Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Romania – Foreign relations – United States »
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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Romania – Foreign relations – United States"
1
Dragišić, Olivera. « The Soviet Union, Allies and the beginning of “Sovietization” of Romania, 1944–1945 ». Tokovi istorije 30, no 3 (31 décembre 2022) : 75–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2022.3.dra.75-92.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article analyzes the beginning of the establishment of the socialist system in Romania, focusing on the Soviet and Allied role in setting up the people’s democratic system in this Eastern European country. In addition, the paper examines the dependence of Romanian communism on relations within the victorious, anti-fascist coalition. Th e aims at analyzing the basic processes and actors in the first months of the establishment of socialism in Romania. Regardless of the fact that in Romanian historiography the topic is solidly researched, in domestic historiography it can be considered necessary for understanding the development of Yugoslav socialism. The work is mainly based on the documents of Foreign Relations of the United States (FRUS) series.
2
GABOR, Gabriel. « US-ROMANIAN RELATIONS – STRATEGIC PARTNERSHIP ». INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC CONFERINCE "STRATEGIESXXI" 18, no 1 (6 décembre 2022) : 229–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.53477/2971-8813-22-27.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In this paper, we aim to analyze the evolution of the Strategic Partnership between Romania and the United States of America. Launched on 11 July 1997, the partnership was a political and diplomatic platform for cooperation between the two countries. The novelty of this article is the SWOT analysis of the Strategic Partnership but also it's deepening. We propose that the Strategic Partnership be institutionalized and instrumentalized in the form of a new format for cooperation and collaboration. One of the three pillars of our country's foreign policy is the privileged relationship with the United States of America, which must be deepened and developed. The Strategic Partnership concluded between Romania and the United States of America is the only certitude for our country to survive as a state, and to preserve its entire territory. This year we celebrate 25 years since this partnership emerged on the stage of History. Now, as we experience uncertain times marked by fierce geopolitical competition, it is high time we developed and formalized our Strategic Partnership. Not that we want to minimize NATO’s role, but the Alliance without the United States does not have the strength to oppose multiple challenges at international level. The Strategic Partnership strengthens our country’s profile, while being the certitude of our country’s preserving its territorial integrity, and full sovereignty. The bilateral relationship has become a model of diplomatic cooperation and has manifested itself in various domains, political, military, economic, informational, environmental, social, and cultural.
3
Ayvazyan, D. S. « Black Sea Region in the Security Policy of Romania : Evaluation of Approaches ». Post-Soviet Issues 8, no 2 (19 août 2021) : 207–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2021-8-2-207-218.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The paper is dedicated to the role of the Black Sea region in the security policy of Romania. Approaches, patterns and results of this area of the foreign policy of Romania are studied since the period after the collapse of the USSR in 1991. The concepts and strategies of the national security and the strategies of national defense of Romania, adopted since 1994 are analysed. The key patterns and results of the security policy pursued by Romania in the Black Sea region are defined. The author concludes that this direction of Romania's policy is consistently based on the strategic partnership with the United States and solidarity with the approaches of the NATO and EU in the Black Sea region. The policy leads to the imbalance in the relations with the littoral states for which euro-atlanticism has not become an ideological basis for their foreign policy (Russia and Turkey). Amidst the absence of the search for a new model of relations with the littoral states, Romania's policy leads to the growth of the potential for confliction in the Black Sea region.
4
Maglas, Ioana Florina. « THE GCC DIPLOMATIC RIFT AND ITS REVERBERATIONS UPON ROMANIAN PRESENCE IN THE REGION ». Agora International Journal of Juridical Sciences 11, no 2 (20 janvier 2018) : 117–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.15837/aijjs.v11i2.3170.
Texte intégralRésumé :
By virtue of their economic influence, the Arab States of the Gulf are highly interlinked within the global community. Dimensions of globalization (such as outward looking focus on international trade, openness, growing business opportunities and investment) are shifting their interests to a broad spectrum of partners leading to increased connectivity platforms and links. Apparent deteriorating ties seriously undermines relations among GCC[1] players and adversely affects its functioning. Current dispute, centered on allegations about Qatar’s foreign policy, caused much consternation, in fact, unequivocally conflicted with the interests of other members and escalated tensions. A scheme of prolonged economic isolation for the Gulf state of Qatar presents challenges and opportunities for Romania (particularly in food security initiatives in Qatar), however, in light of inter-regional realignments, a united GCC stance must consequently prevail to promote stability and reinforce its status of regional power in the Arab World, that would develop and maintain a strong bilateral relationship between Romania and the GCC. [1] (Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) is a political and economic union currently consisting of Bahrain, Kuwait, Qatar, Oman, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates)
5
KRZYMOWSKI, Adam. « THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE BLACK SEA COUNTRIES OF THE THREE SEAS INITIATIVE RELATIONS WITH THE UNITED ARAB EMIRATES ». On-line Journal Modelling the New Europe, no 34 (13 décembre 2020) : 86–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/ojmne.2020.34.04.
Texte intégralRésumé :
: The Black Sea region has strategic geopolitical importance where the routes of Europe, the Caucasus, Asia, and the Middle East intersect. Ensuring stability and security in the Black Sea area is essential for emerging new security architecture. In search of balance, the challenges are met by the Three Seas Initiative (3SI) and the deepening of strategic relations with the United Arab Emirates. The UAE, anchored in the Euro-Atlantic partnership and with extensive influence, emerges as an interesting strategic partner. When analysing the Three Seas Initiative, it should be noted that the United States of America joined the implementation of 3SI, seeing it as an opportunity to pursue American interests in LNG markets, and in a broader geopolitical dimension, combining this initiative with projects in the Middle East. This research paper is the first to analyse the foreign and security policy of the two Black Sea countries, Bulgaria, and Romania that participate in the Three Seas Initiative, from the geostrategic perspective and relations with the United Arab Emirates. The research work is based on empirical research, and the results of which are largely derived from 10 years of direct observation, as well as the participation of the author of the article in many initiatives related to cooperation between all 3SI countries with the United Arab Emirates, among others as an Ambassador, Senior Advisor at Dubai Expo 2020.
