Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Rome – History – German occupation, 1940-1945 »

The article deals with the phenomenon of the Danish economic collaboration during the German occupation of Denmark in 1940—1945. The occupation of Denmark is a unique case among other occupied European countries such as France, Belgium and the Netherlands during the Second World War where Germany openly pursued the policy of economic exploitation and introduced strict rationing practices. The peculiar “soft” conduct of the Danish occupation is mainly attributed to the special role Denmark’s agricultural exports played in the German war economy. Under the occupation the efficient system of production and food consumption control was devised in Denmark which met the interests and needs of both the Danish population and Germany’s economy. The article highlights the specific mechanisms of economic coordination between Denmark and the German occupation authorities within industry and agriculture, and reveals Denmark’s role in the German military and economic plans.

The Allied defeat of the German Wehrmacht in May 1945 brought the military struggle against fascism in Europe to an end. Yet with the occupation of Germany the struggle against fascism was to continue on other fronts. Germany was to be “demilitarized,” the economy “decartelized,” and the society “denazified. ” Ultimately Germany was to be “democratized.” The newly established media were to play a major role in the transformation of German attitudes, in this attempt to “reeducate” the Germans.

AbstractOver the course of the German occupation of the British Channel Islands from 1940 to 1945, a number of letters of denunciation were sent by islanders to the German authorities, accusing fellow islanders of violations of occupation law or of anti-German activity of one sort or another. The German occupiers were ambivalent toward the denunciations. While recognizing their usefulness in maintaining order and the respect for German rule, they found both the letters and their writers distasteful. The local British authorities in Jersey and Guernsey also found the letters problematic; the consequences for the individuals targeted in the letters could be dire, and the impact on island society as a whole was significant, both during the occupation and beyond liberation in May 1945. The extent and nature of resistance and collaboration have been contentious issues in the historiography of the occupation of the Channel Islands, and these letters have been cited as evidence that islanders were unduly cooperative with the Nazis. This article examines the surviving letters of denunciation, and by placing them into the wider contexts of Nazi Europe and the historiography of denunciation in totalitarian states, argues that denunciation in the Channel Islands, far from being exceptional, was quite typical of the practice throughout the Nazi empire.

The subject of this study is the activity of the Belarusians in the General Government in 1940–1945. Belarusians were the fifth largest ethnic group in the GG. The German occupation authorities, applying the principle of “divide and conquer”, were ready to give Belarusians some freedom in the sphere of culture, religion and economy. In 1940, the Belarusian Committee was established in Warsaw, with branches in Biała Podlaska and Kraków. The majority of committee members were Belarusians and Poles – prisoners of war and refugees from the Soviet occupation zone of Poland. As a priority of this organization, cultural, educational and religious activities among the Belarusians in the General Government were recognized. The activists of the committee managed to create a school in Warsaw and two parishes (Orthodox and Catholic). Belarusian activities faced some difficulties. Serious problems for the Belarusians Committee caused the activities of Ukrainian organizations in the GG. One of the episodes in the history of the Belarusian Committee is the cooperation of its activists with German military intelligence.

This article examines the contested presence of Vichy administrators in high positions of the French administration of occupied Germany after the Second World War. In occupied Germany, where many of Pétain’s officials pursued their careers, resisters and collaborators negotiated their new positions in the wake of the German occupation of France. Key to understanding this settlement are the notions of expertise and merit as well as the role of the inherited French social order untouched by the collaboration.

This article provides a detailed analysis of the individuals who enrolled in Vichy fighting units at the end of the German occupation. Those groups were mostly created in late 1943 and early 1944, and acted as effective subsidiaries to German troops, treating civilians and partisans with extreme violence. The enrolment of those men was a consequence of their political beliefs, notably strong anti-communism. But the fact that their behaviour seems born of desperation (some were recruited after D-Day) is a hint that it was shaped according to other cultural patterns, especially an image of masculinity rooted in the memory of the First World War and developed, among others, according to fascist and Nazi ideologies: a manhood based on strength, the violence of warfare and the image of the soldier. This article provides an analysis based on judiciary documents from the time of the purge, with a careful reconstruction of personal trajectories and self discourse in order to understand the masculine identity these sometimes very young men tried to realise through political engagement in the guise of warriors.

