Thèses : « Romania – Foreign relations – United States »

1

Stevens, Bron. « President Carter and the Egypt-Israeli rapprochement ». Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/114551.

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On 17 September 1978 Egypt and Israel signed the Camp David Accords} these provided -frameworks within which a comprehensive peace and an Egypt-Israel treaty could be negotiated. The Accords were heralded as a breakthrough in the search -for peace in the Middle East and a demonstration o-f the supreme power o-f the United States in the region. The crucial American role in negotiating these Accords was the culmination of a trend, exhibited as early as the Eisenhower administration, as the United States became the only power able to influence Israe1. Such inf1uence was best exerted directly by the President; the Camp David Accords were a direct consequence of the personal intervention of President Carter. Yet the Accords fell far short of the comprehensive peace the Carter administration originally sought and claimed to have achieved. Israel remains surrounded by hostile neighbours, involved in intermittent wars and in occupation of over one million unwilling Palestinians of the West Bank and Gaza. The weaknesses of the Accords and the hostile reception they received among even 'moderate’ Arab regimes reflects the limitations on US power to influence Israel or the Arabs.

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2

Marks, Martha Staley. « United States policy toward Tunisian nationalism during World War II ». PDXScholar, 1985. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3664.

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This thesis has attempted to describe the controversy between Robert Murphy and Hooker Doolittle over American policy toward the North Africans and French during World War II. The research was based primarily on material from State Department documents found in the National Archives supplemented by material from the French archives as well as memoirs, personal interviews, and histories of the period. In order for the reader to understand this particular dispute, the problem was developed in the context of the larger political scene as it evolved in North Africa. The controversy between de Gaulle and Giraud was described since it tended to dominate relations between the United States and France at that time. As a result of the research, it was obvious that Murphy's position prevailed, but not without raising important questions about the long term implications of this position.

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3

Thompson, Maximillian. « Making friends : amity in American foreign policy ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:314db049-15df-4c1d-8a58-feaad76b1c28.

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This thesis examines an important but understudied phenomenon in international politics: the role of amity in foreign policy. The core research question is "how have American friendships for specified others been made possible?" Drawing on the logic of securitization, this thesis employs Aristotle's notion of character friends as Other Selves and Judith Butler's concept of performativity to elaborate an international process of friendship or amitization. In doing so, the thesis employs critical discourse analysis of presidential rhetoric and popular culture to elucidate the process through which discourses of similarity become naturalized frames of reference within the conduct of foreign policy. It argues that friendship emerges when a state comes to see itself in an other and that this similarity (re)produces a certain form of state identity that enables and forecloses certain policy options vis-à-vis friends. Friendship manifests in a habitual, or naturalized, disposition to treat friends better than others. As such, it can account for how certain policies and postures, such as uncritical and often unconditional support for subjects positioned as "friends," have come to be pursued as common sense. Amitization is illustrated by assessing three case studies: the Anglo-American "special relationship;" the US-Israel "unbreakable bond;" and America's membership of "the Atlantic Community." Specifically, the thesis similarly demonstrates the ways in which amity accounts for how supererogatory commitments such as vast financial assistance, diplomatic support, information sharing, security guarantees and concern for the welfare of these specified others have come to be seen as unquestionably legitimate policies in the broader trajectory of American foreign policy. Amity matters and the practices of amitization are inseparable from intelligible foreign policy.

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4

Blumel, Christina M. « A comparative analysis of U.S. foreign policy in Iran and the Philippines ». PDXScholar, 1991. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4295.

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This paper is a comparative analysis of U.S. foreign policy towards Iran and the Philippines. The question which prompted this research topic was simple: why was the outcome for the United States so different in terms of subsequent relations with each state after the downfall of the Shah and Ferdinand Marcos? Both leaders were important U.S. allies in strategic states that had benefited from foreign aid. Opposition groups in each state resented this support of their repressive leaders. Unlike Iran, good relations with the Philippines continued during the Aquino presidency, without the resentment and mistrust which prevented good relations after the Shah's departure.

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5

Riley, Joseph. « Hedging engagement : America's neoliberal strategy for managing China's rise in the post-Cold War era ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:307b4b67-77d0-40f3-bcfc-26d9598aa6bb.