6
Simon, Djerdj. « Economic transition in Yugoslavia : A view from outside ». Medjunarodni problemi 55, no 1 (2003) : 104–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0301104s.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Yugoslavia, once an advanced country in market reforms, was one of the least transformed countries in Eastern Europe in the nineties. Such a situation was caused by the civil war, policy of the Milosevic?s regime and international sanctions. The resistance of the ruling conservative forces made it impossible to establish an adequate reform policy. Thus, the transition stopped short halfway. The situation has radically changed only since the autumn of 2000, after Milosevic?s downfall, when after the gradual lifting of international isolation, economic and political reforms were given a new stimulus, and the country could start the process of European integration. This article is an attempt to give an overview of the transition of the Yugoslav economy in the last ten years or so. The growth rate of Yugoslavia?s GDP is compared not only with that of its neighbouring countries, i.e. other former socialist countries of South-Eastern Europe (Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Macedonia, and Romania) but also with that of other transition economies in Central and Eastern Europe, including the Commonwealth of Independent States. A particular attention is given to the role of research and development (R&D) in Yugoslavia in the nineties as compared to Croatia, Slovenia, and the United States. The structural changes in the Yugoslav economy during the past decade are analysed together with property relations as well as the issues concerning small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs). At the sectoral level, it is the performance of manufacturing and agriculture that is separately explored. In relation to this, wage formation and relative wage levels in Yugoslavia?s manufacturing are viewed regarding the country?s international competitiveness and wider characteristics of globalising world economy. In analysing the role of external sources in the Yugoslav economy, the problems of foreign trade, external indebtedness, and attraction of foreign direct investment (FDI) are emphasized together with the economic assistance rendered to the FRY by the European Union. Regarding the important indicator of openness, i.e. the share of exports and imports in GDP, a comparison is made between Yugoslavia, on one hand, and Croatia, Slovenia, the European Union, and the United States, on the other. The economic policy of Milosevic?s regime is contrasted with that of the new democratic government that came to power after the events in October 2000. Stabilisation, liberalisation, privatisation, and institutional reform are considered giving particular attention to the experience of the member republics of the Yugoslav federation: Serbia and Montenegro. The author comes to the following conclusions: in transition countries stabilisation, liberalisation, and privatisation cannot be successful without carrying out a comprehensive, deep reform of the system of political institutions that along with creation of conditions for establishment of democracy and its strengthening also enables building of a modern and efficient market economy. This complicated and often contradictory process could come across serious obstacles if the old state and party nomenclature in power retains the command economy without planning, and under demagogical, nationalistic, and populist slogans gets involved in wars even taking the risks of being put under international isolation. However, such an outdated economic system characterised by autarchy can only temporarily exist and hinder the unravelling of market reforms in the epoch of globalisation.
7
Kim, Sang Hun. « Asian Studies in Serbia, Croatia, and Slovenia ». Cross-cultural studies review 2, no 3-4 (2021) : 11–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.38003/ccsr.2.1-2.2.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Unlike Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Romania, and Bulgaria—which became satellite countries of the Soviet Union after the Second World War—Yugoslavia maintained its own communist economic and social system as it neither belonged to the United States nor to the Soviet Union. Unlike the earlier introduction of “North Korean Studies” by the other communist countries, Yugoslavia opened departments of “Indology,” “Sinology,” and “Japanology,” recognizing them as representatives of Asian Studies rather than “North Korean Studies.” Asian Studies in Yugoslavia, which disbanded into six countries after the 1990s, was distinct in each of the republics. In the Republic of Serbia, for example, “Sinology” was representative of Asian Studies, while in the Republic of Croatia it was “Indology,” and in the Republic of Slovenia it was “Japanology.” The present study exam-ines the characteristics and backgrounds of “Sinology” at the University of Belgrade in Serbia, “Indology” at the University of Zagreb in Croatia, and “Japanology” and the new-ly-formed “Korean Studies” (in 2015) at the University of Ljubljana in Slovenia. Moreover, it describes the role of Korean government agencies and local universities and scholars in establishing Korean Studies in foreign universities. This study asserts that in order to establish Korean Studies in a foreign university, that university and its scholars must be actively involved, essentially leading the process, while Korean and local gov-ernment agencies should assume the role of facilitator. This paper has been developed on the basis of “The Current Status of Korean Studies in Slovenia” which was published in the 2016 issue of the Journal of Contemporary Korean Studies.1 However, because of its importance in relation to the establishment of a Korean Studies program in Split, it is being reprinted here with a new focus on “Asian Studies in Serbia, Croatia, and Slovenia: Strategies for the Development of Korean Studies at the University of Split.”
8
Glybovets, Victoria, et Yuliia Khvesyk. « THE ANALYSIS OF INTERNATIONAL TOURIST STREAMS OF UKRAINE FOR THE PERIOD FROM 2012 TO 2017 ». GEOGRAPHY AND TOURISM, no 64 (2021) : 21–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2308-135x.2021.64.21-28.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The purpose of this article is to analyze the dynamics of tourist streams between Ukraine and other countries of the world, as well as to identify the factors that influence the development of international tourism most of all. Research methodology. The most important statistical indicators that characterize tourist streams are the number of Ukrainians who visited other countries for tourist purposes and the number of tourists - citizens of other countries, who arrived in Ukraine. In our study of the tourist streams of Ukraine the mathematical indicator that reflects the features of tourist streams and their socio-economic importance for the development of international tourism in the country, namely the coefficient of tourist exchanges, was used. Selected for the research were the countries visited by more than 50 thousand tourists from Ukraine for at least 2 years in a row. The total number of the tourists includes persons who travelled for official, tourism, and private purposes (without vehicle servicing personnel and servicemen). Results of the research. Most tourists from Ukraine go to neighboring countries, namely to Russia, Moldova, Belarus, Poland, Romania, Hungary, and Turkey. Turkey is a popular holiday destination among Ukrainians, because it's close to Ukraine and can provide tourists with a good service. It is necessary to take into account the fact that a large number of Ukrainians work abroad, mainly in Europe, as well as in Russia. When these people leave for a foreign country, they can state their visit is private, not working; therefore, they are mistakenly defined as tourists. The donor countries of tourists who come to Ukraine are (the coefficient tends to "1") Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, and the United States. The countries for which Ukraine is a donor of tourists are the (coefficient tends to "-1") United Arab Emirates, Egypt, Cyprus, Spain, Greece, Austria, Turkey, and Poland. Scientific novelty. For the first time, the coefficient of tourist exchanges of Ukraine in relation to 29 countries of the world for 2012 and 2017 was calculated. The donor countries of tourists coming to Ukraine, as well as the countries for which Ukraine is a donor of tourists were identified. Practical significance. It is to reveal the fact that Ukraine is a donor country for tourists. Given the fact that Ukraine is rich in tourist resources, over time, using the experience of tourist countries around the world, it can change this status and receive more foreign tourists.