The French government under Philippe Petain, based at Vichy, simultaneously collaborated with the Germans and promoted French patriotism. French artists and designers produced an abundance of posters, paintings, sculptures and other objets d'art, examples of which are included here, to promote the values of the "new order." Although Christian symbols were common, fascist symbols among the mass-produced images support the idea that the Vichy regime was not merely authoritarian, but parafascist.
The fine arts were purged of "foreign" influences, yet the German Arno Breker was invited to exhibit his sculptures in Paris. In the spirit of national redressement, traditional French art was promoted; however, Modern art, which Hitler condemned as cultural Bolshevism, continued to be produced. With reference to the words of Petain, Hitler, French artists and art critics, and a variety of artworks, this thesis shows how art was used to propagate the ideology of the Vichy regime.

This thesis argues that from June 1940 when German soldiers occupied Lorient, France until May 8, 1945 when the Lorient "Pocket" surrendered, although the women of this port city faced drastic changes, they took control of their everyday lives. They did what it took to feed and clothe their families, working, standing in lines, buying on the black market, bartering, demonstrating, and recycling. They developed relationships with German soldiers which ran the gamut. Due to aerial raids in the context of the Battle of the Atlantic, they sought shelter, buried their dead, took care of their wounded, looked for new lodging, and helped each other. They even tried to have some fun. After evacuation in early 1943, scattered to the four winds, in the American held "Lorient Sector," they served as advocates for others and made inquiries to the American 66th Infantry Division Counter-Intelligence Service. At the Liberation women were easy targets for blame, and some from Lorient were punished, notably for "horizontal collaboration" with Germans. When the Fiftieth Anniversary of the Liberation of Lorient was celebrated in 1995, the story of the women of Lorient was essentially left out.
Master of Arts

The personal archive of Dr Alfred Huhnhäuser (1885-1950), a German civil servant, is examined with regard to this thesis. The archive consists of an unfinished personal memoir, Aus einem reichen Leben, five chapters of a political memoir concerning Huhnhäuser's time in Norway during the German occupation, publications edited by Huhnhäuser and other personal documents. A full catalogue of the contents of the archive has been included in this thesis. An attempt has been made to identify the significance of the Huhnhäuser archive within a literary framework and, therefore, a brief analysis of the study of autobiographical writings has been undertaken. The importance of the archive within the context of social history has also been stressed, for Huhnhäuser was an "ordinary" German and not one of the Great and the Good. The personal memoirs operate on three levels - personal, worldstage and cultural- and extracts from the archive have been used to illustrate this. A brief historical summary of events in Norway prior to and immediately after the German occupation is given in order to place the events described by Huhnhäuser in context. The contents of the personal and political memoirs are summarized and analyzed in this thesis. Recurring themes are identified and examined. Perhaps the most significant is Huhnhäuser's repeated claim that he is an inherently ''unpolitisches We sen". Evidence has been obtained from the Bundesarchiv in Berlin which proves that Huhnhäuser joined the NSDAP on 1 May 1933. Huhnhäuser does not refer in the memoirs to his membership of this party, claiming instead that he has never voluntarily been involved in party politics. A second volume of materials has been included in this thesis in order to provide more detailed information as regards to the composition and contents of the archive. Extracts from the memoirs and letters have also been selected.

This thesis comprises a study of the inscription of father, son, and daughter figures in French films of the 1930s and of the Occupation. Using the tool of Lacanian psychoanalytic theory, Part One looks at the inscription of patriarchy and the positions allotted within it to mature men, young men and young women in classic poetic-realist texts and run-of-the-mill productions of the 1930s, in order to identify the latent collective tensions in the society of that period. Part Two compares the inscription of father, son and daughter figures, together with certain stylistic features and themes, in a variety of films of the Occupation with the paradigm derived from the foregoing analysis, in order to qualify the widely held view that French films changed little between 1929 and 1945.