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This thesis examines America's post-Cold War relations with China in the context of the neoliberal vs. neorealist debate. It concludes that neorealism - the dominant school of thought in the international relations literature - is incapable of explaining America's response to China's rise in the post-Cold War era. Because America was the leading global power and China was its most obvious potential rival, a neorealist theory that prioritized the distribution of relative power would anticipate this relationship to be a most-likely case for American policymakers to pursue containment and prioritize relative gains. However, I leverage insights from more than 100 personal interviews to demonstrate that in reality American leaders have overwhelmingly preferred a strategy of neoliberal engagement with China that has remained decidedly positive-sum in nature. My explanation for this consistent, bipartisan preference is that American policymakers have not adopted the neorealist assumption that conflict is inevitable between existing and rising great powers. As a result, policymakers have not focused exclusively on how to minimize the relative costs of a potential conflict with China by trying to contain China's relative power and limit America' exposure to China (as they did with the Soviet Union in the Cold War). Instead, policymakers have subscribed to the neoliberal belief that conflict can be avoided, and that increasing engagement and interdependence is the best strategy to maintain peace. They have pursued this strategy despite acknowledging that engagement and interdependence have increased the costs of a potential conflict by helping to facilitate China's rise in both an absolute and relative sense, and by increasing America's exposure to China. This thesis helps to define the differences between hedging and containing strategies. It argues that while relative material power is often important in deciding whether to hedge or not hedge, these purely material calculations play no role in decisions of whether to pursue containment or engagement. Instead, the decision to contain or not hinges on the target state's behavior and what that reveals about the regime's underlying intentions. Within this new framework, I argue that American policymakers' strategy has been to engage China economically while simultaneously hedging militarily. Furthermore, to the extent that American policymakers have expressed increased concerns about China in recent years, this has been primarily a consequence of China's increased assertiveness - not changes in its relative power.

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6

McKercher, Asa. « Canada, Britain, the United States, and the Cuban revolution, 1959-1968 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648348.

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7

Long, Paul. « U.S. foreign policy towards Cuba and prospects for democratisation ». Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=22603.

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In the post-cold war era, debate has been renewed regarding the United States' foreign policy towards Cuba. One aspect of this debate concerns the link between U.S. policy and prospects for future democratisation in Cuba. The thesis examines three theories ("squeeze", "communication" and "normalization"), which suggest that either increasing or decreasing economic and diplomatic ties with Cuba will encourage prospects for democratisation. The paper assesses the validity of these theories by using a theoretical framework to explain regime legitimacy, and considers which policy offers the greatest potential for regime change. Next, the paper looks at the current Cuban political and economic environment to understand the strengths and weaknesses of the Castro regime. To conclude, the author suggests that the current U.S. policy of opposing trade and diplomatic links with Cuba will have a counter-productive effect in encouraging democratisation.

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8

Kadura, Johannes Felix Peter. « US policy towards Indochina, 1973-6 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/265532.

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The topic of my doctoral dissertation is Washington's Indochina policy from 1973-6. My thesis seeks to shed new light on the period and aims to clarify the central points that have been raised in the surrounding academic controversy. In the study it is argued that neither the so-called "decent interval" nor the "permanent war" theory adequately captures Nixon and Kissinger's post-Paris Agreement strategy. Moreover, my study attempts to highlight both the accuracy and shortcomings of Nixon and Kissinger' s own accounts. In so doing, it aims to offer a new interpretation of Nixon, Kissinger, and later Ford's Indochina policy that centers on the concept of an "insurance policy." In my disse1tation it is argued that the protagonists followed a twofold strategy of making a major effort to uphold South Vietnam while at the same time maintaining a fallback strategy of downplaying the overall significance of Vietnam, stressing good relations with the Soviets' and Chinese, and creating an image of touglmess to counterbalance possible defeat in Indochina. In addition to telling the story of the "war after the war" in Vietnam, my dissertation places Nixon, Kissinger, and Ford's Indochina policy in the broader Cold War context of the 1970s. Contrary to previous analyses, it is argued in the study that the three men's concern with great power relations and American credibility does not seem to have led to a simplistic understanding of the situation in Indochina. Moreover, the link between domestic and foreign policy constitutes a central element of my analysis. While it is concluded that Nixon and Kissinger rightly considered the Watergate scandal as the detennining factor for the actual passage of the long-sought congressional funding cuts for Indochina, it is also argued that Watergate was a self-inflicted mistake rather than a tragedy. More generally speaking, it is maintained that domestic political considerations were important on Nixon, Kissinger, and Ford's side, but did not oveITide the protagonists' foreign policy concerns. Finally, my doctoral dissertation provides a reevaluation of Ford that stresses the president's agent role in implementing a hawkish Indochina policy. In sum, my analysis of Washington's Indochina policy highlights Nixon, Kissinger, and Ford's concern with flexibility and their attempt to respond to the challenges of the turbulent 1970s with a coherent, adaptable realpolitik.

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9

Zietsma, David. « IMAGINING HEAVEN AND HELL : RELIGION, NATIONAL IDENTITY, AND U.S. FOREIGN RELATIONS, 1930-1953 ». Akron, OH : University of Akron, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=akron1185381373.

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Dissertation (Ph. D.)--University of Akron, Dept. of History, 2007.
"August, 2007." Title from electronic dissertation title page (viewed 04/24/2008) Advisor, Walter L. Hixson; Committee members, T. J. Boisseau, Mary Ann Heiss, Brant T. Lee, Elizabeth Mancke; Department Chair, Walter L. Hixson; Dean of the College, Ronald F. Levant; Dean of the Graduate School, George R. Newkome. Includes bibliographical references.