9
Derzhaliuk, M. « Results of Parliamentary Elections in Hungary on April 3, 2022 and Prospects of Ukrainian-Hungarian Relations (Part 1) ». Problems of World History, no 18 (8 novembre 2022) : 144–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-18-7.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article is dedicated to the elections to the State Assembly of Hungary on April 3, 2022, which ended with the victory and acquisition of a constitutional majority by the now ruling coalition of Fidesz-Hungarian Civil Union and the Christian Democratic People’s Party (KDNP) - (Fidesz–KDNP).
It analyzes its electoral platform “War or Peace”, the center of which was the attitude to the Russian-Ukrainian war. It is indicated that this war divided the political forces of Hungary into two camps – supporters of neutrality (peace) or supporters of Ukraine (war). The ruling coalition advocated neutrality, non-intervention in the war, which guaranteed the preservation of peace and tranquility for the citizens of Hungary. All the opposition forces showed support for Ukraine against Russia. The authorities accused the latter of the fact that their pro-Ukrainian and anti-Putin activities posed a danger and threatened the spread of the war to the territory of Hungary. It is emphasized that thanks to this position, Fidesz–KDNP won a convincing victory in Hungary as a whole and especially among the Hungarian communities abroad, while the six-party opposition bloc, although it won convincingly in 17 of Budapest’s 18 districts, suffered a significant defeat in the country as a whole.
The main reasons for the unexpected victory of the ruling coalition Fidesz - HDNP in these elections are highlighted. Among them: the coalition flexibly combined centrist and center-right values, synthesized them and rose above narrow party interests, turning into a broad popular front of the Hungarian nation. It is also noted that during the 12-year remaining stay in power in the country, transformations were completed, namely, a new Basic Law (constitution) was adopted, relevant legislation was formed, and a national democratic model of political and economic power was introduced according both to the state and EU standards that complies with state and EU standards. The internal policy was aimed at the development of traditional branches of the economy and the formation of modern forms of management. Relatively high economic development of the country was ensured thanks to by the effective use of foreign investments, international markets, which are far from being limited to EU countries. Hungary develops close cooperation with countries of all regions, if its national interests are ensured. Great attention is paid to the support and protection of Hungarian communities living in countries neighboring Hungary (Romania, Slovakia, Serbia, Ukraine). At the legislative level, the status of Hungarians abroad is almost equal to that of Hungarians in the country itself. The policy of national unity, the recognition of Hungarians, regardless of their residency country of residence, as members of a united single Hungarian nation, gained general approval. The concentration of domestic and foreign policy on the priority of Hungarian interests helped Fidesz to turn into an authoritative and reliable political force of the country, which, using civilized methods, fights for the future of Hungary, the comprehensive development of its people, the preservation of the identity of Hungarian communities abroad, the prevention of assimilation, mass emigration and the restriction of their rights along national lines. In addition, the ruling coalition managed to form a reliable financial, personnel, and media potential, to significantly expand the electoral field of its activities, which no opposition political force is able to compete with, especially during the elections to the State Assembly.
The qualitative composition of the new parliament was analyzed. The progress of the election of the new President of Hungary on March 9, the speaker of the newly elected parliament, his deputies and heads of parliamentary factions on May 2, and finally the Prime Minister of Hungary on May 16 and the approval of the country’s new government headed by Viktor Orbán on May 24, is highlighted.
Great attention is paid to the formation of Hungarian-Ukrainian relations. The analysis of political processes during the election campaign and in the first months after the end of the elections, in particular the attitude of Budapest to the aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, to the formation of Hungarian-Ukrainian relations, allowed us to draw conclusions that the priorities of the international activities of the ruling coalition of Hungary will remain unchanged: serving the interests of the Hungarian nation on in all territories of its residence, in particular support, protection and assistance to Hungarian national communities in Romania, Slovakia, Serbia and Ukraine. The results of the parliamentary elections in Hungary on April 3, 2022 confirmed that these principles are unchanged and continue to be binding in the activities of the Hungarian government institutions.
It is emphasized that the level of development of Hungary's bilateral relations with neighboring states will depend on ensuring the Hungarian foreign communities interests how the interests of the Hungarian foreign communities will be ensured (granting dual citizenship, autonomy status for the community, creating conditions for cultural and educational development based on in the national language and traditions). Hungarian-Ukrainian relations will be in the same condition state. Hungary supports the territorial integrity of Ukraine, its European choice, condemns Russian aggression, supports the EU’s sanctions policy against the Russian Federation, and provided shelter for 800,000 refugees from Ukraine. More than 100,000 people from Ukraine stay are in Hungary illegally. Since July 19, Hungary has allowed the transit of weapons from other countries through its territory to Ukraine. Yet But it continues to maintain neutrality in the Russian-Ukrainian war, supports EU energy sanctions against the Russian Federation in such a way that it does not harm its economic interests. At the same time, it does not agree to the application of certain legal provisions on education the procedure for using the Ukrainian language as the official language on the territory of Ukraine, that came into force in 2017 and 2019 to the Hungarian community of Transcarpathia of a number of provisions of the laws on education and the procedure for using the Ukrainian language as the official language on the territory of Ukraine, which came into force in 2017 and 2019.
It is emphasized that the settlement of cultural and educational issues of the Hungarian community of Transcarpathia should become a priority task for both countries.
10
Derzhaliuk, M. « Results of Parliamentary Elections in Hungary on April 3, 2022 and Prospects of Ukrainian-Hungarian Relations (Part 2) ». Problems of World History, no 19 (27 octobre 2022) : 143–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-19-9.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article is dedicated to the elections to the State Assembly of Hungary on April 3, 2022, which ended with the victory and acquisition of a constitutional majority by the now ruling coalition of Fidesz-Hungarian Civil Union and the Christian Democratic People’s Party (KDNP) - (Fidesz–KDNP).