Orientador: Pedro Paulo Abreu Funari
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: Este trabalho tem por objetivo analisar os usos do mundo antigo, pela História e pela Arqueologia, como forma de estabelecer compreensões do mundo contemporâneo. Propõe uma reflexão acerca do papel do passado nos jogos de estratégia e afirmações identitárias, à medida que percebe os estudos sobre a Antigüidade muito próximos das representações coletivas na contemporaneidade. Parte da premissa de que o saber sobre o passado, sua e escrita e suas leituras, são poderes e geram poderes. Do ponto de vista temático, trata da apropriação do passado gaulês, romano e galo-romano na França durante o Regime de Vichy (1940-1944). Mas trata, também, da inserção do objeto num contexto mais amplo, europeu, na medida em que analisa as instrumentalizações da Antigüidade pelo Nazismo e pelo Fascismo. Aproxima-se do objeto com uma análise das figurações da Gália e dos gauleses na historiografia francesa, principalmente a partir do século XIX. Trata do estatuto dos historiadores ao se relacionarem com os poderes do Estado, especificamente, no caso, de Jérôme Carcopino, notável romanista que foi ministro da educação sob Vichy. Por perceber na sociedade francesa atual uma presença muito marcante da Antigüidade, como forma de legitimação de direitos, advindos da origem, analisa-se, também, as formas de apropriação do mundo antigo pelas extremas direitas, representadas no trabalho pelo Front National e pelo grupo Terre et Peuple
Abstract: The purpose of this research work is to analyze the uses of the ancient world by the fields of History and Archaeology as a way to establish understandings of the present world. As ancient studies are very close to present time collective representations, this study proposes a reflection on the role of past in strategy and identity affirmation games. It has as a premise the notion that knowledge of the past, its writing and its interpretations, are powers and create powers. In terms of subject, this study focuses on the appropriation of the Gaul, Roman and Gaul-Roman past during the Vichy Regime (1940-1944). It also analyzes the subject within a greater European frame, for it focuses on the 'instrumentalizations¿ of Antiquity by the Nazi and Fascist regimes. It analyzes, especially from the 19th century on, the characterizations of Gaul and Gaul people in French historiography. It focuses on historians¿ status while they related to State powers, as in the case of Jérôme Carcopino, remarkable scholar in Roman studies, who was Minister of Education under the Vichy regime. As Antiquity is present everywhere in modern French society, this research work also analyzes the different forms of appropriation of the ancient world by extreme Right parties, represented in the text by the Front National party and the Terre et Peuple grou
Doutorado
Historia Cultural
Doutor em História

