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1
Popenko, Ya V., I. V. Sribnyak et V. A. Shatilo. « The Treaty That Was Never Ratified : On the Centenary of the Signing of the Paris Protocol (October 28, 1920) ». Rusin, no 62 (2020) : 88–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/62/6.
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Romania’s foreign policy during the first decades of the 20th century was not accidental or spontaneous. It was implemented by the leadership of the Kingdom as part of a targeted program for the creation of “Greater Romania.” The foreign policy of Bucharest during the World War and formation of the Versailles system of international relations can be considered as indicative in terms of achieving national interests to gain the regional leader status in the Balkans. The article analyses the struggle around the “Bessarabian question” at the Paris Peace Conference during 1919–1920. This period became decisive for the Romanian Kingdom in the question of the recognition by the international community of its exclusive right to annex Bessarabia. The purposeful work of the Romanian politicians I. Bratianu, A. Vaida-Voevoda, A. Averescu and others in solving the “Bessarabian question” has undoubtedly yielded positive results for Romania. On October 28, 1920, the Paris, or Bessarabian, protocol was signed in Paris to legally recognize the annexation of Bessarabia to the kingdom. Thus, the long and the exhausting struggle of the Romanian diplomacy ended with the victory of Bucharest on the one hand, while on the other, this fateful document was never ratified by the individual participants, which automatically made it legally “incomplete” international act.
2
DZHUMAGULOVA, A. T. « NOGAY DIASPORA IN THE TURKISH REPUBLIC (FORMATION HISTORY AND PRESENT STATE) ». Kavkazologiya, no 2 (2021) : 40–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.31143/2542-212x-2021-2-40-60.
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The article highlights a little-studied problem – the history of the formation and current situation of the nogai diaspora in the republic of Turkey, which arose as a result of the migration waves of nogai societies from the territories of the North Caucasus and the Northern Black Sea region from the end of the XVIII century to the beginning of the XX century. The relevance of the study is due to the complexity and inconsistency of the topic of russian-turkish relations and their influence on the causes and nature of the migrations of the nogai to the territory of the Ottoman empire, which laid the foundation for the formation of the foreign nogai diaspora. The relevance of this study also lies in the absence of generalizing publications on this topic. The article presents the periodization of the nogai exodus to the Ottoman empire, which makes it possible to build a certain logical connection between the different stages of the emergence and development of the nogai diaspora in the Turkish republic. The factors that influenced the resettlement of nogai societies to Turkey in different periods are shown. Socio-economic, political and psychological reasons played a key role in this process. The processes of adaptation of nogai societies in the regions of the Ottoman empire, as well as the specifics of the settlement of nogai in Turkey and its regions in the period under review, are partially covered. The author of the article touches upon the problem of the division of the foreign nogai diaspora, in which the nogai found themselves after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire at the beginning of the 20th century. Today, representatives of the nogai diaspora live in Turkey, Syria, Jordan, Bulgaria and Romania. Part of the turkish nogai in the middle of the XX century emigrated to Western Europe.
3
Dobrzhanskyi, Oleksandr. « Leaders of the Ukrainian movement in Bukovyna. comparison of ideological beliefs and activities of S. Smal-Stotskyi and M. Wasylko ». Scientific Papers of the Kamianets-Podilskyi National Ivan Ohiienko University. History 33 (7 octobre 2021) : 164–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.32626/2309-2254.2021-33.164-178.
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Purpose and objectives of research – to analyze the ideological beliefs, methods of political activity and relations of leaders of the Ukrainian national movement in Bukovyna in the early 20th century S. Smal-Stotskyi and M. Wasylko, has been made. Methodological basis of the study is made by prosopographic approaches to the study of the past as the history of individuals who have their own individual qualities and interact with the environment. Scientific novelty consists in the fact that for the first time at the scientific level, a comparison of the life path, ideological beliefs and activities of two prominent figures of the Ukrainian national movement in Bukovyna in the early 20th century, S. Smal-Stotskyi and M. Wasylko, has been made. Conclusions. The conducted research makes it possible to unquestioningly state that S. Smal-Stotskyi and M. Wasylko were people of different social and cultural origins. Both of them had a good education and spoke several foreign languages. Their ideological and national beliefs were also formed in different ways. If S. Smal-Stotskyi already showed a high level of national consciousness and a desire to protect the interests of Ukrainians while studying at the gymnasium, then M. Wasylko, who initially had a Romanian-German upbringing, could not decide for a long time which camp he should join. He had the opportunity to take an active part in both the Romanian and Ukrainian movement. In the end, under the influence of certain circumstances, the choice was made in favour of the Ukrainian one. Both politicians had done a lot to unite Ukrainians and turn the Ukrainian movement into a powerful political force. However, S. Smal-Stotskyi pinned more hopes on democratic forces, attracting broad segments of the population to the movement, and mass actions to solve na- tional issues. While M. Wasylko considered it appropriate to search for levers of influence through power structures, conclude various behind-the-scenes agreements with individual political forces to solve the pressing problems of the Ukrainian movement. During 1902-1912, both politicians acted smoothly, complementing each other and strengthening the Ukrainian movement. But at a certain stage, they became cramped in one political force, each of them wanted to be the sole leader. This inevitably led to a conflict that naturally occurred in 1912 and led to a split in the Ukrainian movement. After that, the political forces led by S. Smal-Stotskyi and M. Wasylko actively fought each other, which weakened the Ukrainians as a whole. Before World War I, mutual understanding had never come. In the future, they did not contact each other. Nevertheless, the contribution of both politicians to the development of the Ukrainian movement cannot be overestimated. They are deservedly considered the most influential leaders of the Ukrainian national movement in Bukovyna in the early 20th century.
4
Metleaeva, Miroslava. « „Olimpul din Lipcani” – un fenomen literar basarabean ». Limba, literatura, folclor, no 1 (août 2021) : 43–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.52505/llf.2021.1.05.
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This article analyzes the phenomenon of „Bessarabian Olympus” in the cultural and literary life of Jews not only in Bessarabia, but also in the Romanian and world cultural space. The author tries to explain why Lipcani - a small town, produced such a large group of remarkable people. Eliezer Șteinbarg, Iehuda Șteinberg, Leiser Grinberg, Mihail Kaufman, Yankev Șternberg, Moisei Altman - these are just a few representative names for the respective pleiad of Jewish writers. Even a brief review of the history of Jewish national culture from the Bessarabian region leads to the conclusion that the peak of its development took place in the 20s and 30s of the 20th century. The author discusses the links between social and historical memory as multilateral relations, offering the possibility to make a specific portrait of the era and of the people who represent it. The Bessarabia of that time, of the integration of the foreign-speaking population, contrasts strongly with the official data not only of the Soviet sources, but also with those of different studies published after 2000. It is necessary that the scientific analysis of Jewish literature and culture in the interwar period to be carried out in a form as developed as possible, which would allow the scattering of preconceived ideas about the culture and history of Bessarabia.