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10

Doré, Gilbert. « United States foreign assistance diplomacy : Congressional policy on aid to Vietnam, 1952-1963 ». Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=39509.

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American foreign assistance to the Ngo Dinh Diem regime in South Vietnam was a controversial issue during the Eisenhower and Kennedy years, straining the executive-legislative relationship and provoking discord within Congress. For Dwight D. Eisenhower, the programme was the best means of containing communism, short of ordering American forces to the region. Both major parties were divided on the issue. Conservatives and liberals in each party perceived foreign aid differently.
Old Guard Republicans and southern Democrats were skeptical about the expensive assistance programme. They contended that the "give-away" legislation would undermine Saigon's resolve to attain economic and political autonomy. Generally suspicious of America's allies, conservatives were especially critical toward Diem since they considered him an unproven ally who could take advantage of United States' generosity. Liberal Republicans and Democrats, who harboured an internationalist perspective, acknowledged foreign aid as a legitimate means of countering communism. Perceiving Diem as an alternative to Ho Chi Minh's leadership and Bao Dai's incompetence, liberals supported the Premier's pro-democratic aspirations.
The French reversal at Dien Bien Phu, the "fiasco" of the Geneva Conference, and the subsequent foreign assistance investigations by the legislative branch brought about a tenuous truce between conservatives and liberals. Although fundamental differences remained, both groups were convinced that a reappraisal of the aid programme was needed before the President committed America too heavily in Vietnam. The increasing commitments by Eisenhower's successor and his lack of co-operation with Capitol Hill solidified the conservative-liberal entente. Diem's assassination in November 1963 sobered Congress and strengthened its disapproval of America's assistance policy. Such congressional activism peaked by the late 1960's and early 1970's. The experience acquired during the Eisenhower and Kennedy years allowed Congress, not the President, to oppose United States military intervention in Vietnam during the Nixon Presidency. It also provided the initiative to rationalize the foreign aid legislation, favoring economic and technical development rather than military commitments.

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11

Weis, Warren Michael. « Roots of estrangement : the United States and Brazil, 1950-1961 / ». The Ohio State University, 1987. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487586889186759.

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12

Зінченко, Катерина, et Kateryna Zinchenko. « Investment relations between Canada and the United States ». Thesis, Національний авіаційний університет, 2020. http://er.nau.edu.ua/handle/NAU/43562.

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In the context of global transformation in the economic integration of Canada and the USA, there is a tendency towards the internationalization of economic rela-tions and the internationalization of capital. Very close relations between Canada and the United States contributed to the geographical proximity, historical and cultural similarities of the two countries.

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13

Martin, William R. « Corporatism in American foreign policy toward Germany between the wars, 1921-1936 ». PDXScholar, 1992. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4380.

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This thesis is an investigation of how United States foreign policy was made in the context of German-American relations in the period between the two world wars. The problem under investigation is whether the United States was using a corporatist approach in dealing with the problems of Germany and ultimately Europe and whether the corporatist model is a good one for analyzing foreign policy development during this period. Corporatism, as it is used in this thesis, is defined as an organizational form which recognizes privately organized functional groups outside the United States government, which collaborate with the government to share power and make policy. In the case of foreign policy, the focus of this investigation is on the role played by autonomous financial experts, especially from the banking community.

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14

Blake, Timothy R. « British foreign relations with the United States during Lord Curzon's tenure as Foreign Secretary ». Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=84477.

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This thesis is an attempt to examine Anglo-American relations at the end of World War One, when Great Britain was no longer preeminent in world affairs and the United States was as yet unwilling to continue the responsibilities that it had taken during the war. Lloyd George who sought to keep the threads of power in his hands appointed Auckland Geddes as Ambassador to the United States, a man who was personally loyal to him, thus seeking to bypass Lord Curzon's authority as Foreign Secretary. Matters were complicated by the declining influence of President Wilson and the growth of isolationist sentiment in the United States. The advent of the Harding administration created further difficulties as Harding felt compelled to yield to the influence of public opinion which rejected the Treaty of Versailles and the League of Nations.
Various issues had to be resolved, the future of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, the war debt, differences over the mandate of Yap, and the question of oil from the Middle East. Here the dealings of Anglo-American relations during Curzon's tenure at the Foreign Office are examined. Curzon took a conventional approach to Anglo-American negotiations. While Great Britain struggled to improve conditions with the United States, the outcome was nothing like the special relationship that manifested itself after 1945. Curzon's conventional view of foreign policy clashed with Lloyd George's essentially personal approach to foreign affairs. Geddes who was intended to be the Prime Minister's confidential agent proved, except on the question of the war debt, inadequate to the task.

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15

Ibrahim, Azeem. « United States policy towards the Caspian Region since the end of the Soviet Union ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609635.