Si la transgression se rencontre dans l’historiographie, elle n’a cependant jamais donné lieu à une véritable théorisation. C’est l’objet de cette thèse d’en dresser une définition qui en fait la contestation d’une loi en appui sur une volonté, la conscience d’une possible sanction, la projection d’un au-delà normatif et une capacité de nuisance contre l’autorité. La validité du concept a été éprouvée en le confrontant aux rapports de police quotidiens rédigés dans le Nancy occupé de 1940 à 1944. L’objectif est d’étudier comment la transgression se transforme en un phénomène d’envergure au point d’apparaitre comme une nouvelle normalité. Dans un premier temps, l’analyse des conditions de la déviance dresse l’état des lieux d’une société provinciale en temps de guerre et les mutations physiques et humaines du territoire urbain. Les champs de la transgression dévoilent, ensuite, le caractère protéiforme de la désobéissance au niveau politique, des opinions, de la violence, de l’économie, des mœurs, des mobilités, des identités et des attitudes. On y croise à la fois les phénomènes de collaboration, de Résistance, de déportation, les comportements journaliers de survie aussi bien que les imaginaires et les représentations. Enfin, l’analyse approche le transgresseur à hauteur d’homme pour dresser une sociologie du crime, construire le portrait-type du déviant et approcher des figures singulières de résistants, de Justes, ou de conformiste critique. Au final, les 1550 jours d’occupation plongent Nancy dans un hors-temps où l’« a-normal » est la règle. L’angle de la transgression permet de comprendre les stratégies mises en œuvre par le corps social pour tenter de s’y adapter
Although transgression has already been dealt with in historiography, its theorising has never been fully and thoroughly achieved. This thesis aimt at providing a definition that will be read as the result of a law-challenging will combined with the awareness of looming threats, the ability to build up strategy beyond a normative framework together with the ability to undermine existing power. The concept has been tested and validated through 1940-1944 daily police reports that were written in then German-occupied Nancy. The aim is to study how transgression becomes and overwhelming phenomenon so that it almost looks like conventional normality. First, the study of the way deviance was implemented gives us information about war-time provincial society and about physical changes in urban landscape. Transgression thus reveals its multifaceted aspects in political disobedience, opinions, violence, economics, morals, transport, identity and behaviour. There we’ll follow the markers of collaboration with the nazis, resistance, deportation, survival behaviour as well as psyche and mental representations. Last the transgressor will be analysed on a human scale in order to build up a sociology of crime, draw up the typical profile of deviant people and make you closer to notable figures of resistants fighters, those entitled « Righteous among the nations » and meet conventional yet critical citizens. Those 1550 days in German-occupied Nancy give the opportunity to steep yourself into times when ab-normality was the rule. The view through the prism of transgression should allow us to better understand the strategies implemented by society to fit with the situation

En tant que pays occupé pendant les deux conflits mondiaux, la Belgique s’avère être un laboratoire pour étudier le phénomène des occupations pendant le XXe siècle. Pour la bureaucratie étatique, ces occupations posent la question de leur positionnement face à une dissociation entre Etat et Nation. La comparaison diachronique de la police communale de Bruxelles – à travers l’angle organisationnel et à travers sa pratique dans l’espace social – a permis de dégager plusieurs thèses.

Le développement des appareils administratifs a pris de telles dimensions dans le XIXe siècle que l’occupant est obligé de trouver un modus vivendi avec les institutions existant sur les territoires occupés, lui-même étant incapable de gérer seul les pays sous son contrôle. Cette constellation donne une marge de manœuvres importante à la police locale, l’institution qui fait l’objet de notre étude.

Pendant les deux guerres, la police est soumise à un processus de réformes visant à améliorer son fonctionnement :centralisation du commandement, spécialisation d’unités, élargissement géographie des compétences d’intervention… Ces changements s’inspirent d’une part d’idées ambiantes en Belgique et d’autre part de projets réalisés en Allemagne dans les deux périodes procédant la guerre.

L’intégration de l’appareil policier communal à l’intérieur d’un régime d’occupation est facilitée par le professionnalisme de celui-ci qui contraste fortement avec la pratique des polices auxiliaires pour lesquelles l’ordre patriotique et/ou idéologique peut prendre le dessus sur le ‘maintien d’ordre classique’. Cette prédominance professionnalisante explique la continuité du fonctionnement de l’institution qui poursuit ses tâches entre 1914-1918 et 1940-1944.

En m’inspirant des travaux de l’historien allemand Alf Lüdtke et du sociologues français Dominique Montjardet, j’ai essayé de questionner trois postulats sous-jacents dans l’historiographie :

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Doctorat en philosophie et lettres, Orientation histoire
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

The Reichsleiter Rosenberg Task Force of 1940, initiated a systematic confiscation of items belonging to Jews throughout Europe. Because of this task force and Hitler's decrees, Jews across Europe were labeled as stateless, and were stripped of ownership and rights to property. Not only did these actions devastate Jews economically, but intellectually and artistically as well. In parts of occupied France, this task force was legitimized by Vichy laws under the label of the Commissariat Générale aux Questions Juives (General Commission for Jewish Issues) and enabled Nazi officials to closely watch Jewish musicians and stop them from performing their music, profiting from anyone else performing it, and to halt any public performance of Jewish compositions. This dissertation exhibits the lost legacy of one such Jewish musician, Józef Szulc. It discusses him as a musician of great importance in the ongoing recovery of Jewish culture, music, and life during World War II. His musical output has historical notoriety, as seen through reviews and performance history. The study of Vichy laws and their effect on Jewish musicians in Paris during the Nazi occupation provides the socio-political context for Szulc's life. It also provides the most plausible reason why his contribution to French vocal music was almost entirely lost. Szulc's success with his operetta compositions created a trajectory of performances that lasted well into the late 1920s and early 1930s.