5
Aganson, Olga I. « The First World War and emerging of a new regional order in the Balkans : an augmentation of small states' role ». Journal of the Belarusian State University. History, no 1 (31 janvier 2020) : 7–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.33581/2520-6338-2020-1-7-17.
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The First World War launched a tremendous restructuring of the international system. One of its major outcomes was a transformation of the small states of Central and South-Eastern Europe from objects to subjects of international relations. Having emerged or enlarged their territories in wake of multinational empires’ collapse, the small states became key players on the regional level. Reshaping of the Balkan regional order is of a particular interest to researchers as the Balkan instability triggered destruction of the previous international system. The purpose of the article is to understand how a world conflict, which had broken out in South-Eastern Europe, transformed the region. To do this the author dwells upon three sets of question. The first is the Balkan contribution in the origins of the First World War. The second is an interplay of factors which caused reshaping of the Balkan political space during the war years. The third is a new landscape of the postwar order in South-Eastern Europe. Methodological approaches applied here define new and actual character of this article. The author uses conceptual tools of the theory of international relations to analyze a process of region «building» which took place in circumstances of «tectonic» shifts within the international system in the early decades of the 20th century. Thus, the author applies the analytical model of the regional order as well as key definitions of the theory of international relations – great power, small state (the article focuses on Serbia, Romania, Bulgaria and Greece), principle of self-determination. It is concluded that the regional order emerged in the Balkans in wake of the First World War was a result of multi-dimensional interaction of factors. They are as follows: 1) the military, strategic and foreign policy planning of hostile coalitions of powers (the Entente and the bloc of the Central powers), seeking to win the loyalty of regional allies; 2) demonstrated by the small states understanding that the war had opened a «window of opportunity» to put into life their national interests and programs; 3) the decline of traditional multi-ethnic empires, which had formed political atmosphere in the Balkans. It is stated that a landscape of post-war regional order in the Balkans was determined with cooperation and competition of the local national states in the situation when the multi-ethnic empires had disappeared from the Balkan political space while the architects of the Versailles system – Great Britain and France seemed to be less interested in South-Eastern Europe in after war years. It meant that the new Balkan order enjoyed a relative autonomy compared to the previous one.
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Lăculiceanu Popescu, Oana. « Danish Perceptions of Interwar Romania ». Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 1, no 1 (15 novembre 2009) : 99–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v1i1_7.
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In the interwar period, Romania andDenmarkwere two distant countries, which were separated by great cultural, social,political and economic differences and which had just begun to discover eachother. Their diplomatic relations were established in 1917, when a Romanianenvoy was appointed to Copenhagen whereas thefirst Danish minister was appointed to Bucharestin 1924. The establishment of the diplomatic offices in the two capitals led toa strengthening of bilateral Danish-Romanian relations. The two people startedto know each other`s cultural, social and political patterns. In this article Ilook at the representations generated by Romanians in the Danish conscience,which I assume is interesting for the study of Romania's bilateral relationswith the peoples from this part of Europe. The Danish image of the Romanianspace during the first half of the 20th century is characterized by a series ofprejudices and stereotypes formed along time because of a scanty knowledgeabout the realities in this space.
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Berna, Ioana-Bianca. « Diplomația culturală şi re-clasarea relațiilor culturale România-Franța / Cultural Diplomacy and the Re-shaping of the Romanian-France Cultural Relations ». Hiperboreea A2, no 3-6 (1 janvier 2013) : 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/hiperboreea.2.3-6.0054.
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Abstract Cultural diplomacy has lesser aspects of monolithical sustainability, but it can have stronger gist production. Romania and France have always rebounded their relations in the court of cultural relations. Throughout this article, we will try to emphasize the sequel and tenor of cultural diplomacy in foreign policy and the sorts and medium it can have for solidarity rendering. Further, we will use these explanations in order to accent its proper usability in contemporary France-Romanian relations. We contend that the relaunching of the strategic partneship between Romania and France, opens new chances of predisposition for the avenues of cultural diplomacy. We will commence with the timely nearness between Romania and France in the last century and then, proceed with the lines of approach of cultural diplomacy in Romanian-France contemporary foreign policy affairs.
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Sáánchez-Ron, Joséé M. « International relations in Spanish physics from 1900 to the Cold War ». Historical Studies in the Physical and Biological Sciences 33, no 1 (2002) : 3–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/hsps.2002.33.1.3.
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This paper studies the tactics developed in Spain to improve the country's scientific capacity over most of the 20th century. Early in the 20th century, Spain sought to raise its low scientific standing by establishing relations with foreign scientists. The tactics changed according to the political situation. The first part of the paper covers the period from 1900 to the Civil War (1936-39); the second examines consequences of the conflict for physical scientists in Spain; and the third analyzes the growth of physical sciences in Franco's Spain following the Civil War, a period in which the United States exerted special influence.
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Miloiu, Silviu-Marian. « Editorial Foreword ». Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 5, no 1 (15 août 2013) : 5–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v5i1_1.
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Revista Română pentru Studii Baltice şi Nordice / The Romanian Journal of Baltic and Nordic Studies (RRSBN) continues the publication in this issue of a series of studies which have been presented at the annual conference on Baltic and Nordic Studies in Romania. These articles approach topics related to the relations and encounters between Black Sea and the Baltic Sea areas or various developments in the Baltic Sea region during the 20th century.
10
Morariu, David. « Critica Literară Românească Din Perspectiva Metodelor De Analiză Autocolonială (1840-1939) ». Lucian Blaga Yearbook 20, no 1 (1 juin 2019) : 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/clb-2019-0001.
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AbstractThis study aims to analyze the Romanian critical discourses of the second half of the 19th century and especially of the first half of the 20th century, starting from the central concept of “self-colonization”, coined by Alexander Kiossev. The article opens with the conceptual delimiting of the phenomenon imposed by the Bulgarian theoretician and with the hypothesis that Romanian culture can be attributed to self-colonizing cultures. The demonstration of this hypothesis consists of three arguments. The critical discourses belonging to G. Ibrăileanu, E. Lovinescu and C. Dobrogeanu-Gherea highlight, firstly, some of the characteristics of this self-subordination relation. The way the first two emphasize the role of imitation, the necessity of adopting the foreign models and the way Gherea treats the dependence upon the West under an economic report, represent, briefly, the center of the first part of the demonstration. The second one brings to the fore Mihail Kogălniceanu and Titu Maiorescu’s profiles, their discourses being characterized by clumsiness and flaws so typical for a culture found in an early stage of its development. The last argument broadens the scope of the demonstration in the sense that the analysis focuses on social and economic delimiting. The purpose of this delimiting is to establish which are the areas that are more responsive to the manifestation of the self-colonizing phenomenon.