It analyzes its electoral platform “War or Peace”, the center of which was the attitude to the Russian-Ukrainian war. It is indicated that this war divided the political forces of Hungary into two camps – supporters of neutrality (peace) or supporters of Ukraine (war). The ruling coalition advocated neutrality, non-intervention in the war, which guaranteed the preservation of peace and tranquility for the citizens of Hungary. All the opposition forces showed support for Ukraine against Russia. The authorities accused the latter of the fact that their pro-Ukrainian and anti-Putin activities posed a danger and threatened the spread of the war to the territory of Hungary. It is emphasized that thanks to this position, Fidesz–KDNP won a convincing victory in Hungary as a whole and especially among the Hungarian communities abroad, while the six-party opposition bloc, although it won convincingly in 17 of Budapest’s 18 districts, suffered a significant defeat in the country as a whole.
The main reasons for the unexpected victory of the ruling coalition Fidesz - HDNP in these elections are highlighted. Among them: the coalition flexibly combined centrist and center-right values, synthesized them and rose above narrow party interests, turning into a broad popular front of the Hungarian nation. It is also noted that during the 12-year remaining stay in power in the country, transformations were completed, namely, a new Basic Law (constitution) was adopted, relevant legislation was formed, and a national democratic model of political and economic power was introduced according both to the state and EU standards that complies with state and EU standards. The internal policy was aimed at the development of traditional branches of the economy and the formation of modern forms of management. Relatively high economic development of the country was ensured thanks to by the effective use of foreign investments, international markets, which are far from being limited to EU countries. Hungary develops close cooperation with countries of all regions, if its national interests are ensured. Great attention is paid to the support and protection of Hungarian communities living in countries neighboring Hungary (Romania, Slovakia, Serbia, Ukraine). At the legislative level, the status of Hungarians abroad is almost equal to that of Hungarians in the country itself. The policy of national unity, the recognition of Hungarians, regardless of their residency country of residence, as members of a united single Hungarian nation, gained general approval. The concentration of domestic and foreign policy on the priority of Hungarian interests helped Fidesz to turn into an authoritative and reliable political force of the country, which, using civilized methods, fights for the future of Hungary, the comprehensive development of its people, the preservation of the identity of Hungarian communities abroad, the prevention of assimilation, mass emigration and the restriction of their rights along national lines. In addition, the ruling coalition managed to form a reliable financial, personnel, and media potential, to significantly expand the electoral field of its activities, which no opposition political force is able to compete with, especially during the elections to the State Assembly.
The qualitative composition of the new parliament was analyzed. The progress of the election of the new President of Hungary on March 9, the speaker of the newly elected parliament, his deputies and heads of parliamentary factions on May 2, and finally the Prime Minister of Hungary on May 16 and the approval of the country’s new government headed by Viktor Orbán on May 24, is highlighted.
Great attention is paid to the formation of Hungarian-Ukrainian relations. The analysis of political processes during the election campaign and in the first months after the end of the elections, in particular the attitude of Budapest to the aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, to the formation of Hungarian-Ukrainian relations, allowed us to draw conclusions that the priorities of the international activities of the ruling coalition of Hungary will remain unchanged: serving the interests of the Hungarian nation on in all territories of its residence, in particular support, protection and assistance to Hungarian national communities in Romania, Slovakia, Serbia and Ukraine. The results of the parliamentary elections in Hungary on April 3, 2022 confirmed that these principles are unchanged and continue to be binding in the activities of the Hungarian government institutions.
It is emphasized that the level of development of Hungary's bilateral relations with neighboring states will depend on ensuring the Hungarian foreign communities interests how the interests of the Hungarian foreign communities will be ensured (granting dual citizenship, autonomy status for the community, creating conditions for cultural and educational development based on in the national language and traditions). Hungarian-Ukrainian relations will be in the same condition state. Hungary supports the territorial integrity of Ukraine, its European choice, condemns Russian aggression, supports the EU’s sanctions policy against the Russian Federation, and provided shelter for 800,000 refugees from Ukraine. More than 100,000 people from Ukraine stay are in Hungary illegally. Since July 19, Hungary has allowed the transit of weapons from other countries through its territory to Ukraine. Yet But it continues to maintain neutrality in the Russian-Ukrainian war, supports EU energy sanctions against the Russian Federation in such a way that it does not harm its economic interests. At the same time, it does not agree to the application of certain legal provisions on education the procedure for using the Ukrainian language as the official language on the territory of Ukraine, that came into force in 2017 and 2019 to the Hungarian community of Transcarpathia of a number of provisions of the laws on education and the procedure for using the Ukrainian language as the official language on the territory of Ukraine, which came into force in 2017 and 2019.
It is emphasized that the settlement of cultural and educational issues of the Hungarian community of Transcarpathia should become a priority task for both countries.
Thèses sur le sujet "Romania – Foreign relations – United States"
1
Stevens, Bron. « President Carter and the Egypt-Israeli rapprochement ». Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/114551.
Texte intégralRésumé :
On 17 September 1978 Egypt and Israel signed the Camp David Accords}
these provided -frameworks within which a comprehensive peace and an
Egypt-Israel treaty could be negotiated. The Accords were heralded as
a breakthrough in the search -for peace in the Middle East and a
demonstration o-f the supreme power o-f the United States in the region.
The crucial American role in negotiating these Accords was the
culmination of a trend, exhibited as early as the Eisenhower
administration, as the United States became the only power able to
influence Israe1. Such inf1uence was best exerted directly by the
President; the Camp David Accords were a direct consequence of the
personal intervention of President Carter. Yet the Accords fell far
short of the comprehensive peace the Carter administration originally
sought and claimed to have achieved. Israel remains surrounded by
hostile neighbours, involved in intermittent wars and in occupation of
over one million unwilling Palestinians of the West Bank and Gaza. The
weaknesses of the Accords and the hostile reception they received among
even 'moderate’ Arab regimes reflects the limitations on US power to
influence Israel or the Arabs.
2
Marks, Martha Staley. « United States policy toward Tunisian nationalism during World War II ». PDXScholar, 1985. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3664.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis has attempted to describe the controversy between Robert Murphy and Hooker Doolittle over American policy toward the North Africans and French during World War II. The research was based primarily on material from State Department documents found in the National Archives supplemented by material from the French archives as well as memoirs, personal interviews, and histories of the period. In order for the reader to understand this particular dispute, the problem was developed in the context of the larger political scene as it evolved in North Africa. The controversy between de Gaulle and Giraud was described since it tended to dominate relations between the United States and France at that time. As a result of the research, it was obvious that Murphy's position prevailed, but not without raising important questions about the long term implications of this position.
