewed as a cooperative process between the judge, prosecutor and defense in their inquiry into the circumstances of the case. The adversarial procedural model was not supported by most citizens. Only 33.5% reported that the adversarial procedural model can be considered fair. The study corroborated that the new CPC was not fully supported by the majority of respondents. An average of 27.5% of respondents in Russia reported that the CPC of 2001 is a fair law, in comparison to 72.5% who think that the CPC of 2001 is unfair. The findings validated that the CPC of 2001's inclusion of adversarial procedural elements contradict key values of the contemporary Russian culture. It is concluded that the CPC of 2001 should be reformed to facilitate citizen acceptance. Greater acceptance will support the attempt to advance the democratization of the criminal process through increased civil rights while simultaneously enhancing positive social control. It is proposed that the planned policy reforms that contain additional elements of the adversarial criminal procedure be introduced in a phased manner. It is also recommended that the adversarial procedure values should be publicized through public awareness educational programs. The data analysis also suggests that confounding factors such as citizen distrust of the criminal justice institutions can contribute to problems associated with acceptance of the criminal law reform. The research model developed for this study can be used to examine policies related to criminal law reform in other former Soviet Union countries.Ph.D.
Department of Criminal Justice and Legal Studies
Health and Public Affairs
Public Affairs PhD
24
O'Shea, Liam. « Police reform and state-building in Georgia, Kyrgyzstan and Russia ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/5165.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This dissertation provides an in-depth study of police transformation in Georgia, Kyrgyzstan and Russia since the collapse of the Soviet Union. It draws upon interviews with police, NGO workers, politicians and international practitioners, and employs a comparative-historical approach. Contra to democratic policing approaches, advocating the diffusion of police power and implementation of police reform concurrently with wider democratisation, reform was relatively successful in Georgia after the 2003 Rose Revolution because of state-building. The new government monopolised executive power, fired many police, recruited new personnel, raised police salaries and clamped down on organised crime and corruption. Success also depended on the elite's political will and their appeal to Georgian nationalism. Prioritisation of state-building over democratisation limited the reform's success, however. The new police are politicised and have served elites' private interests. Reform has failed in Kyrgyzstan because of a lack of state-building. Regional, clan and other identities are stronger than Kyrgyz nationalism. This has hindered the formation of an elite with capacity to implement reform. The state has limited control over the police, who remain corrupt and involved in organised crime. State-building has not precipitated police reform in Russia because of the absence of political will. The ruling cohort lacks a vision of reform and relies on corruption to balance the interests of political factions. The contrasting patterns of police reform have a number of implications for democratic police reform in transitioning countries: First, reform depends on political will. Second, institutionalising the police before democratising them may be a more effective means of acquiring the capacity to implement reform. Third, such an approach is likely to require some sort of common bond such as nationalism to legitimate it. Fourth, ignoring democratisation after institutionalisation is risky as reformers can misuse their power for private interests.
25
Bachkatov, Nina. « La diplomatie énergétique de la Fédération de Russie : forces et limites ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209939.
Texte intégralRésumé :
La diplomatie énergétique russe qui est au cœur de ce travail diffère des politiques industrielles classiques adoptées régulièrement par les États afin de développer leur pays, relancer son économie ou certains secteurs industriels. Elle entend en effet utiliser les ressources naturelles de la Russie, et singulièrement son potentiel énergétique (sachant que la Russie est à la fois producteur, consommateur, pays de transit) afin de retrouver son statut de grande puissance. Ce retour de puissance devant permettre à la Russie de sortir de la période de transition pour redevenir un acteur de premier rang dans un monde global redessiné par la fin de la guerre froide. Il s’agit pour elle de faire entendre sa voix, de participer en qualité de partenaire égal aux décisions et à l’élaboration des nouvelles normes rendues nécessaires par le bouleversement engendré par la fin de la guerre froide.La diplomatie énergétique russe s’affirme pendant les années 2003-2004, comme une démarche pragmatique, un moyen opportuniste de rencontrer un projet politique en utilisant un des rares leviers dont dispose ce pays appauvri et affaibli – sa puissance énergétique qu’il s’agit de transformer un outil de puissance politique, raison pour laquelle la politique étrangère russe va être mise au service de ce projet. Le travail fait donc référence aux spécificités internes de la Russie et au contexte international afin d’identifier les faiblesses et les forces de cette diplomatie spécifique.