11
Buchanan, Elizabeth. « History of International Relations and Russian foreign policy in the 20th century, volume I ». International Affairs 96, no 4 (1 juillet 2020) : 1105–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiaa122.
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Gmurczyk-Wrońska, Małgorzata. « France in International Relations of the Second Half of the 20th Century and the Early 21st Century – Priorities in Foreign Policy ». Athenaeum Polskie Studia Politologiczne 4, no 44 (31 décembre 2014) : 45–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/athena.2014.44.03.
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After the Second World War France lost temporarily her position as a decision-maker in international relations. Soon enough, though, her diplomacy adapted to a bipolar system. Her foreign policy was to manoeuvre between the USSR, the United States and Great Britain, and to jointly create the structures of future European Union. It was in the EU that France has found the place to strengthen her role of mediator and arbiter. Nowadays, the foreign policy of France has numerous continuities originating from the 19th century and the years of 1918 – 1939, but also some modifications related to new directions in French foreign policy and to the adaptation of its tactics to main purposes in order to secure France’s security, her strong position in the EU and in the world.
13
Skorospelov, P. P. « The Russian Globalization Project in the XX Century. Anatomy of a Military-Political Strategy ». Russia & ; World : Sc. Dialogue, no 3 (21 août 2022) : 122–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.53658/rw2022-2-3(5)-122-149.
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The article discusses the main components of the military-political strategy of Russia in the «short» 20th century – from 1900 to 1991. Special attention is paid to how the foreign policy and the use of Armed Forces were planned. Reconstructing the intellectual ideas that created the framework of the foreign and military policy of the Russian state at that time, the author focuses on the elements that unite the leaders of Russia of the 20th century from Nikolai Romanov to Mikhail Gorbachev. Such issues as the «globalization» of the USSR in world affairs, relations with neighboring Asian centers of power, such as China and Iran, the sphere of «special state interests» of the USSR in Eastern Europe are discussed in the work. The evolution of Russian military strategy in the 20th century is studied: from betting on victory in the World War in the first half of the century to focusing on the actions of expeditionary groups during the Cold War. The article analyzes in detail the strategic deterrence measures carried out by the Armed Forces of the USSR in the 1950-1970. The issue of the resources of military-political strategy is considered separately.
14
Alasgarli, Tural. « The role of factoring in international trade financing ». Scientific Bulletin 3 (2020) : 36–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.54414/aoex7452.
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As 20th century ends, international economic system has gained new characteristics, international trade and its finance has reached at a different aspect. Parallel to the increasing trade relations, new technics of foreign trade finance has been widely available. Among them, factoring was evaluated in this study.
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Rahman, Md Sayedur, et Shakila Tul-Kubra. « Economic dimension of India’s foreign policy towards Russia : Late 20th- early 21st century ». Contemporary Research : An Interdisciplinary Academic Journal 4, no 1 (8 novembre 2020) : 153–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/craiaj.v4i1.32757.
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In the international framework India is finding a larger position for itself. This hope is focused on the belief that India is a prosperous democracy with substantial human and material resources; it is an increasingly strong economic power; it has a proven record as a responsible and law-abiding regime, and as a member of the non-aligned party it has consistently shared the interests of the developing nations. Indian foreign policy makers argue that India wants to re-invent itself at this point of 'take-off' as a great force. India needs new alliance for the proposed new position, including the dominant superpower, the United States of America (US). The US has said it would turn India into a great force. This essay attempts to examine the old pattern of relations with Russia that India had enjoyed. There's an Indo-US triangular alliance taking its place. How is this current type of strategic partnership distinct from that of the Indo Soviet/ Russian alliance? However, both countries' natural desire to strive towards multi polarity in world politics has helped restore the relationship, particularly over the past decade. Remarkably, ties with the US no longer stand in the way of stronger relations between India and Russia. The turbulent security climate marked by what is frequently assumed to be the state-sponsored insurgency invulnerable Asian areas, the war in Afghanistan, and the political turmoil in both Afghanistan and Central Asian countries has paved the way for a strategic alliance between India and Russia.
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Bitkova, T. G. « Germany and Romania : historical, political and economic aspects of interaction ». Urgent Problems of Europe, no 2 (2022) : 235–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2022.02.13.
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Political and economic aspects of relations between Romania and Germany in the XXI century considered in the context of historical retrospective, including from the perspective of the dramatic events of the XX century. Brief information about the history of the emergence of the German community on the territory of Romania, its important role in the cultural and economic development of the regions of residence is presented. The latter contributes to the creation of a special atmosphere of today’s bilateral contacts, behind which is the policy of the Federal Republic of Germany to keep the German community in its current place of residence, which creates an additional incentive for trade and investment of German capital in Romania. A brief overview of cultural and humanitarian programs of the FRG, designed to promote not only the rallying of the German ethnic minority, but also the promotion of German culture in Romania, is given. Data are provided on the number and position of the vast community of Romanian labor migrants in Germany. The article notes that political contacts between countries are not limited to the EU and NATO, but are also developing on a bilateral basis. Particular attention is paid to the difference in the foreign policy approaches of the two countries on a number of issues. The causes and circumstances of the lack of complete mutual understanding are identified, among which pro-Americanism and the anti-Russian orientation of Romania’s foreign policy stand out, clearly manifested in connection with the problem of putting the Nord Stream-2 into operation. At the same time, attention is drawn to the strengthening of bilateral military cooperation in recent years within the framework of PESCO. The conclusion is made about the ambiguous nature of the Romanian-German relations against the background of the interest of the FRG in expanding its presence in Romania.
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Tatyana, Zvereva. « Francois Mitterrand as an Outstanding French Politician of the 20th Century ». ISTORIYA 13, no 5 (115) (2022) : 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840021281-8.
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The paper is devoted to the analysis of the life and professional path of the outstanding French politician of the twentieth century, the creator of the Socialist Party F. Mitterrand. Special attention is paid to the study of France's domestic and foreign policy after his election as president in 1981. The specifics of his approach to international affairs were expressed in a combination of messianism and pragmatism. In relations with the United States, France adhered to the principle of “friend, ally, but not vassal”. In general, it is concluded that F. Mitterrand’s life and professional path reflects both the inner wealth and the complex and extremely contradictory nature of the French political tradition.
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Lysenko, Maiia. « INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION OFAGRICULTURAL PUBLIC ORGANIZATIONS OF UKRAINIAN PROVINCES OFTHE RUSSIAN EMPIRE (EARLY 20TH CENTURY) ». Sums'ka Starovyna (Ancient Sumy Land), no 58 (2021) : 5–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/starovyna.2020.58.1.