3
Thompson, Maximillian. « Making friends : amity in American foreign policy ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:314db049-15df-4c1d-8a58-feaad76b1c28.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis examines an important but understudied phenomenon in international politics: the role of amity in foreign policy. The core research question is "how have American friendships for specified others been made possible?" Drawing on the logic of securitization, this thesis employs Aristotle's notion of character friends as Other Selves and Judith Butler's concept of performativity to elaborate an international process of friendship or amitization. In doing so, the thesis employs critical discourse analysis of presidential rhetoric and popular culture to elucidate the process through which discourses of similarity become naturalized frames of reference within the conduct of foreign policy. It argues that friendship emerges when a state comes to see itself in an other and that this similarity (re)produces a certain form of state identity that enables and forecloses certain policy options vis-à-vis friends. Friendship manifests in a habitual, or naturalized, disposition to treat friends better than others. As such, it can account for how certain policies and postures, such as uncritical and often unconditional support for subjects positioned as "friends," have come to be pursued as common sense. Amitization is illustrated by assessing three case studies: the Anglo-American "special relationship;" the US-Israel "unbreakable bond;" and America's membership of "the Atlantic Community." Specifically, the thesis similarly demonstrates the ways in which amity accounts for how supererogatory commitments such as vast financial assistance, diplomatic support, information sharing, security guarantees and concern for the welfare of these specified others have come to be seen as unquestionably legitimate policies in the broader trajectory of American foreign policy. Amity matters and the practices of amitization are inseparable from intelligible foreign policy.
4
Blumel, Christina M. « A comparative analysis of U.S. foreign policy in Iran and the Philippines ». PDXScholar, 1991. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4295.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper is a comparative analysis of U.S. foreign policy towards Iran and the Philippines. The question which prompted this research topic was simple: why was the outcome for the United States so different in terms of subsequent relations with each state after the downfall of the Shah and Ferdinand Marcos? Both leaders were important U.S. allies in strategic states that had benefited from foreign aid. Opposition groups in each state resented this support of their repressive leaders. Unlike Iran, good relations with the Philippines continued during the Aquino presidency, without the resentment and mistrust which prevented good relations after the Shah's departure.
5
Riley, Joseph. « Hedging engagement : America's neoliberal strategy for managing China's rise in the post-Cold War era ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:307b4b67-77d0-40f3-bcfc-26d9598aa6bb.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis examines America's post-Cold War relations with China in the context of the neoliberal vs. neorealist debate. It concludes that neorealism - the dominant school of thought in the international relations literature - is incapable of explaining America's response to China's rise in the post-Cold War era. Because America was the leading global power and China was its most obvious potential rival, a neorealist theory that prioritized the distribution of relative power would anticipate this relationship to be a most-likely case for American policymakers to pursue containment and prioritize relative gains. However, I leverage insights from more than 100 personal interviews to demonstrate that in reality American leaders have overwhelmingly preferred a strategy of neoliberal engagement with China that has remained decidedly positive-sum in nature. My explanation for this consistent, bipartisan preference is that American policymakers have not adopted the neorealist assumption that conflict is inevitable between existing and rising great powers. As a result, policymakers have not focused exclusively on how to minimize the relative costs of a potential conflict with China by trying to contain China's relative power and limit America' exposure to China (as they did with the Soviet Union in the Cold War). Instead, policymakers have subscribed to the neoliberal belief that conflict can be avoided, and that increasing engagement and interdependence is the best strategy to maintain peace. They have pursued this strategy despite acknowledging that engagement and interdependence have increased the costs of a potential conflict by helping to facilitate China's rise in both an absolute and relative sense, and by increasing America's exposure to China. This thesis helps to define the differences between hedging and containing strategies. It argues that while relative material power is often important in deciding whether to hedge or not hedge, these purely material calculations play no role in decisions of whether to pursue containment or engagement. Instead, the decision to contain or not hinges on the target state's behavior and what that reveals about the regime's underlying intentions. Within this new framework, I argue that American policymakers' strategy has been to engage China economically while simultaneously hedging militarily. Furthermore, to the extent that American policymakers have expressed increased concerns about China in recent years, this has been primarily a consequence of China's increased assertiveness - not changes in its relative power.
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McKercher, Asa. « Canada, Britain, the United States, and the Cuban revolution, 1959-1968 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648348.
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Long, Paul. « U.S. foreign policy towards Cuba and prospects for democratisation ». Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=22603.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In the post-cold war era, debate has been renewed regarding the United States' foreign policy towards Cuba. One aspect of this debate concerns the link between U.S. policy and prospects for future democratisation in Cuba. The thesis examines three theories ("squeeze", "communication" and "normalization"), which suggest that either increasing or decreasing economic and diplomatic ties with Cuba will encourage prospects for democratisation. The paper assesses the validity of these theories by using a theoretical framework to explain regime legitimacy, and considers which policy offers the greatest potential for regime change. Next, the paper looks at the current Cuban political and economic environment to understand the strengths and weaknesses of the Castro regime. To conclude, the author suggests that the current U.S. policy of opposing trade and diplomatic links with Cuba will have a counter-productive effect in encouraging democratisation.