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16

Tai, Hean Cheong. « What factors determine trust between states ? : the case of US-China relations ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283954.

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17

Tisdale, Tyron Earl Jr. « The United States and Iran, 1951-1953 : The Cold War interaction of national security policy, alliance politics and popular nationalism ». Diss., The University of Arizona, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/184685.

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The years 1951 to 1953 are among the most important and controversial in Iranian history. The period is significant not only for the domestic dynamics of popular nationalism under Prime Minister Mohammed Mossadegh, but also for the role that United States policy played in an interaction with the conflict between a lingering British economic presence and the Iranian move to nationalize its oil industry. An examination of United States national security policy of that time reveals that policy toward Iran was consistent with the overall post-war policy of the United States, dominated as it was by the central theme of preventing the spread of communism. The task for the men who were charged with the application of U.S. policy in Iran during those years was to accommodate two factors which complicated the search for an order which would ensure post-war national security for the United States: Iranian nationalism as epitomized by Mossadegh; and the economic and diplomatic interests of Great Britain. The United States sought to resolve the conflict so that instability in Iran would not invite communist influence or takeover. United States policymakers were influenced by several factors which combined to eventually decide the outcome. The centrality of the perceived world communist expansion threat, McCarthyism in the United States, the role of several key figures with experience in U.S.-Soviet diplomacy, and the change from a Democratic to a Republican administration at the time Mossadegh was experiencing a deterioration of his own domestic political situation; all worked toward the still-controversial outcome of U.S. policy: the overthrow of Mossadegh. The primacy of containment of communism in United States policy did not preclude variations in its application, nor did this emphasis ignore the forces of Iranian nationalism and self-determination. Nonetheless, given the men involved in the policy decisions, the information available to them and the context of the post-World War II international order, the outcome was predictable and entirely consistent at the time with creating an international order conducive to the national security interests of the United States.

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18

Hallsey, Joshua. « U.S. Foreign Policy and the Cambodian People, 1945-1993 ». Fogler Library, University of Maine, 2007. http://www.library.umaine.edu/theses/pdf/HallseyJ2007.pdf.

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19

Turner, Matthew David. « Venezuela's changing foreign policy towards the United States :a holistic analysis ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2001. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA401608.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, December 2001.
"December 2001". Thesis advisor(s): Trinkunas, Harold A ; Knopf, Jeffrey W. Includes bibliographical references (p. 97-103). Also available online.

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20

Merdad, Jamil M. (Jamil Mahmoud). « Saudi-American Bilateral Relations : a Case Study of the Consequences of Interdependence on International Relations ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 1989. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc331198/.

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This study examines the consequences of interdependence between Saudi Arabia and the United States from 1960 to 1978 as it relates to the concepts of cooperation and conflict. Research on interdependence focuses primarily on relations among Western countries and on whether interdependence is increasing or decreasing between them. It has rarely addressed relations between countries with different levels of economic development or the consequence of interdependence for international relations in terms of conflict and cooperation. Specifically, this study examines the following question: Does the level of interdependence between Saudi Arabia and the United States have any affect on the level of bilateral conflict and cooperation between the two countries? The hypotheses are tested using regression analysis. The primary conclusion is that increases in bilateral interdependence between Saudi Arabia and the United States from 1960 to 1978 produced increased cooperation as well as conflict.

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21

Kong, Wei 1968. « U. S. China Policy During the Cold War Era (1948-1989) ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 1995. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277993/.

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22

Askren, Jillian. « United States-middle-east relations : the role of economics in foreign policy ». Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2010. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1347.

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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.
Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science

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23

Scarfi, Juan Pablo. « International law and pan-Americanism in the Americas, 1890-1942 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648513.

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24

Manickam, Ravindran. « The strategic role of the United States of America in South East Asia since 1975 ». Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/114555.

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One of the constant features of the United States foreign policy is the maintenance of an international environment in which the United States can survive and prosper. This is based on an economic-strategic nexus. This has been emphasised since the time of the Truman administration after the second World War. For instance Truman stated during the height of the Korean War and other communist rebellions in the Southeast Asian region that the loss of any one of those countries would mean the loss of freedom for millions of people, the loss of vital raw materials,and the loss of points of critical strategic importance to the free world. This perception was crystallised into the containment policy to halt the spread of communism. This policy was also emphasised in the Southeast Asian region. However with the achievement of detente with China and the Soviet Union in 1972, the containment policy transformed to maintenance of a balance of power policy in the region.

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Burn, Adrian E. « From containment to detente : aspects of American foreign policy under Johnson and Nixon ». Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/114553.

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The years from 1963 to 1974 were a turbulent and eventful period in American life . From the assassination of John F. Kennedy to the resignation of Richard Nixon, the period was characterized by social and political upheaval. After the stability and predictability of the Eisenhower years and then the optimism and excitement generated by the youthful President Kennedy, the years o f Johnson and Nixon saw a sharp growth in domestic political dissent , unprecedented attacks on political institutions and civil authorities , and a deep questioning of many of the foundations of American foreign policy.