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The purpose of the article is to study the international cooperation of agricultural societies and its impact on the modernization of Ukrainian provinces. The author used comparative, chronological, problem and analytical research methods. On the basis of archival documents and the press of that time the author described and systematized new materials about the international activity of agricultural societies of the Ukrainian provinces. The author proves that it took various forms and contributed to the borrowing of useful foreign experience. It was found that international activities had developed from personal ties to mutual cooperation. The public’s tasks include holding numerous events. The author reconstructs the process of participation of members of agricultural organizations in various international events, including exhibitions. It was emphasized that these contacts were of mutual interest. They provided an opportunity for members of voluntary associations to learn from foreign experience. It is important that the experience was taken consciously. Considerable attention is paid to the initiatives of individuals – members of agricultural societies. The trips contributed to positive changes in society and the modernization of the region in general. The article examines the issue of conducting tours, practices for local landowners abroad by agricultural associations. The expediency of such forms of cooperation was realized by members of agricultural societies. The public understood the need for change. We drew attention to a wide range of countries with which representatives of agricultural societies cooperated. The public of the Ukrainian provinces was interested in foreign governmental and public institutions in the field of agriculture. There was a search for new forms of work, among which is the creation of the socalled American agency. Foreign relations of Volyn hop growers should be called indicative. The joint work of representatives of the Volyn Hop Society was carried out together with government experts, foreign partners, including Ukrainian cooperatives in London. The initiative of agrarian public organizations received government assistance, and export chambers were established. Agricultural societies became their active participants and co-founders. It is concluded that the adoption of foreign experience and contacts with foreign organizations and professionals have contributed to qualitative changes in society.
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Sirotkina, Evgenya V. « The Image of Austria in Russian Public Opinion in the XIX – Early XX Century ». Izvestiya of Saratov University. New Series. Series : History. International Relations 20, no 3 (2020) : 364–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2020-20-3-364-369.
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The article examines the process of forming the image of Austria in Russian public opinion in the 19th – early 20th century. The author pays main attention to the influence that public opinion had during this period on the development of Russian-Austrian relations. The author concludes that the negative image of Austria formed in public opinion had a significant impact on the development of the Russian government’s foreign policy, hindered the search for compromises and pushed for confrontation.
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Cojocaru, Gheorghe. « The disarmament conference in Moscow from December 1922 and Romania ». Revista de istorie a Moldovei, no 3-4(131-132) (novembre 2022) : 42–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.58187/rim.131-132.03.
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In the conditions of the international isolation of the Russian Government, at the initiative of the Soviet diplomacy in December 1922, a „disarmament conference” was held in Moscow, in which the states bordering Russia participated. Although it was invited, Romania did not respond to the invitation, because the Soviets refused to recognize the border on the Dniester. The tribune of the Moscow conference was used by Russian diplomacy for propaganda purposes. At the conference, the Romanian Government aimed to explore, through its ally Poland, the possibility of normalizing relations with the Russian Government, on the condition of recognizing its eastern border and the intention to give up the treasure seized in Moscow. During an exchange of views with Poland’s representative at the conference, Prince Radziwill, Deputy Commissar for Foreign Affairs M. M. Litvinov warned that Russia would demand a plebiscite in Bessarabia. A century later, a question remains, however, whether or not the Moscow conference was an occasion for a beginning of normalization of Russian-Romanian relations.
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Vasiliu, Laura-Otilia. « Noi istorii ale muzicilor românești [New histories of Romanian types of music] – The most important editorial publication in the Romanian musicology of recent years ». Artes. Journal of Musicology 24, no 1 (1 avril 2021) : 329–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ajm-2021-0020.
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Abstract The vast work Noi istorii ale muzicilor românești [New histories of Romanian types of music]1 (816 pages), published by Editura Muzicală in 2020 was a project of the Romanian Composers and Musicologists’ Union, represented by composer and university professor Adrian Iorgulescu, a project meant to mark the celebration of a century of activity of the organisation. The two volumes of the New histories, coordinated by Valentina Sandu-Dediu and Nicolae Gheorghiță, reflect the fulfilment of a long research project, begun in the 1990s, with a view to reassessing the musical past of Romania, expressing ideas verified in time through repeated analyses. The coordinators’ vision is edified through the following directions: 1. the joining of all musical genres – Byzantine, folkloric, military, academic, jazz, entertainment – and creating a modern perspective on the types of Romanian music; 2. using the tools of modern musicology – interdisciplinary relating, archival and recent bibliography, an objective, critical, accessible style, efficient and orderly elaboration; 3. removing all influences of the communist ideology reflected by the writings about music in the second half of the 20th century by assimilating the ideas formulated by historians after 1990; 4. capitalising on foreign authors’ writings about Romania and about Romanian music, but also on last-minute research on international music for the synchronisation with the contemporary manner of historical research.
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Novikova, Irina. « J. K. Paasikivi and the Formation of Finland’s Independence ». ISTORIYA 12, no 7 (105) (2021) : 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840016483-0.
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J. K. Paasikivi belongs to the most famous Finnish political figures, the prime minister and the seventh president of Finland, the architect of its foreign policy in the post-war period. His influence on the political, economic and foreign policy spheres of Finland has been extremely noticeable for more than half a century. This article examines the least studied period of his political activity — the formation of Paasikivi as a politician, diplomat and statesman from the beginning of the 20th century until the signing of the Tartu Peace Treaty of 1920 between the RSFSR and the Republic of Finland. In the first twenty years of the 20th century, Paasikivi traveled a difficult, dramatic path from a staunch supporter of cooperation with the Russian Empire to an adherent of the idea of independence, then cooperation with imperial Germany, and again, recognizing the important fact that the best way to ensure Finland's national interests is to compromise with Russia in matters of its strategic needs. However, the sharp turns in Paasikivi's political fate were by no means a tribute to the fashion or the conjuncture. He was and remained a realist and pragmatist who always took into account a complex of factors: geographical, historical, strategic, foreign policy, economic in the decision-making process. Paasikivi's political heritage in modern Finland are realism in foreign policy, maintaining good relations with neighboring countries, first of all, with Russia, foreign policy aimed at the future, its predictability and long-term, in domestic policy, the desire to awaken interest in foreign policy issues.
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Лукьянов, В. Ю. « Harmonization of the System of International Relations in the 21st Century : An Ideological Aspect ». Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences, no 2 (10 avril 2021) : 20–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2687-1505-v084.
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This article dwells on the role of ideology in the formation of the system of modern international relations. It is demonstrated that ideology’s influence on international relations grew in the 20th century, primarily during the Cold War. Having compared the ideologies of communism and Western democracy, the author comes to the conclusion that they formed the basis for the foreign policies of the USA and the USSR and justified the two powers’ actions on the international scene. The current geopolitical situation in the world demonstrates that in the 21st century ideology has not only retained its influence on foreign policy of individual states and international relations in general, but also increased it. Further, the author identifies three most important ideological doctrines of the 21st century: Western democracy, radical Islam and the concept of the Russian world. The formation of the ideological basis of foreign policy in modern Russia is considered separately. The ideological evolution of the foreign policy of the USSR (Russia) is analysed, from the concept of universal values of the perestroika period and the idea of Russia’s integration into the Western structures of the 1990s (implying partnership between Russia and the West) to the concept of the Russian world, which worsened Russia’s relations with the West and led to ideological confrontation. In the final part of the article, the author proposes ways to stabilize the international situation, mitigate the severity of ideological confrontation and achieve if not a consensus, then at least a compromise between the three main ideologies of our time: Western democracy, radical Islam and the ideology of the Russian world.