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Kadura, Johannes Felix Peter. « US policy towards Indochina, 1973-6 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/265532.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The topic of my doctoral dissertation is Washington's Indochina policy from 1973-6. My thesis seeks to shed new light on the period and aims to clarify the central points that have been raised in the surrounding academic controversy. In the study it is argued that neither the so-called "decent interval" nor the "permanent war" theory adequately captures Nixon and Kissinger's post-Paris Agreement strategy. Moreover, my study attempts to highlight both the accuracy and shortcomings of Nixon and Kissinger' s own accounts. In so doing, it aims to offer a new interpretation of Nixon, Kissinger, and later Ford's Indochina policy that centers on the concept of an "insurance policy." In my disse1tation it is argued that the protagonists followed a twofold strategy of making a major effort to uphold South Vietnam while at the same time maintaining a fallback strategy of downplaying the overall significance of Vietnam, stressing good relations with the Soviets' and Chinese, and creating an image of touglmess to counterbalance possible defeat in Indochina. In addition to telling the story of the "war after the war" in Vietnam, my dissertation places Nixon, Kissinger, and Ford's Indochina policy in the broader Cold War context of the 1970s. Contrary to previous analyses, it is argued in the study that the three men's concern with great power relations and American credibility does not seem to have led to a simplistic understanding of the situation in Indochina. Moreover, the link between domestic and foreign policy constitutes a central element of my analysis. While it is concluded that Nixon and Kissinger rightly considered the Watergate scandal as the detennining factor for the actual passage of the long-sought congressional funding cuts for Indochina, it is also argued that Watergate was a self-inflicted mistake rather than a tragedy. More generally speaking, it is maintained that domestic political considerations were important on Nixon, Kissinger, and Ford's side, but did not oveITide the protagonists' foreign policy concerns. Finally, my doctoral dissertation provides a reevaluation of Ford that stresses the president's agent role in implementing a hawkish Indochina policy. In sum, my analysis of Washington's Indochina policy highlights Nixon, Kissinger, and Ford's concern with flexibility and their attempt to respond to the challenges of the turbulent 1970s with a coherent, adaptable realpolitik.
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Zietsma, David. « IMAGINING HEAVEN AND HELL : RELIGION, NATIONAL IDENTITY, AND U.S. FOREIGN RELATIONS, 1930-1953 ». Akron, OH : University of Akron, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=akron1185381373.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Dissertation (Ph. D.)--University of Akron, Dept. of History, 2007."August, 2007." Title from electronic dissertation title page (viewed 04/24/2008) Advisor, Walter L. Hixson; Committee members, T. J. Boisseau, Mary Ann Heiss, Brant T. Lee, Elizabeth Mancke; Department Chair, Walter L. Hixson; Dean of the College, Ronald F. Levant; Dean of the Graduate School, George R. Newkome. Includes bibliographical references.
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Doré, Gilbert. « United States foreign assistance diplomacy : Congressional policy on aid to Vietnam, 1952-1963 ». Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=39509.
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American foreign assistance to the Ngo Dinh Diem regime in South Vietnam was a controversial issue during the Eisenhower and Kennedy years, straining the executive-legislative relationship and provoking discord within Congress. For Dwight D. Eisenhower, the programme was the best means of containing communism, short of ordering American forces to the region. Both major parties were divided on the issue. Conservatives and liberals in each party perceived foreign aid differently.Old Guard Republicans and southern Democrats were skeptical about the expensive assistance programme. They contended that the "give-away" legislation would undermine Saigon's resolve to attain economic and political autonomy. Generally suspicious of America's allies, conservatives were especially critical toward Diem since they considered him an unproven ally who could take advantage of United States' generosity. Liberal Republicans and Democrats, who harboured an internationalist perspective, acknowledged foreign aid as a legitimate means of countering communism. Perceiving Diem as an alternative to Ho Chi Minh's leadership and Bao Dai's incompetence, liberals supported the Premier's pro-democratic aspirations.
The French reversal at Dien Bien Phu, the "fiasco" of the Geneva Conference, and the subsequent foreign assistance investigations by the legislative branch brought about a tenuous truce between conservatives and liberals. Although fundamental differences remained, both groups were convinced that a reappraisal of the aid programme was needed before the President committed America too heavily in Vietnam. The increasing commitments by Eisenhower's successor and his lack of co-operation with Capitol Hill solidified the conservative-liberal entente. Diem's assassination in November 1963 sobered Congress and strengthened its disapproval of America's assistance policy. Such congressional activism peaked by the late 1960's and early 1970's. The experience acquired during the Eisenhower and Kennedy years allowed Congress, not the President, to oppose United States military intervention in Vietnam during the Nixon Presidency. It also provided the initiative to rationalize the foreign aid legislation, favoring economic and technical development rather than military commitments.
Livres sur le sujet "Romania – Foreign relations – United States"
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United States of America and Romania : Diplomatic relations 1912-1919. Bucharest : Cavallioti, 2010.
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Kirk, Roger. Romania versus the United States : The diplomacy of the absurd, 1985-1989. New York : St. Martin's Press, 1994.
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American-Romanian relations, 1989-2004 : From pariah to partner. Boulder [Colo.] : East European Monographs ; New York, 2004.
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Harrington, Joseph F. Tweaking the nose of the Russians : Fifty years of American-Romanian relations, 1940-1990. Boulder : East European Monographs, 1991.
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Cold war crucible : United States foreign policy and the conflict in Romania, 1943-1953. Boulder [Colo.] : East European Monographs, 1996.
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Paul, Cernovodeanu, dir. Distant lands : The genesis and evolution of Romanian-American relations. Boulder : East European Monographs, 1985.
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Romania. A proposed agreement between the government of the United States and the government of Romania : Message from the President of the United States transmitting the text of a proposed agreement for the cooperation between the government of the United States and the government of Romania concerning peaceful uses of nuclear energy, with accompanying annex and agreed minute, pursuant to 42 U.S.C. 2153(b). Washington : U.S. G.P.O, 1999.
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Romania. A proposed agreement between the government of the United States and the government of Romania : Message from the President of the United States transmitting the text of a proposed agreement for the cooperation between the government of the United States and the government of Romania concerning peaceful uses of nuclear energy, with accompanying annex and agreed minute, pursuant to 42 U.S.C. 2153(b). Washington : U.S. G.P.O, 1999.
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inc, RFE/RL, dir. Romanian attitudes toward a "serious conflict" between the United States and the Soviet Union. [Munich?] : RFE-RL, 1985.
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Romania. Employment : Agreement between the United States of America and Romania, effected by exchange of notes, signed at Washington July 1 and 28, 1993. Washington, D.C : Dept. of State, 1996.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Romania – Foreign relations – United States"
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Benvenuti, Andrea, Chien-Peng Chung, Nicholas Khoo et Andrew T. H. Tan. « China's relations with the United States ». Dans China's Foreign Policy, 84–101. London : Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003088288-8.
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Ninkovich, Frank. « The United States and Imperialism ». Dans A Companion to American Foreign Relations, 79–102. Malden, MA, USA : Blackwell Publishing, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9780470999042.ch6.