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26

Dasent, C. Omelda. « The United States in the Commonwealth Caribbean : an assessment of America's predominance in the region ». Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/116108.

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The Caribbean has been variously and always arbitrarily defined. There are, however, three conceptions that are widely accepted by writers, commentators, and foreign policy specialists: the insular Caribbean, which includes the English-speaking islands in the Caribbean archipelago; the Caribbean archipelago which encompasses all the islands in the Caribbean Sea plus the mainland extensions of Guyana, Suriname, and Cayenne on the South American mainland, and Belize on the Central American mainland; and the Caribbean Basin, which consists of the countries of the Caribbean archipelago plus the littoral nations of Central and South America. 1 From the outset, then, it is necessary to establish a conception that will be adopted for this analysis. By the Caribbean I mean those twelve countries in the Caribbean archipelago that are commonly referred to as the English-speaking Caribbean, or the Caribbean Commonwealth countries:- Jamaica, Barbados, Guyana, Trinidad and Tobago; the four Windward Islands of Dominica, St Lucia, Grenada, St Vincent and the Grenadines; the Leeward Islands of Montserrat, Antigua and Barbuda, St Kitts and Nevis; and Belize in Central America.

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27

Snider, Erin. « Technocrats, bureaucrats, and democrats : the political economy of U.S. assistance for democracy in Egypt and Morocco since 1990 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609684.

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28

Sohns, Olivia Louise. « Lyndon Baines Johnson and the Arab-Israeli conflict ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283940.

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29

Floeck, Emily Katherine. « U.S. foreign policy towards China, 1972-9 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608002.

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30

Kim, Nam G. (Nam Gyun). « US-Japan Relations during the Korean War ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 1995. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278651/.

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During the Korean War, US-Japan relations changed dramatically from the occupation status into one of a security partnership in Asia. When North Korea invaded South Korea, Washington perceived Japan as the ultimate target. Washington immediately intervened in the Korean peninsula to protect the South on behalf of Japanese security. Japanese security was the most important objective of American policy regarding the Korean War, a reality to which historians have not given legitimate attention. While fighting in Korea, Washington decided to conclude an early peace treaty with Japan to initiate Japanese rearmament. The issue of Japanese rearmament was a focal point in the Japanese peace negotiation. Washington pressed Japan to rearm rapidly, but Tokyo stubbornly opposed. Under pressure from Washington, the Japanese government established the National Police Reserve and had to expand its military forces during the war. When the Korean War ceased in July 1953, Japanese armed forces numbered about 180,000 men. The Korean War also brought a fundamental change to Japanese economic and diplomatic relations in Asia. With a trade embargo on China following the unexpected Chinese intervention in Korea, Washington wanted to forbid Sino-Japanese trade completely. In addition, Washington pressed Tokyo to recognize the Nationalist regime in Taiwan as the representative government of the whole Chinese people. Japan unsuccessfully resisted both policies. Japan wanted to maintain Sino-Japanese trade and recognize the Chinese Communists. The Korean War brought an economic boom to Japan. As a logistical and service supporter for United States war efforts in Korea, Japan received a substantial amount of military procurement orders from Washington, which supplied dollars, technology, and markets for Japan. The Korean War was an economic opportunity for Japan while it was a military opportunity for the United States. The Korean War was the beginning of a new era of American-Japanese military and economic interdependence. This study is based on both American and Japanese sources--primary and secondary.

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31

Traylor, John Christopher 1960. « American business and United States foreign economic policy in East Asia, 1953-1960 ». Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/276538.

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The Eisenhower Administration sought to create a large role for U.S. multinational corporations, who could provide a significant amount of the capital needed for trade expansion and industrial growth. This policy became known as "trade not aid." The trade not aid policy reflected both the fiscal conservatism and ideological beliefs of the Eisenhower Administration. By 1957 Eisenhower shifted to a policy of trade and aid. This study examines three foreign economic policies in the context of American-East Asian relations. It focused primarily on Japan, since that country served as the center of the American regional "workshop economy" concept in Asia. Tracing the development of the trade/aid program, this thesis then compares and contrasts governmental policies with business activity and opinion during the 1950s. It concludes that the foreign economic policy of the Eisenhower Administration contained serious flaws, served the needs of only a few countries in the region, and was weighted heavily toward a military support role rather than economic development. (Abstract shortened with permission of author.)

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32

Hallock, Stephanie A. « Why states cooperate : international environmental issues / ». Thesis, This resource online, 1993. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-12172008-063637/.

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33

Zhang, Shu. « Chinese-Americans and the U.S.-China relations : the role of Chinese-Americans in U.S.-China relations ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554511.

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34

Kohn, Edward P. (Edward Parliament) 1968. « This kindred people : Canadian-American relations and North American Anglo-Saxonism during the Anglo-American rapprochement, 1895-1903 ». Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=36625.