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Bendin, Alexandre Yu. « Russian Empire’s Religious Institutions in the 18th - Early 20th Century : The Evolution of “Friend - Alien - Foe” Relations ». RUDN Journal of Russian History 20, no 1 (15 décembre 2021) : 8–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8674-2021-20-1-8-31.
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The Russian governments three principal institutions to regulate the empires diverse religions from the 18th to the early 20th century are examined. Its author describes the evolution of these bodies, their features and purpose, as well as defining the concept of religious security by analyzing its specific historical content. The author also discusses the relationship between the institutions of the official Russian Church, religious tolerance for foreign confessions, and discrimination against the Old Believers through the prism of friend - alien - foe relations. This approach helps us understand the hierarchical nature of the relations and contradictions that existed between the institutions, whose activities regulated the religious life of the Russian Empires subjects until 1905. The article goes on to analyze the relationship between the official legal status of the Russian Church, imperial tolerance, and religious discrimination. It concludes that the formation of the three state-religious institutions that began in the 18th century ended during the reign of Emperor Nicholas I. That time saw the beginning of the gradual evolution of friend - alien - foe inter-institutional relations, which peaked under Emperor Nicholas in 1904-1906. The author also considers the changes in the governments policy towards the Russian schism of the 17th century, which ultimately removed the friend-or-foe opposition in the relations between the Russian state, the Russian Church and the schismatic Old Believers. In accordance with the modernized legislation on religious tolerance, lawful Old Believers and sectarians moved from the category of religious and political foes to that of aliens, to which foreign confessions traditionally belonged. Under the new legal and political conditions, intolerance and religious discrimination against the schism ceased to be an instrument of state policy.
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Shcherbakova, Anna D. « BRAZIL’S REGIONAL LEADERSHIP IN THE EARLY 21ST CENTURY ». RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Political Sciences. History. International Relations, no 4 (2022) : 49–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6339-2022-4-49-59.
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The article deals with policy aimed to strengthen the country’s role in South America of the Brazilian governments of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and Jair Bolsonaro in the first two decades of the 21st century. The Brazil’s desire to become a part of the global community based on leadership in South America was articulated at the beginning of the 20th century by then Minister of Foreign Affairs Baron de Rio-Branco. Since then it has become a key issue of Brazilian foreign policy. It was shown in the article that Lula’s strategy for playing a more prominent role in regional affairs was especially successful in the areas of subregional integration and creation of new formats of multilateral cooperation. In context of significant changes of the regional context because of electoral results and impact of external factors such as the Covid-19 pandemic the current Brazilian government had to review of its approach to the state positioning within the region. This change has already affected Brazil’s relations with other South American countries and effectiveness of its regional leadership.
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Miloiu, Silviu-Marian. « Baltic studies in Romania : sources, beginnings and perspectives ». Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 9, no 1 (15 août 2017) : 49–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v9i1_5.
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This article analyses the beginnings, development and prospect of Baltic studies in Romania. The article stands on three pillars. It starts with an investigation on the main sources of Romanian knowledge of the Baltic region and sorts out the way they have been represented in the Romanian mental images. Throughout the analysis, knowledge of each other is bonded to the concepts of memory and history based on the assumption that the largest part of our knowledge derives from remembering, this being applicable even in the high sphere of international relations. This theoretical framework is sampled to the case-study of Romania’s knowledge of Baltic area assessing the medieval, modern and 20th century legacy of the Romanian encounters with the Baltic States discovering that, although the distance between Suceava, the medieval capital of Moldova, and Vilnius is less than 1,000 km. (or 600 miles) and the Principality of Moldova of Stephen the Great neighbored the state of Jagiellonians, in most cases, the legacy of the relations between Romanians and Baltic nations played little role in feeding a sense of solidarity or complementarity between these nations. This pattern is now challenged by courses on Baltic and Nordic studies taught at Valahia University of Târgoviște and the activity of the Romanian Association for Baltic and Nordic Studies, which joins the efforts of scholars from various Romanian institutes and universities, especially from Iași, Cluj-Napoca, Bucharest, Constanța and Târgoviște. The analysis of these endeavors, the other two pillars of this article, brings forth educational, scholarly, editorial and dissemination efforts designed to change the perspective of the Romanian public in this respect.
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Rozanova, N. « Foreign Experience of Competition Policy in Digital Economy ». World Economy and International Relations 66, no 2 (2022) : 15–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-2-15-22.
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Economic reality has dramatically changed in the 21st century. Competition and monopoly behaviour are under radical transformation due to digital effects in contemporary business world. Digitalization has engendered many new types of monopolistic conduct and deeply altered traditional forms of firms’ misconduct. In a digital era, the antitrust policy should rethink its concepts of regulation, market power, and anticompetitive behaviour. The analysis of contemporary competition policy in different countries shows that traditional antitrust rules could not effectively deal with digital activity. Having entered even in an ordinary space of anticompetitive firm behaviour, digital world has challenged traditional concepts of antitrust policy. The antitrust rules that dominated in the 20th century are mostly outdated when applied to digital era trends. What should and could competition policy do to meet the requirements of the 21st century? The article touches upon contemporary foreign investigations in the sphere of competition and competition policy. Our analysis demonstrates the challenges that are under way in antitrust regulation. Special attention is paid on new patterns that characterize traditional forms of monopolistic behaviour (cartels, dominant misconduct, predatory pricing, exclusive dealing, etc.) in a digital world. There was drawn the conclusion concerning the vital necessity of a cardinal transformation for the antitrust policy from a hard state controller into a flexible business consultant, with the aim not to punish but to prevent market misconduct.
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Dudka, A. I., I. G. Onoprienko et M. A. Sergienko. « On the ethno-cultural state of the Kursk province at the end of the XIX-th – the beginning of the XX-th centuries ». Belgorod State University Scientific bulletin. Series : History. Political science 46, no 4 (30 décembre 2019) : 705–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.18413/2075-4458-2019-46-4-705-712.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In the article, the authors analyze the ethno-cultural state of the Kursk province in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, the specifics of which were laid from the period of secondary colonization of the region and in the context of active cultural exchange, which continued in the early 20th century. These processes aroused a steady interest and received ambiguous interpretation in the works of domestic and foreign historians, and for this reason it needs in reconsideration. The study is based on the principles of objectivity, historicism and scientificness, allowing to identify the ethnocultural image of the investigated province in the specified period. Ethnographic expeditions of the second half of the 20th century confirmed the preservation of Russian and Ukrainian cultural features. Referring to the materials of the First General Census of the Russian Empire on January 28, 1897, historical and ethnographic sources help to flesh out the ethno-cultural situation in the province on the basis of an analysis of the state of such components of its culture as a language, settlements, economic activity and ethno-religious relations.