Le 27 juillet 1942, la Sipo-SD de Bruxelles ouvre le camp de rassemblement pour Juifs, établi dans la caserne Dossin à Malines. La fonction de ce camp est génocidaire :elle consiste à rassembler en ce lieu les victimes des persécutions raciales en vue de leur « évacuation » à l’Est, c’est-à-dire leur déportation à Auschwitz-Birkenau.

Entre le 4 août 1942 et le 31 juillet 1944, 25.000 déportés juifs et 350 Tsiganes de Belgique et du nord de la France sont déportés à Auschwitz-Birkenau, qui est à la fois un centre de mise à mort et un complexe concentrationnaire. En 1945, seuls 1.252 de ces déportés raciaux ont survécu. Avec Drancy et Westerbork, la caserne Dossin constitue l’un des rouages essentiels de la mise en œuvre de la « Solution finale de la Question juive » (en Allemand, Endlösung der Judenfrage), le programme nazi d’élimination systématique et totale des Juifs d’Europe.

Bien que ce lieu ait été l’antichambre de la mort, son histoire est très mal connue. Pour la première fois, elle est étudiée dans sa globalité.

Après avoir donné un aperçu des persécutions raciales sous l’occupation allemande en Belgique et dans le nord de la France, l’auteur examine comment et dans quel contexte le camp de Malines est organisé par la Sipo-SD.

Le camp nécessite un personnel SS très restreint :une dizaine d’Allemands et quelque 80 auxiliaires flamands suffisent. Les rôles et les parcours individuels de plusieurs d’entre eux sont abordés plus en détail, afin d’en dégager des profils particuliers. Pour faire fonctionner le camp, les SS utilisent des travailleurs juifs détenus. Leurs tâches vont de l’entretien quotidien du camp à l’administration de la déportation, l’enregistrement sur les listes de transports et la spoliation. L’implication forcée des détenus dans la destruction de leur propre communauté est analysée. Le fonctionnement du SS-Sammellager est comparable à celui du système concentrationnaire. À la caserne Dossin, des détenus juifs endossent des fonctions privilégiées, similaires à celles des Kapos dans les camps de concentration, mais évidemment à des degrés de violence très éloignés.

Les SS, maîtres absolus, règnent par la terreur que les internés subissent dans tous les aspects de leurs conditions de détention :le règlement intérieur, les horaires, l’hygiène déplorable, la promiscuité dans les chambrées, l’insuffisance du ravitaillement, l’exploitation de leur travail.

L’arbitraire, renforcé par l’impunité dont jouissent les SS, débouche sur de nombreux mauvais traitements, exactions, et sévices. Certains épisodes, plus violents que d’autres, qui ont marqué l’histoire du camp, sont analysés en profondeur. Le nombre extrêmement restreint de décès survenus au camp doit cependant être souligné.

Devant tant de violences, confrontés à l’inacceptable, les internés adaptent leurs comportements aux circonstances, jouant sur un vaste registre allant de la collaboration avec leurs persécuteurs jusqu’à la résistance. Cette résistance, multiforme et diffuse, se développe à l’intérieur du camp, tout en n’aboutissant jamais à la mise sur pied d’un réseau organisé.

Mais au sein des détenus, une catégorie particulière n’aura jamais l’occasion de résister, pas plus que celle de se mêler aux internés juifs. Dès leur enfermement dans la caserne Dossin, les Tsiganes sont encore plus mal lotis que les Juifs. Leur sort, tout à fait exceptionnel et ne se confondant pas avec celui des Juifs, est présenté dans un chapitre qui leur est exclusivement consacré.