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Tunsjø, Øystein. « China and the United States in a new bipolar system ». Dans US–China Foreign Relations, 41–49. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York : Routledge, 2021. | : Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003056683-5.
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Rivas, Darlene. « United States-Latin American Relations, 1942-1960 ». Dans A Companion to American Foreign Relations, 230–54. Malden, MA, USA : Blackwell Publishing, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9780470999042.ch14.
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Burchill, Scott. « United States Foreign Policy : Radical Islam and the West ». Dans Misunderstanding International Relations, 107–32. Singapore : Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-1936-9_7.
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Ferguson, Yale H., et Richard W. Mansbach. « Expanding Chinese influence and China-United States relations ». Dans Foreign Policy Issues for America, 45–57. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2019. | Series : Routledge studies in US foreign policy : Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351186872-4.
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Hahn, Peter L. « The United States and the Middle East since 1967 ». Dans A Companion to American Foreign Relations, 375–86. Malden, MA, USA : Blackwell Publishing, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9780470999042.ch20.
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Shoup, Laurence H. « Council on Foreign Relations and United States Imperialism ». Dans The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Imperialism and Anti-Imperialism, 1–16. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-91206-6_114-1.
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Shoup, Laurence H. « Council on Foreign Relations and United States Imperialism ». Dans The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Imperialism and Anti-Imperialism, 470–85. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-29901-9_114.
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Ingleson, Elizabeth O’Brien. « China and the United States during the Cold War ». Dans The Routledge History of U.S. Foreign Relations, 341–56. New York : Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003034889-30.
Texte intégralActes de conférences sur le sujet "Romania – Foreign relations – United States"
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Ardıl, Cemal. « Turkey - Black Sea Economic Cooperation Organization : Foreign Trade Relations during the 1996-2012 Period ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00661.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper presents the regional economic relations between Turkey and Black See Economic Cooperation Organization (BSEC). The Heads of State and Government of eleven countries: Albania, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bulgaria, Georgia, Greece, Moldova, Romania, Russia, Turkey and Ukraine signed the Summit Declaration and the Bosphorus Statement giving birth to the Black Sea Economic Cooperation on 25 June 1992, in Istanbul. On 5 June 1998, the Heads of State or Government signed the BSEC Charter, came into force on 1 May 1999 BSEC has evolved into an international regional organization for economic cooperation. The organization has 12 members since Serbia joining the organization in 2004. It came into existence as a unique and promising model of multilateral political and economic initiative aimed at fostering interaction and harmony among the Member States, as well as to ensure peace, stability and prosperity encouraging friendly and good-neighbourly relations in the Black Sea region. Countries bordering the Black Sea, Balkan and Caucasus formed the BSEC countries cover an area of approximately 20 million square kilometer and represent more than 350 million people. The region with the foreign trade volume of U.S. $ 300 billion per year draws attention to the rich natural resources; and is the main European energy and transport corridor transfer. The Black Sea region is a contested neighbourhood and the subject of intense debates and conflicts in the globe. Also, this reflects the changing dynamics of the Black Sea region, its complex realities, the interests of outsiders and the region’s relations with the rest of the globe. Moreover, its strategic position, linking north to south and east to west, as well as its oil, gas, transport and trade routes are all important reasons for its increasing relevance. Turkey's foreign trade volume with BSEC member countries is steadily increasing as per the findings over the period of 1996-2012.
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Toprak, Nuri Gökhan. « From Embargo to Blockade : An Evaluation of the United States Sanctions against Iran in the Context of the Use of Economic Impact Tools in Foreign Poli ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c11.02219.
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The concept of influence can be defined as a tool of international actors, a form of power, the ability to overcome obstacles in order to achieve different purposes or the desired result in the process of power relations established between actors in international politics. According to the approach that aims to reach the concept of influence as the desired result, in the process of setting up influence states try to influence each other through different methods and tools in which can be used through states’ own capacities. In addition to political and military tools, economic impact tools related to the field of foreign trade and finance are frequently used today. Economic impact tools, such as external aid, which may be positive or rewarding, may also be negative or punitive in a range from the boycott to the blockade. The study aims to provide a qualitative assessment of the United States' (US) economic sanctions against Iran in the context of the use of economic impact tools in international politics. In order to achieve this aim, 12 executive orders issued by the US on the grounds that Iran poses a threat to its national security, foreign policy and economy will be examined. In the conclusion of the study, the assumption that the US sanctions against Iran almost for 40 years has become a multilateral structure such as commercial and financial blockade from a structure related to bilateral relations such as boycott and embargo will be tested.
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شریف اسماعیل, سركوت. « The impact of the foreign relations of the Iraqi state on the Anfal operations, (America) is a model ». Dans Peacebuilding and Genocide Prevention. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicpgp/15.
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"The Anfal crime of 1988 was a series of political, military and propaganda campaigns carried out by Saddam's Ba'athist regime against a part of the Kurdish people.In this process, all the means of genocide were used, from killing, slaughter, arrest, expulsion and expulsion to the demolition of houses, burning of fields and gardens and looting of their livestock and belongings. The Ba'ath regime's excuse for this crime was nothing but religious and political propaganda that the Kurdish nation had deviated from Islam and had turned against the state These excuses were to justify his crime because the process was named after a chapter of the Holy Qur'an, which was Anfal. For such a big and heinous crime, of course, you have to make all the internal and external factors available before you start, because without the availability of both factors, it would have been impossible for such a big and important process to succeed Therefore, Saddam's Ba'athist regime had secured international and external factors along with the availability of domestic factors to a good extent, so it carried out the process in such a comprehensive and widespread manner. The United States, which was one of the most powerful and influential countries of the time, had a strong relationship with Saddam and the Iraqi government in all political, military, economic and other aspects The Americans, who served Saddam Hussein's regime in the success of the Anfal process, not only provided military and logistical assistance to the Iraqi government, but also provided intelligence assistance to the regime On the other hand, for the sake of the Ba'ath and Saddam regimes, he had cut off all kinds of cooperation from the Kurds and refused to even welcome the Kurdish representatives when they wanted to convey the truth about the Anfal crime to the US and the world.This was one of the reasons why Saddam's regime was protected from international condemnation and prosecution thanks to its cooperation and strong ties with the Americans."