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Molnár, Ernő, Gábor Kozma et János Pénzes. « The intra-regional trade relations in the automotive industry of East-Central Europe ». Geografie 120, no 3 (2015) : 297–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.37040/geografie2015120030297.
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The paper examines the intra-regional trade of the automotive industry in East-Central Europe as the prioritized target of foreign direct investment and a production site of growing importance in the sector. Our main assumption is that cross-border agglomeration tendencies (reflected in intra-regional trade relations), with the upgrading of the region, play an increasingly important role. After a review of the relevant literature, the paper analyses and explains how the significance and the structure of the connections within the region have recently changed. The empirical survey focuses on the first decade of the 21st century, with the East-Central European countries (Czechia, Hungary, Poland, Romania, Slovakia and Slovenia) characterized by the considerable presence of the automotive industry.
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Pshenychnyi, T. « UKRAINIAN GREEK CATHOLIC CHURCH IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE 20TH CENTURY : THE ANALYSIS OF MODERN HISTORIOGRAPHY ». Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no 137 (2018) : 34–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2018.137.2.06.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Ukrainian Church History is a great field for scientific research. The 20th century was a kind of test for the survival and self-determination of Ukrainian churches. Through the spread of general pressure on the Ukrainian national movement, a repression mechanism was introduced against the Institute of the Church as an integral part of the social life of Ukrainian people in the Soviet Union. A characteristic feature of the anti-church campaign in the Ukrainian SSR was the introduction of a “new” model of social relations, built on the principles of atheism and godlessness. The only legal national church until March 1946, which opposed this path, was the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church. In the second half of the 20th century its clergy, while in an unlawful position in the USSR, remained in the center of the Ukrainian resistance movement against the Soviet system. The article presents the modern view of domestic and foreign scholars on the history of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church in the second half of the 20th century. On the basis of a broad historiographic base, an attempt was made to show the place of the UGCC in the Ukrainian national movement, its influence on the democratization of social processes in the second half of the 1980s, and others. Thanks to the works of foreign historians, the relevance of church issues in the study of socio-political processes in the USSR is shown. According to some scholars, ignoring this it is impossible to understand the phenomenon of the national movement itself, including in the western regions of the Ukrainian SSR.
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Tlustý, Tomáš. « Orel – the Catholic physical education association : foreign relations up to 1929 ». Sport i Turystyka. Środkowoeuropejskie Czasopismo Naukowe 4, no 1 (2021) : 11–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.16926/sit.2021.04.01.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper looks at the history of Orel, the Catholic physical education association, and its foreign relations up to 1929. The origins of the Orel movement in the Czech region of Austria-Hungary go back to the turn of the 20th century when the first local Orel associations were established. These associations were strongly connected with Czech political Catholicism. Shortly after being formed, their functionaries began to establish their first contacts with existing foreign organizations. Most of these organizations were from the area of contemporary Slovenia. Their number rose significantly after the First World War when the newly independent Czechoslovakian Orel became a member of the Catholic physical education union – UIOCEP. The members of this organization were all around the world. The number of foreign contacts it had established was also on the increase. The first international physical educational festival, which helped Czechoslovak Orel with its development, was organized in Brno in 1922. But the Czechoslovakian Orel had planned a second big festival of physical education for 1929, hoping to further extend its number of foreign friends. The second physical educational festival was also successful. It helped Czechoslovak Orel to increase its influence in UIOCEP where it became the second-largest organization.
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AMBROSĂ, Ana-Maria. « Political-Legal Debates on Romania’s Administrative-Territorial Reform and Regionalisation ». Anuarul Universitatii "Petre Andrei" din Iasi - Fascicula : Drept, Stiinte Economice, Stiinte Politice 28 (10 décembre 2021) : 01–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/upalaw/62.
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In search of solutions for durable peace in Europe, the latter part of the 20th century witnessed the emergence of several western-based theories that redefined the relations of national states and the way they related to their territorial subdivisions: functionalism, federalism, neo-functionalism, intergovernmentalism, multi-level governance, etc. In this context, several administrative reforms were carried out in order to stimulate decentralisation and regionalisation. After the fall of communism, the states in Eastern and Central Europe aligned with European Union “fashion” and practices. Taking the same road, Romania has shyly proceeded towards local autonomy, keeping the territorial divisions of its communist past. As far as regionalisation is concerned, it formally adopted the European Nomenclature of Territorial Units for Statistics (NUTS). However, it did not transform the region into a true governance layer.
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Andreev, Anton. « Uruguay and the USSR in 1945–1991 : bilateral relations in the context of the left movement ». Latinskaia Amerika, no 9 (2022) : 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0044748x0021677-3.
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In modern international conditions Russia is forced to change the vectors of its foreign policy. Moscow paying attention to the countries of Latin America, seeing them as its political and economic partner. However, Russian-Latin American relations have historical traditions formed during the Cold War. The purpose of this article is to show the development of bilateral relations between the USSR and Uruguay in the second half of the 20th century in the context of the development of the Latin American left movement. Based on archival materials, press, memoirs, the article shows how contacts between the left parties of Uruguay and the CPSU influenced to the formation of relations between the two states. Using diplomatic documents, the author reveals the main stages and events of bilateral relations.
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Jiadong, Zhang. « A coming Age of Micro Game of Power ». Security science journal 1, no 1 (31 juillet 2020) : 101–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.37458/ssj.1.1.7.
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The traditional theory of international relations, whether it is realism, liberalism, constructivism, or scientific behaviorism, define sovereign states as a unified body in international arena. It has consistent interests, and naturally also has consistent foreign policy goals and means. In the 20th century, and especially during the two World Wars and the Cold War, this conceptual abstraction was very accurate. But after the end of the Cold War, especially in the 21st century, this concept gradually went against the reality of international relations. On the one hand, the comprehensive strength of a country cannot directly transform competitive advantages in specific areas; on the other hand, the main resistance of many countries, including superpowers, may not be another power, but different domestic interest groups as well as international non state actors. This has caused traditional international relations theories, from hypotheses to conceptual and inferential levels, to be unable to explain the world today.