Russian energy diplomacy, with which this work is uniquely concerned, differs from the classic industrial policies adopted by states in order to re-launch their economies or certain industrial sectors. It has consisted of putting Russia’s natural resources and particularly its energy potential (as a producer, a consumer, and a transit country) to the practical purpose of restoring its status as a great power. For Russia, the return to power would permit the country to emerge from its period of transition and become a leading actor in the world reshaped by the ending of the cold war. It is a matter of making its voice heard, as an equal partner in international decisions and the formulation of the new political norms necessitated by post-cold war upheaval.
In 2002-2004 Russia developed this energy diplomacy as a pragmatic and opportunistic means of attaining a political objective with one of the few levers at the disposal of an impoverished and enfeebled country – that is to say, its energy potential, which it turned into a political tool. To this effect, Russian foreign policy has been made to serve the same project. Consequently this work deals with internal specificities and the international energy context, in order to probe both the weakness and the strength of this particular form of diplomacy.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
26
Knazan, Jennifer. « A vague and lovely thing : gender, cultural identity and performativity in contemporary poetry by Russian women ». Thesis, McGill University, 2008. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=112402.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Poetry by Russian women which has been published since the fall of the Soviet Union reveals that the quest to explore female identity and experience is no longer inviolable in Russian literature. This thesis examines female personae, gender and cultural identity in the work of Russian poets Nina Iskrenko (1951--1994), Tatiana Voltskaia (b. 1960), and Iuliia Kunina (b. 1966). Although the poetics of these writers' texts are broad-ranging, all of their work takes up the subjects of gender and cultural identity. Their poems explore identity as a discursive practice, rather than a fixed construct within the strictures of authoritative metanarratives' binary oppositions (male/female, feminine/masculine, Russian/non-Russian). This lends their poetry to postmodern analysis, an approach that heretofore has rarely been applied to poetry by Russian women. Within this theoretical framework, Judith Butler's formulation of "performativity" and Mikhail Epstein's theory of "transculturalism" are particularly well-suited to the task, as each entails non-essentialist conceptions of identity. Donna Haraway's formulation of "woman" as cyborg" is also a fitting theoretical complement, as it suggests the hybridization of identity, as well as the increasing role of the Internet in contemporary and future developments in Russian literature. The rapid changes in the late- and post-Soviet cultural landscape have engendered in contemporary poetry by Russian women powerful, new expressions of gender and cultural identity, which are resulting in startling subversions of authoritative discourses while at the same time forging coalitional "transmodern" identities.
27
Rankin, Colleen A. « International Agendas Confront Domestic Interests : EU Enlargement, Russian Foreign Policy, and Eastern Europe ». The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1337888570.
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Kozlova, Alexandra. « Family support for meeting the needs of families with children in Eastern Europe (Lithuania, Moldova, Russia and Ukraine) ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669818.
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Karrar, Hasan H. (Hasan Haider) 1973. « The new silk road diplomacy : a regional analysis of China's Central Asian foreign policy, 1991-2005 ». Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102514.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis explores China's relations with Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, from 1991 to 2005, contributing to the body of knowledge by arguing that China's relations with post-Soviet Central Asia were shaped by security and economic imperatives in Xinjiang, home to Muslim Turkic nationalities who have historically challenged Beijing's jurisdiction.As discussed in Chapter One, after 1949, the Communist Party sought to bring Xinjiang firmly within Beijing's orbit, ending a 150-year long period during which Beijing's hold over Xinjiang periodically faltered. The dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, coupled with instability in Afghanistan, led to new challenges to Beijing's authority.
Chapter Two examines China's relations with Central Asia from 1992 to 1996. In the post-Cold War order characterized by US primacy, China envisioned Central Asia as an arena of cooperation between China, Russia, and the independent republics. However, the republics became fertile ground for transnational Islamist movements. China feared spillover into Xinjiang; consequently, China extended economic cooperation to the impoverished republics with the understanding that they would suppress emigre Uighur organizations. Bilateral economic cooperation was also important for Xinjiang, which benefited from cross-border trade.