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At the end of the nineteenth century, English-Canadians and Americans faced each other across the border with old animosities. Many Canadians adhered to familiar ideas of Loyalism, imperialism and anti-Americanism to differentiate the Dominion from the republic. In the United States, on the other hand, lingering notions of anglophobia and "Manifest Destiny" caused Americans to look upon the British colony to the north as a dangerous and unnatural entity. America's rise to world power status and the Anglo-American rapprochement, however, forced Americans and Canadians to adapt to the new international reality. Emphasizing their shared language, civilization, and forms of government, many English-speaking North Americans drew upon Anglo-Saxonism to find common ground. Indeed, Americans and Canadians often referred to each other as members of the same "family" sharing the same "blood," thus differentiating themselves from other races. As many of the events of the rapprochement had a North American context, Americans and English-Canadians often drew upon the common lexicon of Anglo-Saxon rhetoric to undermine the old rivalries and underscore their shared interests. Though the predominance of Anglo-Saxonism at the turn of the century proved short-lived, it left a legacy of Canadian-American goodwill, as both nations accepted their shared destiny on the continent and Canada as a key link in the North Atlantic Triangle.

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Beaupré, Maxime. « Unwilling foes : Russia's and China's reaction to the challenge of the American ballistic missile defence programme ». Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=83170.

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The official reaction of the Russian Federation and of the People's Republic of China to the announcement made by the United States in December 2001 to abrogate the almost thirty years old Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM) Treaty has been remarkably weak, given their sustained and coordinated opposition to the deployment of strategic defences against ballistic missiles (BMD). Because the existing literature, particularly balance of power theory, under-explored this puzzle and fails to provide a satisfactory explanation to it, a neoclassical realist model building on structural and unit-level variables is proposed to supplement this caveat. It is argued that Russia, as a stagnant great power experiencing trouble at the domestic level, bandwagons with the United States because it discounts the medium- and long-term threat posed by BMD. China, a rising developmental state, is soft balancing because it resents the project and the threat it poses to its security. It has not hard balanced so far because there is an acknowledgement that this could jeopardize its power base, as the telling example of the USSR collapse illustrated.

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Rashdan, Abdelfattah A. (Abdelfattah Ali). « The Shift of the Egyptian Alliance from the Soviet Union to the United States, 1970-1981 ». Thesis, North Texas State University, 1986. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500417/.

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The purpose of this study is to examine internal and external factors affecting the Egyptian-Soviet alliance during the period under investigation. Chapter I provides background information on Egyptian-Soviet relations, and in Chapter II important developments in those relations are outlined. Chapter III examines the October War of 1973 and Soviet policy during the war. Chapter IV traces efforts to reach a settlement in the Middle East, highlighting the role of the United States in the negotiations. Finally, Chapter V demonstrates that Egypt, like other small nations, has not surrendered its interests to the aims of either of the superpowers.

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Simantirakis, Christina. « The Cuban shoot-down of two US-registered civil aircraft on 24 February 1996 : study of a new case of use of weapons against civil aircraft ». Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=33367.

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On 24 February 1996, two US-registered civil aircraft operated by members of the anti-Castro organisation Brothers to the Rescue were shot down by Cuban fighters. This action was denounced by the United States and the majority of the international community on the grounds that international air law, as reflected in Article 3bis of the Chicago Convention, prohibits the use of force against civil aircraft. However, at the time of the incident, the 1984 Protocol introducing Article 3bis in the Chicago Convention was not in force nor had it been ratified by Cuba or the United States. This thesis will examine the international legal rules applicable to the incident and will assess the legality of the Cuban action.

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38

Anderson, Andrew Richard. « A relationship under strain : the FSX fighter and the Japan-US alliance ». Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/114564.

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On the 3rd of March 1990, Japanese Prime Minister Toshiki Kaifu and President George Bush met in Palm Springs, California, to discuss ways to ease the strained Japan-US relationship. They discussed the fate of both the security alliance and the trade relationship. Central to the discussion were concerns to reduce the American $49 billion trade deficit with Japan and plans to reduce the US troop numbers in Asia by ten percent (from 120,000) or about 5,000 troops in Japan. The trade relationship, currently in a "showdown" stage, faces considerable friction ahead because under the Super "301" clause of the 1988 Omnibus trade bill retaliatory action is required against specified countries (Japan) if progress is not made towards the importation of designated products (lumber, satellites, and supercomputers) by a specified date (June 16, 1990). The Super "301" clause sets deadlines in an ongoing dispute that has years of "no-results" precedents. Setting deadlines creates possible flash points in the Japanese-American relationship.

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Duho, Drapeau Dann. « The parameters of Japan's political economic strategy : impact of national identity, national interests, and role conceptions on Japanese foreign policy (1980-97) ». Thesis, McGill University, 1998. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=28266.