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Sorea, Daniela, Gheorghe Roșculeț et Gabriela Georgeta Rățulea. « The Compossessorates in the Olt Land (Romania) as Sustainable Commons ». Land 11, no 2 (15 février 2022) : 292. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/land11020292.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The compossessorates are traditional Transylvanian commons. They were disbanded during the Communist regime and re-established after 1989 according to the successive laws concerning land restitution. The current article highlights the importance of compossessorates in the Olt Land (in the south of Transylvania, Romania) as partners involved in projects focused on the sustainable development of the area. To this end, the paper presents the main features of contemporary Romanian commons, underlines the sustainable traditional orientation of compossessorates, and signals the latter’s difficulty in establishing relations with environmental protection-oriented NGOs, in this case Foundation Conservation Carpathia which focuses on establishing a national park in the area. Consequently, the methods employed to achieve all of the above was the thematic analysis of publications found in the Anelis+ databases which were considered relevant for the theme of Romanian commons, and the content analysis of some normative acts and compossessorates’ by-laws dating back to the first half of the 20th century. The information on the relations between the commons and NGOs were retrieved from the official websites of the organizations, and from the media. The article shows that current compossessorates have social potential and economic efficiency. Their existence in the Olt Land is significant from an identity-based perspective. The latter is built upon the common interest of law makers and locals to constructively manage the forestry fund and respect property rights. Their functioning can be made more efficient. Both these and the NGOs openly state their sustainable orientation and that could contribute to reducing the tensions between them through correct communication. Ignoring the compossessorates’ sustainable orientation and their community prestige could sabotage any sustainable local development project if they are not consulted and invited as partners.
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Kudlasevych, Olga, et Aliona Gridina. « Establishment and development of foreign entrepreneurship in Ukraine : a retrospective view and significance for today (on the example of the city of Dunaivtsi at the end of the 19th – beginning of the 20th century) ». Ìstorìâ narodnogo gospodarstva ta ekonomìčnoï dumki Ukraïni 2022, no 55 (10 décembre 2022) : 185–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/ingedu2022.55.185.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the main development trends and the specifics of the formation of entrepreneurship on the example of the town of Dunaivtsi at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries. A retrospective analysis of the formation of foreign entrepreneurship in Ukraine was conducted. On the basis of the dialectical method of scientific knowledge, the systematic approach to the study of the processes of the evolution of the domestic economic environment, the importance of foreigners in the development of entrepreneurship during the second half of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries was revealed. in the town of Dunaivtsi, Podilsk province. The needs of production development and modernization of the economy required significant investments. Due to the lack of large private capitals, the government attracted foreign investments, which is why there were many foreigners among the entrepreneurs. This gave impetus to the development of industry in the town of Dunaivtsi at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries. Representatives of foreign entrepreneurship played a positive role in the industrial transformation of the region's economy. The dominant factor in the development of entrepreneurship and the attraction of foreign specialists was the personal interest of the town's owners. Foreign entrepreneurs contributed to the inflow of capital, the attraction of the latest technologies, advanced management models, and the establishment of business relations with Western European partners. The activity of German colonists was of particular importance for the development of cloth production. Positive transformations were facilitated by legislative norms regulating business activities. The influence of foreigners on the change of the cultural landscape of the town and the formation of a modern social space is revealed. The role of foreign manufacturers in the formation of local chains of processing of local products and the development of foreign economic ties is revealed. The authors argued for the expediency of using historical experience taking into account the current state and problems of the post-war reconstruction of Ukraine's economy.
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Leontyeva, Varvara. « On the History of Studying Modal Verbs in the German Language ». Nizhny Novgorod Linguistics University Bulletin, no 51 (30 septembre 2020) : 64–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.47388/2072-3490/lunn2020-51-3-64-76.
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The article is an overview and a summary of the study of modal verbs in the German language in Russian and foreign linguistics, from Antiquity to the present day, in line with the holistic study of modality in world linguistics. Using the methods of generalization and systematization, the author analyzes monographs and articles by Russian and foreign experts in the field of the history of the German language, functional grammar, and morphology. While a considerable number of works by foreign and Russian linguists in the 20th century are devoted to the issues of semantics of preterite-present and modal verbs in specific historical periods of the development of the German language, there are still many open questions in this area. Throughout almost the entire 20th century, Germanists viewed modal verbs mainly as a means of expressing internal modality, i.e., the attitude of the speaker to the action being performed. However, in the late 20th and early 21st century, they began to actively study the subjective use of modal verbs. Much modern literature on the subject is devoted to the study of German modal verbs in the function of subjective (epistemic) modality. This article focuses on etymological, semantic, grammatical, and functional features of modal verbs in modern German and discusses a number of controversial issues, such as the question of whether modal verbs are a closed or open cluster of vocabulary, that is, whether it is possible, at the present stage of language history, to include other linguistic units into the category of modal units, it these other units answer certain semantic or grammatical criteria. It is also open to discussion whether there is a one-to-one corre-spondence between a modal verb and the type of modal relations that is expressed with the help of this verb in speech, and vice versa. The author highlights such significant aspects as grammaticalization of modal verbs, correlation of modal verbs with various types of modal relations, primary and secondary meanings of modal verbs, characteristics of the preterito-presentia, compatibility of modal verbs, and syntactic features of their usage. The relevance of this study lies in the fact that it gives a more comprehensive understanding of functions and pragmatics of modal verbs as a special lexical cluster in speech.
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Sankin, E. V., et V. P. Zinoviev. « State Regulation of Fishing in Russia in the 19th – Early 20th Centurу ». Bulletin of Irkutsk State University. Series History 38 (2021) : 72–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.26516/2222-9124.2021.38.72.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article, mainly based on Siberian material, examines the problem of regulation of fishing in the Russian Empire in the late 19th – early 20th century, when serious consequences of predatory, unrestricted use of natural resources became apparent to the public and local officials. There is an awareness of the need for restrictive measures at the level of regional administration and the inattention of the general imperial power structures to this issue in relation to Asian Russia. Fishermen actively opposed any regulation of the time and methods of fishing in Siberia. Fishing in Asian Russia had no restrictions until the Soviet era. The officials found justification for this primarily in the rights of the foreign population to use traditional fishing grounds. All the lands of Siberia remained officially state-owned and during the XIX century, fishing grounds were gradually transferred to tax articles. Attempts to regulate the rental relations of the aboriginal population and fishermen, undertaken by local authorities, have not yielded great results. Somewhat more important were the measures to regulate the relations of fishermen and hired workers at capitalist fishing enterprises – strezhevye sands. The resolutions of the Tobolsk provincial administration obliged fishermen to give workers special clothes and shoes, improve nutrition, meat, fish, bread, porridge, butter, kvass and tea were to be included in the workers' diet. The working day was limited to 15 hours a day. The resolutions ordered to arrange separate rooms for workers to rest, imputed polite treatment of workers and an increase in wages to 30 rubles. per season. District police officers were appointed responsible for the execution of the resolution. This kind of control made the regulations practically useless. The fishing industry of Siberia remained throughout the 19th – early 20th century a field of spontaneous regulation based on the economic traditions of the Russian and aboriginal population.