Chapter Three examines Sino-Central Asian relations from 1996 to 2001, exploring the development of the Shanghai Five mechanism in 1996 between China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan, which initially addressed confidence building, but after 1998, focused on regional security. This was important for China, since in 1996/1997, Xinjiang experienced instability that was exacerbated by the independence of Central Asia. Competition over the region's energy is also examined, which contributed to international rivalry.
Chapter Four examines Sino-Central Asian relations from 2001 to 2005. In June 2001, the Shanghai Accord signatories, and Uzbekistan, established the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). While envisioned as a forum for wide-ranging cooperation, combating "terrorism, separatism, and extremism," was an immediate priority. Following the attacks on September 11, 2001, the United States sought a military presence in Central Asia that temporarily undermined China's influence, heightening China's concerns over energy security. China's response was to gradually deepen relations with the republics in the energy and security fields.
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Vidal, Anne. « Representing Australian identity in the years 2000-2001 : the Sydney Olympic Games and the Centenary of Federation (selling Australia to the world or commemorating a flawless past?) ». Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2004. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/27914.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In his book, Inventing Australia: Images and Identity 1688-1980,
Richard White argues that:
There is no 'real' Australia waiting to be uncovered. A national
identity is an invention [. ..]. When we look at ideas about national
identity, we need to ask, not whether they are true or false, but
what their function is, whose creation they are, and what interests
they serve.
White's argument is a useful starting point when considering the
“obsession” Australian intellectuals have always felt to uncover their
national identity, which goes back to the very birth of Australia as a settler-colony.
Australia’s beginning as a colony not only implied a complete
dependence in terms of economy, defence and culture towards Great
Britain but also the dispossession of the indigenous population under the
legal doctrine of Terra Nullius. All settler-colonies in search for a national
identity follow the same initiatory path. The settlers at first feel isolated and
in exile, far away from any familiar landmark and find it difficult to
measure up with the mother country. After having, not without difficulty,
defined itself through the invention and the appropriation of myths
originating from the dominant Anglo Celtic society, Australia now seems to
suffer from a national identity crisis. The last three decades saw the
challenging and eroding of the mainstream white Australia identity by
minority groups such as women, non Anglo-Celtic migrants and indigenous
Australians. While those groups have made their voices heard throughout
the last thirty years, we can easily identify a dominant decade for each
group. Women saw most of their claims settled in the 1970s,
multiculturalism became a reality in the 1980s while indigenous
Australians stamped on the 1990s with native title laws, the reconciliation
movement and the growing acceptance and adoption of Aboriginality as a
desirable component of the Australian national identity.
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Walczyk, Christine. « Building an Understanding of International Service Learning in Librarianship ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 2016. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc955057/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
From the very beginning, library education has been a mixture of theory and practice. Dewey required apprenticeships to be part of the first library school at the University of Chicago as a method to indoctrinate new professional. Today, acculturation is incorporated into the professional education through a large variety of experiential learning techniques, including internships, practicum, field work, and service learning projects, all of which are designed to develop some level of professional skills within an information organization. But, what is done for understanding library culture? It is said that one cannot truly recognize the extent of one's own cultural assumptions, until they have experienced another. This study followed a group of LIS graduate students that took that next step – going to Russia.
By employing a critical hermeneutic methodology, this study sought to understand what value students gain by from working on an assessment project in an international school library. Using a horizon analysis, the researcher established the worldview of participants prior to their departure, analyzed their experience through post-experience interviews, and constructed an understanding of value. Among other concepts, the researcher looked specifically to see whether "library cultural competency", understanding library culture in global context, was developed through working on a service learning project within an international school library. This dissertation provides feedback for the program leaders and ideas for future research.