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Widyarta, Mohammad. « Foreign Aid and Modern Architecture in Indonesia : Intersecting Cold War Relations and Funding for the Fourth Asian Games, 1962 ». Dans The 38th Annual Conference of the Society of Architectural Historians Australia and New Zealand. online : SAHANZ, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55939/a4014p90ju.
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Between 1950 and 1965, foreign aid played a crucial role within the Indonesian economy. With the Cold War as a backdrop, this aid came from both Western and Eastern blocs with the intention of drawing Indonesia into their spheres of influence. The aid also played a crucial role in the development of architecture in the archipelago. A major endeavour within this period was the construction of buildings and venues for the Fourth Asian Games to be held in Jakarta in 1962 which involved a new stadium, an international-standard hotel and a large by-pass road around part of the city. Financial and technical aid from the Soviet Union, Japan and the United States was obtained to realise these projects. All the while, the Asian Games, along with the modern structures constructed for the event, provided Indonesia an opportunity to advance its own agenda, which was to construct a sense of self-confidence and national pride and to situate itself as a leader among decolonised nations. Nevertheless, foreign financial and technical aid played an important role in the realisation of these projects. The availability of foreign aid was intrinsically tied to President Ahmad Sukarno’s ability to play the interests of all sides. This paper examines plans and preparations for the Fourth Asian Games as a case of engagement between the two Cold War blocs with Indonesia in the middle. By focusing on the key building projects for the Games, the paper reveals the role of foreign aid in the development of architecture in Indonesia during a critical period in its post-war and post-independence formation. This development took place through the interaction of different interests—those of the Western Bloc, the Eastern Bloc, and Indonesia—in the midst of the Cold War and decolonisation period. A glimpse into the interaction may suggest a case of competition. However, examination of the three projects indicates that it was a case of multipolar collaboration instead.
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Karluk, S. Rıdvan. « EU Enlargement to the Balkans : Membership Perspective to the Balkan Countries ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01163.
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After the dispersion of the Soviet Union, the European Union embarked upon an intense relationship with the Central and Eastern European Countries. The transition into capital market and democratization of these countries had been supported by the Ministers of Foreign Affairs at the beginning of 1989 before the collapse of the Soviet Union System. The European Agreements were signed between the EU and Hungary, Poland, and Czechoslovakia on December 16th, 1991. 10 Central and Eastern Europe Countries became the members of the EU on May 1st, 2004. With the accession of Bulgaria and Romania into the EU on January 1st, 2007, the number of the EU member countries reached up to 27, and finally extending to 28 with the membership of Croatia to the EU on July 1st, 2013. Removing the Western Balkan States, Serbia, Montenegro, Albania, and Bosnia and Herzegovina from the scope of external relations, the EU included these countries in the enlargement process in 2005.The European Commission has determined 2014 enlargement policy priorities as dealing with the fundamentals on preferential basis. In this context, the developments in the Balkans will be closely monitored within the scope of a new approach giving priority to the superiority of law. The enlargement process of the EU towards the Balkans and whether or not the Western Balkan States will join the Union will be analyzed.
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Karatalov, Omurbek. « Open Economy and Economic Integration within the Framework of Eurasia ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00633.
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The Kyrgyz Republic economy openness is studied within the framework of the Eurasia. Insufficient level of the financial and economic standing of Kyrgyzstan is clarified. Reasons for Governmental regulating use in the area of monetary, tax and budget policy in USA have been set up. Conditions of the development of industrial countries economy are under consideration. The necessity of financialisation of all capital of country is defined. Kyrgyzstan public budget’s permanent deficiency formation reasons are studied. A necessity of integration economic relations development within the framework of Eurasia is offered. A necessity of sustainable economic relations establishment as well as finding solution for external debt between Kyrgyzstan and Russia have been justified. It is recommended to strengthen effective fight against a scale corruption, «shadow» economy and criminalization of economy and finances. The increase of efficiency and responsibility of top managers of the public administration level have been offered. The necessity of the independent mastering of own gold-mining fields is justified. The need to attract the foreign direct investments to the area of mining and processing industry have been offered. Within the framework of acceleration of economic integration. Needs for the development of exploring and processing of hydrocarbons as well as building of large economic entities especially the hydroelectric power stations, namely Kambar-Ata-1 Hydro-Power Plants have been suggested. By this it is also suggested to Russia to develop this as strategic partner of Kyrgyzstan. Creation of integral customs system and energy cooperation suggested. It should be supported by establishment of unique equivalent among Eurasia states. By this it is to be possible to find acceptable solutions in finance and economy and to form a united economic cooperation considering a sovereignty of each state. It is necessary to develop the identical financial reporting of point-of-sale and payment balances, balance of international investments, compliable national republics and on the whole on Eurasia. To walk away from the calculation and actual use of dollar of the USA in finance and economic operations. Based on econometric prognosis of gross internal product and the public budget of Kyrgyzstan is made calculating on the per to 2025 year.
Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Romania – Foreign relations – United States"
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Barton, Frederick D. Testimony : Statement of Frederick D. Barton, Senior Fellow and Director, Post-Conflict Reconstruction Project, Center for Strategic and International Studies, before the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate on Accelerating Economic Progress in Iraq"". Fort Belvoir, VA : Defense Technical Information Center, juillet 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada438876.
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Romero, Antonio. The Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement and relations between European Union and Cuba. Fundación Carolina, février 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.33960/issn-e.1885-9119.dtff01en.
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This document makes an assessment of the Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement (PDCA) between Cuba and the European Union (EU) in its four years of validity, and of the evolution of political and economic relations between both parties. The analysis is structured in five headings that address the background, determinants and significance of the PDCA between Cuba and the EU; the main elements discussed in the political dialogue —and in thematic dialogue— between the two parties since 2018, and the central aspects of trade, investment and cooperation relations between Cuba and the EU. The report concludes that, unlike the United States, the EU is able to support the complex process of economic and institutional transformations underway in Cuba, in four fundamental areas: i) technical assistance and advice for the design and implementation of public policies, macroeconomic management, decentralisation and local development; ii) cooperation to fight climate change and transform Cuba’s productive and technological structure; iii) the promotion and encouragement of foreign investment flows from Europe, targeting key productive sectors; and iv) the exploration of financial opportunities for Cuba through the European Investment Bank (EIB) under the current PDCA.