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Research on Japanese current foreign policy suffers from neglect of the influence of domestic factors on Japan's decisions and behaviour in world politics. The question of the nature of Japanese foreign policy needs to go beyond the exogenous cause of state behaviour in international affairs. The object of inquiry of this thesis is the influence of social factors on the orientation of Japan's foreign policy. The central concern is: "how" and "why" Japan behaves as it does in world affairs. This examination addresses the question of the interaction of endogenous and exogenous factors on the foreign economic policy of Japan, and postulates that Japanese national identity, national interests, and role conceptions, are the essence of Japan's defensive attitudes in world affairs on the one hand, and that Japanese behavioural patterns in international relations are in conformity with the ends of Japan's foreign policy: economic security and growth under the Japan-US alliance. Japanese response to US pressure and trade adjustment to the changing framework of the world economy from the 1980s up to the present give a relevant outlook to the defensive character of Japan's foreign policy. For Japanese policy-makers, the stability of Japan's economic performance in the world economy, its pacifist attitude in world affairs, its trade relations with the United States, and its protectorate status as a result of the Japan-US Security Treaty, are beyond question.

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Thompson, John Mortimer. « The impact of public opinion on Theodore Roosevelt's foreign policy ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/265509.

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Theodore Roosevelt is considered by many historians to have been one of the most skilled practitioners of foreign policy in American history. But while he continues to draw � considerable interest from scholars, one facet of his diplomacy continues to be poorly understood: the impact of public opinion. There was a discernable evolution in his relationship with public opinion over the course of his tenure, even if many core ideas and practices were already present when he took office. The President was often discouraged by the state of public opinion. In his view, Congress was often a poor partner in conducting foreign policy; sensationalist newspapers had considerable influence; the ideas and policy preferences of many Eastern elites were usually ill-conceived; and the broader public's ignorance and apathy about international affairs were troublesome. But these concerns were balanced by other factors. He had a better working relationship with the Senate than he was willing to admit. He had more success in gaining favourable newspaper coverage than all but . a few Presidents. And he believed strongly in the American system of governance and had faith in the common sense of most of his countiymen. Given these multifaceted ideas about the nature of American opinion, it is not surprising that Roosevelt placed considerable importance upon shaping and educating it. This was both a means to facilitating his foreign policy goals and a way to build and maintain political supp01t. In fact, the two were closely linked. While he enjoyed considerable success in shaping opinion, he also suffered notable setbacks. In the final analysis, public opinion played a key role in Roosevelt's conduct of foreign policy, though its degree of influence in his decision-making process varied according to circumstances. Three main variables seemed to have shaped his behaviour: the impo11ance of a policy to Roosevelt, his perception about the intensity and sources of opposition to it and the level of suppo11 among the broader public.

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Adcox, Wallace O. III. « Force and the United States after Vietnam : Allison applied ». Thesis, Virginia Tech, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/45473.

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Most studies of the use of conventional military force by the United States in the twentieth century tend to characterize the decision making process in terms of a unitary state and a unitary presidential decision maker. One alternative to this approach is the Bureaucratic Politics paradigm proposed by Graham Allison. To test the explanatory power of this decision making model in the post-Vietnam era, this thesis applies the specific propositions of Graham Allison's "Governmental Politics Model" concerning the use of military force, to selected case studies. In an attempt to determine the explanatory power of Allison's Governmental Politics model in the wake of Vietnam, this thesis draws on case studies ranging from the Dominican Republic intervention to the recent invasion of Panama. This thesis seeks to measure the theory to present reality.

Master of Arts

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42

Peterson, Jody L. « Anglo-American Relations and the Problems of a Jewish State, 1945- 1948 ». Thesis, North Texas State University, 1987. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc501226/.

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This thesis is concerned with determining the effect of the establishment of a Jewish state on Anglo-American relations and the policies of their governments. This work covers the period from the awarding of the Palestine Mandate to Great Britain, through World War II, and concentrates on the post-war events up to the foundation of the state of Israel. It uses major governmental documents, as well as those of the United Nations, the archival materials at the Harry S. Truman Library, and the memoirs of the major participants in the Palestine drama. This study concludes that, while the Palestine problem presented ample opportunities for disunity, the Anglo-American relationship suffered no permanently damaging effects.

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Paules, Marian Helen Boroujerdi Mehrzad. « United States relations with Iran : American identity, foreign policy, and the politics of representation ». Related Electronic Resource : Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2003. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.

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McKeever, Dalton Edward. « US foreign relations in the Caspian Sea region ». Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 1999. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/77.

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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.
Bachelors
Arts and Sciences
Political Science

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45

Quan, Wei. « Sino-US strategic and economic dialogue mechanism : is it a trouble-shooter or just empty talk ? » Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2595576.

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Marandas, Susan M. « American foreign policy : the utility of force as an influence, bargaining, or coercive force in the Caribbean Basin ». PDXScholar, 1987. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3722.