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Bouvier, Alla. « Relations culturelles franco-russes (1991-2004) : quel bilan pour quelles perspectives ? » Thesis, Lyon 3, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012LYO30025/document.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Avec d’une part les bouleversements de l’ordre mondial après la chute du système bipolaire, avec d’autre part et de manière corrélative l’extension considérable des échanges internationaux, le développement sans précédent des moyens de communications et la mondialisation économique (touchant évidemment aussi le domaine culturel), la fin du XXe siècle a inauguré une nouvelle donne dans les relations culturelles internationales qui revêtent désormais une signification capitale et, jusque-là, inédite. Dans le nouveau contexte mondial les relations culturelles internationales se sont attribué de nouveaux enjeux : elles ont pour objet non seulement la diffusion de la culture nationale en direction de la communauté internationale, mais aussi une impérative, voire vitale résistance aux dangereuses conséquences de la mondialisation, grâce au développement du dialogue interculturel et à l'affirmation des différentes cultures. Sous l'influence de ces nouveaux enjeux, les États du monde ont été obligés de réviser leur conception de la politique culturelle internationale et de perfectionner leur diplomatie culturelle nationale.Cette thèse de doctorat a pour objet la politique culturelle internationale de la France et de la Russie, que l’auteur étudie à travers le prisme des relations culturelles intergouvernementales franco-russes de 1991 à 2004. L’étude du renouveau du système des relations culturelles bilatérales après l’effondrement de l’Union soviétique tend à répondre à trois séries de questions, sur le plan national, mais aussi sur le plan des relations bilatérales et multilatérales (russo-européennes) :• quelle place la politique culturelle internationale a-t-elle prise dans la nouvelle conception nationale de la politique étrangère en France et en Russie ? quels sont les objectifs et les priorités de la France et la Russie concernant les relations culturelles internationales ? et quels sont les instruments dont la France et la Russie se sont dotées pour leur réalisation dans le contexte actuel de la mondialisation ?• quelle place les relations culturelles bilatérales ont-t-elles prise respectivement dans la conception de la politique culturelle internationale des deux pays ? quels sont les objectifs et les moyens de coopération culturelle bilatérale ? quels sont les résultats du renouveau des relations culturelles bilatérales ? et, finalement, comment peut-on caractériser les relations culturelles contemporaines franco-russes ?• quels sont les enjeux des relations culturelles franco-russes en vue de l’évolution de la relation Russie/Union européenne élargie ? et quelles sont les éventuelles perspectives de leur développement ?On the one hand, together with the global disruptions following the end of the bi-polar political system and on the other hand and in close correlation with the considerable extension of the international exchanges, the unprecedented development of the means of communication and the economic globalization (obviously with regard to the cultural field), the end of the 20th century has launched a new deal in international cultural relations which now take on a major meaning which has remained unprecedented. In this new global context, the international cultural relations have set themselves new goals: they now not only aim at the circulation of the national culture towards the international community but also appear as an urgent even vital resistance to the dangerous impact of globalization, thanks to the development of intercultural dialogue and the affirmation of the different cultures.Under the influence of these new objectives, the world states have been forced to review their conception of international cultural policies and improve their national cultural diplomacy.This thesis mainly deals with the international cultural policies of France and Russia and its author focuses on Franco-Russian intergovernmental cultural relations from 1991 until 2004. The study of the renewal of the bilateral cultural relations after the collapse of the Soviet Union aims at answering three sets of questions, from a national perspective but also on bilateral and multilateral relations (Russo-European that is)• What place have the international cultural policies of France and Russia held in the new national conception of foreign affairs in France and Russia? What are the objectives and priorities of France and Russia as regards to international cultural relations? And what are the instruments used by France and Russia for their achievement in the current global context?• What place have cultural bilateral relations taken respectively in the conception of the international cultural policies of both countries? What are the goals and means used in the cultural bilateral cooperation? What are the results of the renewal of bilateral cultural relations? And finally, how can we characterize the contemporary Franco-Russian cultural relations?• What is at stake in the Franco-Russian cultural relations with a view to the evolution of the relation between Russia and the extended European Union? And what are the potential perspectives in their development?
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McBrayer, William Daniel. « Let There Be War : Competing Narratives and the Perpetuation of Violence in Georgia ». Ohio : Ohio University, 2009. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1230892552.
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KOTKINA, Irina. « Classical opera under authoritarian rule : a comparative study of cultural policy in the USSR, Italy and Germany ». Doctoral thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10401.