Dans la nuit du 3 au 4 septembre 1944, le SS-Sammellager est abandonné par les SS, en pleine débâcle. La plupart des Juifs qui s’y trouvent encore sont livrés à eux-mêmes. Leur « libération » ne suscite pas de grand intérêt. Pour leur part, la liesse s’éteint rapidement devant le constat de leur monde ravagé par la Shoah. Presque aucune famille n’est sortie indemne de ces deux années de déportation.

Vingt-sept transports juifs et un transport tsiganes ont été dirigés à Auschwitz-Birkenau. Trois convois exceptionnels partent aussi pour Buchenwald, Ravensbrück et Bergen-Belsen et deux petits groupes d’internés sont envoyés de Malines à Vittel.

L’histoire de chacun de ces transports permet de relater la façon dont leur effectif a été rassemblé, de suivre le sort des déportés, des évadés, des assassinés dès la descente du train, des forçats ainsi que des rares survivants.

Aussi l’auteur replace-t-il la caserne Dossin dans son contexte européen en mettant l’accent sur sa fonction génocidaire.

La mise en œuvre de la Shoah en Belgique, en France et aux Pays-Bas est présentée et une comparaison entre les camps de rassemblement de ces pays, Dossin, Drancy et Westerbork est réalisée.

Tout au long de son développement, cette thèse met l’accent sur la mission génocidaire du camp, maillon entre les SS l’Office central de Sécurité du Reich de Berlin et Auschwitz-Birkenau, le lieu de l’extermination des Juifs de l’Ouest. Le SS-Sammellager für Juden est replacé dans le contexte de la Shoah en Europe, en particulier à l’Ouest, dans le triangle formé par Westerbork, Drancy et Dossin.

Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie
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From April 1940 to May 1945, Denmark was occupied by German forces. These years were, surprisingly, marked by expansion and progress in all aspects of Danish film culture: import of British and American films was banned, reducing foreign competition. Tracing the machinations of key figures in the industry, this chapter argues that overall, Danish film companies allowed business interests to overrule ideological concerns, and they did so with impunity. A case in point is the feature film discussed in this chapter, Afsporet (Derailed, Bodil Ipsen and Lau Lauritzen Jr., 1942). The female lead in this film noir, Illona Wieselmann, was forced to flee to neutral Sweden after being betrayed by the film’s producer, Henning Karmark, who had joined the Danish Nazi Party. Karmark was nevertheless able to resume his lucrative career as film tycoon after the Second World War.

The single most important feature of American history after 1945 was the United States’s assumption of hegemonic leadership. Europeans had noted America’s enormous potential since at least the nineteenth century. After the Civil War the United States had one of the largest economies in the world, but, as noted earlier in this book, in geopolitical terms it remained a surprisingly minor player. By 1900 the United States was playing a more significant political role. But it was only after 1945 that the nation’s potential on the world stage was fully realized. Victory in the Second World War left the United States in an enviable position. Unlike the Soviet Union, which endured devastating fighting on its territory and lost tens of millions of citizens, the United States had experienced only one major attack on its soil. Thanks to its actions in the war America had great influence in Europe. And the national economy emerged surprisingly vibrant from the years of conflagration, easily dominant over any conceivable rival or set of rivals. When the First World War ended the United States ultimately chose to return to its hemispheric perch. It declined to join the new League of Nations, and rather than maintaining engagement with the great powers of the day, America generally turned inward. The years following the Second World War were quite different. In addition to championing—and hosting—the new United Nations, the United States quickly established a panoply of important institutions aimed at maintaining and organizing international cooperation in both economic and security affairs. Rising tensions with the Soviet Union, apparent to many shortly after the war’s end, led the United States to remain militarily active in both Europe and Asia. The intensifying Cold War cemented this unprecedented approach to world politics. The prolonged occupations of Germany and Japan were straightforward examples of this newly active global role. In both cases the United States refashioned a conquered enemy into a democratic, free-market ally—a significant feat. The United States did not, however, seek a formal empire in the wake of its victory.