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Throughout history states have pursued both cooperative and power-oriented strategies. Moralists and realists have long questioned the appropriateness of using force to gain state objectives. Recent analysts have stressed that states have a moral duty to manage international uncertainty in the best interests of their citizens. While this might involve utilizing both power-seeking and order-seeking strategies, it has been suggested that pursuing order-seeking strategies could help alleviate international uncertainty. An historical survey, as well as recent case studies in Grenada and Nicaragua, indicate that the United States often has relied upon military strategies in the Caribbean Basin. The United States has employed a variety of techniques including "shows-of-force," threats, coercive diplomacy, intervention, and covert activities. These policies appear to have been based upon the assumption that military policies can be carefully calculated to alter the behavior of another state. Due to classified information, sensitive information is often restricted regarding this topic. However, available information indicates that American foreign policy regarding the use of force in the Caribbean Basin has not been useful. While such policies may appear to have been successful in the short run, the same policies often have brought negative repercussions in the long run. Not only has the United States been regarded unfavorably, but it has been portrayed as a nation which only observes international law when it is convenient to do so. Further, international uncertainty has often been exacerbated by U.S. actions. Also, it is not clear that such military strategies always have been carefully designed~ and even if they were, such policies would not be completely predictable. The United States needs to design new foreign policy strategies, relying less upon military force.

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Hinton, Carl Anthony. « The Foreign Policy of John Quincy Adams : A Study in Lockean Synthesis ». W&M ScholarWorks, 1987. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625419.

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Wyn-Jones, Steffan. « Rethinking early Cold War United States foreign policy : the road to militarisation ». Thesis, University of Sussex, 2016. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/61488/.

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This thesis rethinks the foundations of US foreign policy determination in the early Cold War period. In opposition to approaches in IR which privilege an ‘external' realm of causation, it focuses on the domestic bases for foreign policy formation. Having started by reviewing historiographical debates on US foreign policy and US foreign economic policy, the thesis moves on to critique some of the existing ways the US foreign policy has been theorised in IR. The thesis then develops a theoretical and conceptual stance, drawing on a range of different literatures. Within IR, it places itself within the tradition of Marxist Historical Sociology. At the level of macro-history, this places the reconstruction of US foreign policy within broader world historical process of the development of capitalism within the political form of the nation-state and state system, and ongoing spatialisation strategies that states form in order to manage capitalist spatial politics. This macro perspective is conjoined to a ‘disjunctive' theory of the state, which is developed successively through different stages of analysis. The goal is to develop a political economy approach to the study of foreign policy formation and especially the conduct of warfare. The next three chapters constitute an historical reconstruction of the path towards the Cold War militarisation of US foreign policy. The thesis begins by fleshing out some of the theoretical issues discussed earlier in relation to the specificity of US state development. It then shows how developments from the 19th century up to World War II were underpinned by societal conflicts which saw the rise of the New Deal as a challenger to the existing prerogatives of business in America. This challenge saw the development of state capacities to intervene in the economy, and set in place the possibilities of a welfare statist form of governance. However, the coming of WWII and the politics of economic mobilisation for the war changed the context within which these developments unfolded. An alliance of industrial and business interests during the war ensured that the New Deal state was converted into a powerful ‘warfare' state. The thesis then moves on to show how after the war, the world-historical moment of US hegemony had its counterpart on the domestic scene in the resurgence of conflict between nationalist and internationalist political and business interests in the US. The period between 1945 and 1950 is then re-read against the background of successive stages of development of this conflict as it affected the development of US policies towards the world. As the US tried to develop a coherent spatial strategy for reconstructing the global capitalist order, this domestic situation determined and shaped things in unexpected ways. Contrary to perspectives which isolate US plans for a multilateral trading order and the geopolitics of the Cold War, I show how the contradictions of the former largely created the latter. Much IR theory takes it for granted that it was Marshall Plan aid that did the work of reconstructing Europe after the war. However, I show that this assumption obscures the failure of the Marshall Plan, and its eventual replacement by forms of economic aid that were channelled through military spending. These forms of aid required substantial military spending programs. Thus the price to be paid for the reconstruction of Europe after the war was the amplification of the World War II military-industrial alliance in the US. This then fed back into US domestic developments, as a powerful self-sustaining and expansionary element of the American political economy changed the institutional parameters under which war-preparations were formed. This altered the bases of US military strategy and overall foreign policy, a development which was starkly revealed in the conduct of the Vietnam War. The thesis concludes with some reflections on how its historical and theoretical approach has ramifications for how we think of US foreign policy in the 20th century.

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Hamid, Mahmud Shakir. « US foreign policy and Germany (1933-1949) ». Thesis, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.683058.

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Tully, John Day. « Identities and distortions : Irish Americans, Ireland, and the United States, 1932-1945 ». The Ohio State University, 2004. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1095347712.

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Thèses sur le sujet « Romania – Foreign relations – United States »

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