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Defence date: 15 December 2008Examining Board: Prof. Edward Arfon Rees (EUI, and European Research Institute, University of Birmingham) - supervisor Prof. Heinz-Gerhard Haupt (EUI) Prof. Svetlana Savenko (Moscow State P.I. Tchaikovsky Conservatory, and Russian State Institute for Art Studies) Prof. Hans Erich Bödeker (Max Planck Institute for History, Göttingen, and Max Planck Institute for the History of Science, Berlin)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
The aim of this thesis is to analyze and compare the operatic culture of Stalinist USSR, Nazi Germany, and Fascist Italy. This task implies analyzing and comparing the operatic cultures, and scrutinizing governmental policies as they affected opera in the USSR, Germany, and Italy in the period of authoritarian rule. The most important focus is on the impact which these three regimes had on opera. And we start our analysis from the paradoxical fact that opera managed to retain its high quality during the time of strictest repression
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Chudnovskaya, Elena Vladimirovna. « Experiences of Danish business expatriates in Russia : a cross-cultural communication study ». 2013. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1739769.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Today Russia plays an important role in global economic development and attracts a lot of multinational companies, who establish their subsidiaries there. Many foreign investors send their representatives, business expatriates, to develop their businesses in Russia. The knowledge of cultural and communication specifics in Russia is very important for the success of those business personnel. This study has presented an in-depth picture of Danish business expatriates’ experience in Russia. Qualitative interviews with eight Danish business expatriates were conducted to examine and compare cultural and communication norms in Denmark and Russia. The results were analyzed using the cross-cultural theories of Hofstede (2011) and Hofstede, Hofstede and Minkov (2010). The findings revealed that communication norms in Russia differ significantly from those in Denmark on two cross-cultural dimensions: Power Distance and Indulgence versus Restraint.Department of Communication Studies
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Charnysh, Volha. « Russia and Ukrainian denuclearization foreign policy under Boris Yeltsin / ». 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10090/8543.
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Chen, Yun-Ting, et 陳韻婷. « A Study of Contemporary Russia''s Cultural Policy ». Thesis, 2013. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/76555895491578139173.
Texte intégralRésumé :
碩士淡江大學
俄羅斯研究所碩士班
101
The MOC works to create an environment in which cultural activities thrive, where cultural heritage is preserved and people – regardless of background or status – have opportunities to express themselves culturally. Russia has a long cultural history and is renowned for its culture and arts. This history has undergone a long evolutionary process, from its origins way back in the 9th century, to 12th century Mongolian rule, and all the way upto today’s post-Soviet contemporary culture. Through a close examination of Russian cultural history, this study looks at change in Russian cultural policy before and after the collapse of the Soviet Union. To do so, it draws on various sources, including the Basic Law of the Russian Federation on Culture, as well as related websites and news articles. This study found that after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the concept of cultural policy changed from closed to open, from homogeneous to diverse. The Russian government began to place great emphasis on Russian cultural heritage, and started to channel considerable funds into this area through the “Culture of Russia” Federal Target Programme. Although it states otherwise, the Russian government today remains a major influence in Russian cultural activities.
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Louw, Alexandra. « An analysis of accession process of the Russian Federation to the World Trade Organisation ». Thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10539/18344.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Master’s Research ReportThe purpose of this project is to analyse the accession process to the World Trade Organisation using Russia as the case study. It will be guided by the following hypothesis ‘Russia’s slow accession to the WTO can be explained in a two-level game context where administrative capacity, domestic lobbies, domestic political changes and relations with international actors are relevant’. The importance of such research lies at the heart of a debate in the literature which asks whether a country should liberalise its trade, integrate itself into the international system by limiting its freedom and increasing competition on domestic producers. In a thorough analysis of Russia’s accession this paper intends to investigate how this dilemma was affecting the country’s decision-making process. This paper attempts to deliver an original analysis of Russia’s accession process by embedding it in a consistent theoretical framework, as the relevant literature lacks the theory implication and mostly focuses on economic benefits of Russia liberalising its trade.
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ULASIUK, Iryna. « Europeanization of language rights in Russia and Ukraine ». Doctoral thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/14528.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 28 June 2010Examining Board: Bruno De Witte (Supervisor, former EUI); Francesco Palermo (OSCE, The Hague); Roman Petrov (University of Heidelberg); Ruth RUBIO MARIN (EUI)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
Language has always been one of the most pertinent factors contributing to the cultural diversity of societies throughout the world. Whereas the socio-historical processes of stateformation and nation building in the modern age have been accompanied by exclusive language policies aiming at linguistic homogenisation of the population, language rights have been central to the claims of national minorities for recognition of their identities. The preservation of linguistic diversity has, thus, become a major concern to many researchers, politicians and leaders of linguistic communities in Europe in general and countries of the former Soviet Union in particular. The issue of linguistic minorities has taken on a particular urgency because of the increasing recognition of the threat of extinction faced by many minority languages. The need for immediate action has become obvious. Europe has slowly but steadily started to come up with responses to how to keep the most vulnerable languages from extinction and guarantee rights to speakers of such languages at the same time. Today we can talk about the emergence of a European minimum standard of protection of language rights as it has developed since the 1990s in the European conventions and their monitoring activities. The impact of such standard varies in different countries and is being assessed in the present doctoral thesis with respect to Russia and Ukraine.
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POPOVA, Daria. « Distributional impacts of public policies for children and families : a microsimulation analysis for Russia and Europe ». Doctoral thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/29521.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 16 September 2013Examining Board: Professor Martin Kohli, EUI (Supervisor); Professor Fabrizio Bernardi, EUI; Professor Theodore Gerber, University of Wisconsin; Professor Holly Sutherland, University of Essex.
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
This thesis analyzes the distributional impacts of public policies for families and children in Russia and Europe, by using expost and exante impact evaluation techniques. Moreover, this thesis offers a new tool for a comprehensive impact evaluation of the performance of the Russian taxbenefit system - the static microsimulation model RUSMOD. The model allows testing of the firstorder distributional impacts of both existing and hypothetical policy designs, while keeping other national parameters - original income distribution and sociodemographic structure - constant. Furthermore, being fully compatible with EUROMOD - the taxbenefit model for the European Union - the Russian model is suitable for crosscountry policy learning. The study assesses the performance of child targeted allowances in Russia and shows that it is possible to achieve better distributional results, even at the same level of spending, by means of better targeting and unification of programme design across the regions. In addition, the study estimates the potential gains if the Russian programme of child allowances were to be redesigned along the policy parameters of the relevant programmes in four European countries - Sweden, Germany, Belgium and the United Kingdom - countries representing different family policy regimes. This analysis suggests that there is a significant scope for expanding the budget for child allowances in Russia. In terms of design, the best distributive outcomes are achieved by applying a mix of universal and meanstested child benefits. On a theoretical level, this thesis contributes to the international debate on the directions of welfare state reform in conditions of contemporary demographic and economic challenges. On a practical level, it contributes to the promotion of the evidence based approach to social intervention. The scope of applications of the Russian model can be easily extended to the analysis of other taxbenefit policies and other EU countries. The output of the model can be incorporated into the dynamic model framework, to study the effect of policy reforms on labour supply and demographic behaviour.
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Marques, II Israel. « Political Institutions and Preferences for Social Policy in the Post-communist World ». Thesis, 2016. https://doi.org/10.7916/D8V987WG.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Who supports social policy in the developing world? Most of what we know about micro-level preferences for social policy comes from well-developed, wealthy countries of the OECD, where governments can credibly commit to policy enforcement and implementation. This dissertation explores preferences for social policy in post-communist countries, where weak constraints on the state challenge the welfare state. In doing so, it provides novel insights both into social policy debates in these countries and the coalitions which support (or oppose) social policy.
I argue that support for social policy depends on how institutions shape the expectations of actors about the costs they pay into social policy programs versus future benefits. I draw on existing theories of political economy to propose four mechanisms -- misappropriation, contract enforcement, free-riding, and macro-economic risk -- that alter the distribution of winners and losers from social policy. Misappropriation stems from officials' ability to divert funding away from intended uses. While for most this imposes dead-weight costs on social policy, where institutions are poor. the politically well-connected can benefit from diverted funds to decrease social policy costs. The contract enforcement mechanism emerges due to the inability of weakly constrained states to enforce contracts. Predictions are similar to misappropriation, but actors also cannot trust other private actors with control of social policy. Free-riding emerges when bureaucrats are unwilling to expend effort to ensure tax compliance. Again, this imposes dead-weight costs on most, but garners support from tax evaders, who can free-ride. Finally, the macro-economic risk mechanism suggests that macro-economic volatility is heightened in settings with weak institutions, which increases both individual risk and support for social policy.
The empirical portion of the dissertation tests the observable implications of each of these mechanisms. Chapter 2 provides a first-cut, cross-national test of part of the argument using micro-level data from a cross-national survey of 28 post-communist countries. I draw on work on informality in the post-communist world to identify individual characteristics associated with tax evasion to test the free-rider mechanism. Consistent with it, I show that those associated with evasion support social policy more where institutions are weaker. Chapter 3 posits that if the mechanisms I propose matter, actors will appeal to the logic of my theory during concrete reform debates. I test this using evidence from the 2001 pension reforms in Russia. I combine analysis of the legislative debates surrounding reform with in-depth content analysis of the Russian media, which draws on an original dataset of all mentions of reform in 352 Russian newspapers, journals, and trade magazines. I show that all four mechanisms were indeed major concerns.
Chapter 4 tests the theory at the firm level, using a survey of 666 Russian firms to look at preferences where institutional quality is weak. I test whether firms that I predict support the welfare state in such settings -- those with political connections and a comparative advantage in hiding from the authorities -- actually do so. In addition to providing some support for the misappropriation and free-riding mechanisms, this chapter is a contribution in its own right: it is among the first to use surveys to study firms' preferences for social policy. Finally, chapter 5 uses a survey experiment conducted on 1600 respondents to attempt to understand the ceteris paribus effect of institutions on the average individual. Using a simple framing experiment, I provide three different treatment groups with information about bribery, tax evasion, and the extent to which private pension funds commit fraud to test the misappropriation, free-riding, and contract enforcement mechanisms, respectively. The chapter offers mixed evidence.
The dissertation makes contributions to both the study of the welfare state and the political economy of institutions and investment. First, the dissertation explores preferences for social policy in the developing world and introduces institutional quality concerns to this literature. My work particularly focuses attention on the ways certain groups can abuse social policy to pass costs onto others, adding nuance to existing understandings of who benefits from social policy. Second, it advances our understanding of how institutional quality shapes economic decision making and provides evidence as to how different pathologies of poor institutions shape economic decisions.
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Pressley, Brandon Alan. « Cultural identity and the people of the North Caucasus ». Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2011-05-2792.
Texte intégralRésumé :
During Soviet Russia, there was an active policy of forced assimilation of minorities into one cultural identity: Russian. This loss of cultural identity came in many forms of resettlement, deportation, discriminatory language policies and economic practices. All of these policies and actions led to large groups of people from the North Caucasus giving up their unique cultural identity and adopting the Russian cultural identity. Many of the policies and actions of the Soviet Union reflected the actions of the United States during the forced assimilation process of the Native Americans. Throughout this process of losing their cultural identity, the people of the North Caucasus could have maintained their unique cultural identity at home or in the local school system, but chose not to for various reasons. This choice to shed their own cultural identity and adopt the Russian identity has had detrimental effect s on the region and some cultures are on the brink of extinction. Not all the people of the North Caucasus willingly assimilated and accepted the Russian way of life; the Chechens have fought the Russians since their first excursion into the North Caucasus and continue to fight to this day for independence and freedom.text
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Johnston, Rebecca Adeline. « Culture in the crucible : Pussy Riot and the politics of art in contemporary Russia ». 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/21294.
Texte intégralRésumé :
There is a consistent thread throughout Russian history of governmental management of culture. Tsars and Communist bureaucrats alike have sought to variously promote, censor, or exploit writers, filmmakers, and musicians to control and define the country's cultural content. Often, these measures were intended not necessarily to cultivate Russia's aesthetic spirit, but to accomplish specific policy goals. The promotion of a State ideology and other efforts to stave of social unrest were chief among them. With the fall of Soviet power and the loss of an official ideology promoted by the state, the concept of cultural politics fell to the wayside. It has remained largely ignored ever since. Despite numerous high-profile incidents of persecution of the creative class, analysts have not linked them together as part of an overarching cultural policy. However, the Russian government under Vladimir Putin has faced consistent policy challenges since the beginning of the 2000s that could be mitigated through the implementation of such a policy. In some ways, the breadth and character of State involvement in the cultural sphere follows the pattern of the country’s autocratic past. In others, it demonstrates that it has adapted these policies to function in the hybrid regime that Putin has created, as opposed to the totalitarian ones that preceded it. A recent case that exemplifies this new breed of cultural policy is the persecution of the radical feminist punk band Pussy Riot. While largely unknown to many Russian citizens, the group’s overt opposition to the patriarchal model of rule established by Putin with the help of the Russian Orthodox Church was met by the most comprehensive crackdown within the cultural sphere since perestroika. Examining this case in detail can reveal the extent to which the Russian government is concerned about its ability to maintain popular legitimacy. The fact that it has continued to try to manage the cultural sphere may indicate the level of democracy that has or has not been established in Russia so far today.text
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Andrle, Jakub. « Administrativní regulování migračních procesů v sovětské a postsovětské Moskvě ». Doctoral thesis, 2018. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-382745.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This dissertation analyses the system of internal passports as a central administrative instrument of controlling migration processes in the Soviet Union and post-Soviet Russia. Specifically, the study focuses on the topic of using the passport system, and the restrictions incorporated in this system, on the territory of Moscow. The aim of the study is two-fold. Firstly, it strives to identify, from a position of historical institutionalism, the factors which allowed Moscow, many years after the dissolution of the USSR, to control migration processes within its borders using distinctively "Soviet" methods, in clear violation of federal laws. On a different level of analysis, the dissertation focusses on the regulatory methods themselves: it examines the genesis and early evolution of the internal passport system and the mechanism of so-called propiska (registration), in the era of Stalinist industrialization, before turning to the process of the system's erosion and partial dismantling during the late Soviet and early post-Soviet years. Finally, the study aims to analyse the methods chosen for controlling migration in Moscow during the rule of mayor Yuri Luzhkov (1992-2010), and the way his policies affected the migration situation in Russia's capital.
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Konopásek, Štěpán. « Vojenská strategie Ruské federace na počátku 21. století ». Master's thesis, 2016. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-345263.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Diploma thesis tracks a process of transformation of the military strategy of the Russian Federation since its establishment (end of 1991) up to now (May 2016). The author observes, using longitudinal method of Process Tracing and with help of strategic theory and concept of strategic culture, the author observes in which areas of the Russian strategic culture and military strategy occurred changes throughout the surveyed period of time and how the changes influenced strategy implemented in armed conflicts in which Russian Federation was involved. Another observed phenomenon is a formalisation of ideological anchoring of revisionist foreign and security policy in the key strategic documents. Following factors are identified as critical in formation and implementation of final strategy: Presidential administration, strategic culture, strategic documents, armed forces, and military operations. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)
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Jindřich, Jan. « Ruská bezpečnostní politika vůči muslimským autonomním republikám na Severním Kavkaze ». Master's thesis, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-304216.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The aim of this diploma thesis is to answer the question why the crisis caused by the Chechen struggle for independence gradually escalated into war, while the rest of North Caucasus remained relatively calm, despite the predictions of many authors. Also to determine to whether extend the repetition of Chechen scenario is nowadays possible. Or in other words what are the odds that a new ethnopolitical conflict will erupt in some other Muslim autonomous republic in the North Caucasus. The answers to these questions are sought via factors causing the emergence of ethnic conflict, as were defined by Svante E. Cornell in his book Autonomy and Conflict: Ethnoterritoriality and Separatism in the South Caucasus - Cases in Georgia. These factors are continually confronted with empirical data, which are provided by the case study of Chechen conflict in the first part of the thesis. Presence or absence of those factors in other Muslim autonomous republics is examined by method of Process Tracing. The data obtained are then processed quantitatively, in the way that presence or absence of the factor in question by a certain score.
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Ullmannová, Nicola. « Právní postavení menšin v Rusku ». Master's thesis, 2019. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-409254.
Texte intégralRésumé :
1 Abstract Thesis title: The legal status of minorities in Russia This work is an overview of the legal status of minorities in Russia and their mutual interaction with the dominant nation in individual historical stages. Its subject is to explore changes in the status of minorities in political, cultural, linguistic, religious and fundamental human rights. This is put in the historical context and the influence of the state's minority policy on state integrity is examined, including the assessment of the adequacy of the state-legal arrangement for the needs of national minorities. The space is also devoted to the administrative division of the country, which plays an important role in Russian terms. The pros and cons of period legislation are evaluated. Its impact on the practical life of minorities is illustrated by examples of specific minorities. The work is structured chronologically, presenting the history of Russia primarily in terms of milestones relevant to national minorities. The first part devoted to the Russian Empire monitors its gradual expansion and differences in the legal status of the conquered nations. Approximately from the middle of the 19th century, the Russian legislation has been directed towards unification, resp. Rusification of the whole empire, while the causes and effects of...