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Liubetskaya, K. P. « BORROWINGS FROM THE POLISH LANGUAGE IN THE BELARUSIAN SCIENTIFIC LANGUAGE AT THE BEGINNING OF THE XX CENTURY ». Opera in linguistica ukrainiana, no 28 (28 septembre 2021) : 62–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.18524/2414-0627.2021.28.235520.
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This article examines interaction specifics of the Belarusian and Polish languages in scientific texts at the beginning of the 20th century. On the basis of scientific and educational, popular science texts and lexicographic materials, the characteristics of polonisms, their subject and thematic affiliation, as well as the peculiarities of their formal adaptation on the Belarusian linguistic basis are carried out. The work uses descriptive, contrastive and comparative historical methods, which were useful during the examination of polonisms in Belarusian language. The author establishes the dependence of the interacting nature of contacting languages on various intralingual and external factors, which predetermined the nature of the interlanguage relations of the Belarusian and Polish languages at the beginning of the 20th century. For all the lexical inequality of scientific texts, their linguistic unity was formed due to a common goal – the transmission of scientific information. In general, the analysis showed that when borrowings from the Polish language are used in the texts of Belarusian science, there is no consistency. Accordingly, it can be stated that the influence of the Polish language on the Belarusian scientific language is not characterized by depth, and the language of Belarusian science at the beginning of the 20th century was not oversaturated with polonisms. This was probably facilitated by the tendencies of the Belarusian linguistic and cultural revival, the dominant of which was primarily the orientation towards national identity and, accordingly, the limitation of foreign linguistic influences.
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Shlyapnikov, V. N. « Will : The Lost Link of Contemporary Foreign Psychology ». Experimental Psychology (Russia) 15, no 1 (2022) : 72–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.17759/exppsy.2022150105.
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The article presents the results of a review of publications on the problem of will in foreign psychology over the past 40-50 years. The main reasons for fluctuations in research interest in the problem of will in the 20th century are analyzed, as well as the main directions of research of volitional regulation in modern foreign psychology and related phenomena, methodological approaches and theoretical concepts. The main approaches to the definition of will in modern foreign psychology are described: will as control of impulses, will as a mechanism for the realization of intention in action, will as control of action’s determination. The results of the analysis made it possible to substantiate the need to refer to the concept of will in modern psychology, as well as to formulate the main criteria that distinguish the will from other mental phenomena. The main prospects for the further development of will are outlined, associated with the transition to the study of will in the process of transformation of the system of relations between a person and the surrounding worlds in real life situations.
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Petrosyan, D. V. ,. « FOREIGN POLICY ATTITUDES OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY IN THE POSTBIPOLAR WORLD ». Scientific Notes of V.I. Vernadsky Crimean Federal University. Historical science 7 (73), no 3 (2021) : 87–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.37279/2413-1741-2021-7-3-87-98.
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The Contemporary Federal Republic of Germany is the leader of the European Union, on which the development of the European Union and European-transatlantic relations largely depends. The Federal Republic of Germany determines the main content and direction of the EU policy towards the Russian Federation. Russian-German relations have a significant impact on the solution of many world problems. The unification of two states at the end of the 20th century – the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic — became one of the greatest and most significant events in the history of Germany and world politics. The creation of a unified German state contributed to the change of both the economic and political situation of Germany in Europe and in international relations. They are one of the determining factors of global politics and directly related to the European world order, therefore, the study of the philosophy and nature of German foreign policy in the postbipolar world is a topic and important task for specialists. The article considers the internal and external conditions and factors affecting the foreign policy of Germany in the postbipolar world.
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Hiep, Tran Xuan, Nguyen Tuan Binh, Tran Hoang Long, Duong Quang Tra et Nguyen Quang Son. « India - Myanmar Relations (1948 - 1992) : From “Idealism” to “Realism” in India’s Foreign Policy towards Myanmar ». Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 10, no 3 (10 mai 2021) : 168. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/ajis-2021-0073.
Texte intégralRésumé :
India and Myanmar are two neighboring countries that share the border of nearly 1.500km and have the relationship on history, politics, culture, ethnic... from over 2.000 years to present. India officially established diplomatic relations with Myanmar, just after this Southeast Asian country gained independence (1948). From 1948 to 1992, the bilateral relationship was influenced by India’s foreign policy towards Myanmar, especially the impact of “idealism” and “realism” in India’s policy. “Idealism” succeeded in India’s foreign policy towards Myanmar from 1948 to 1962; however, it was not effective in the period 1962 - 1988, which made India’s position severely decrease, contrary to the rise of China’s position in Myanmar. For this reason, India must innovate the foreign thought, moving from “idealism” to “realism”, which have more pragmatic quality to Myanmar in the years 1988 - 1992 when the international and regional contexts have many changes. On the basis of the reference sources, this research’s aim focuses on analyzing the foreign policy adjustment of India, especially this study will focus on the issue of India - Myanmar relationship (1948 - 1992) was dominated by the “idealism” and “realism” in the planning of foreign policy of India towards Myanmar. The scope of this research is the relationship between India and Myanmar from 1948 to 1992 under the influence of “idealism” and “realism” in India’s foreign policy. From the early 90s of the 20th century, India’s foreign policy towards Myanmar has been more realistic than in the previous period, especially since 1992, when India implemented its new foreign policy, the Look East Policy.
Received: 4 February 2021 / Accepted: 9 April 2021 / Published: 10 May 2021
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Ilyichova, Mariya. « Murmansk Region in International Relations of the 20th Century : the Regional Level of the Foreign Policy of the USSR/Russia ». ISTORIYA 10, no 5 (79) (2019) : 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840006119-9.
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Fal’ko, S. A. « Activity of European Military-Instruction Missions in the Countries of South-Eastern Europe at the beginning of the XX century ». Problems of World History, no 13 (18 mars 2021) : 24–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2021-13-2.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article studies one of the components of the history of modernization processes in the countries of South-Eastern Europe in the latter half of the 19th century – the early 20th century – military modernization.
The purpose of research is to analyze the role of foreign military assistance in formation of military forces of Romania, Serbia, Bulgaria, Montenegro, Albania and Greece. Separate directions of military assistance provided to the countries of South-Eastern Europe in the form of military missions, training of officers in Europe, arms export and other aspects are disclosed.
One of the markers of military development during the period in question was the military instructor activity of the developed European countries in the framework of military modernization of possible military allies in these countries.
The lower limit of research is the Bosnian crisis in 1908 caused by annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina by Austria-Hungary. The conflict was the reason of rapid militarization of the region. Military missions from the countries of Europe began their activity in Greece, Montenegro, Turkey. Thousands of officers from Balkan army studied in military establishments of Europe. The top limit of the research is the First world war І 1914-1918. The obvious success was attained with modernization of the armed forces of allies by military missions from Germany in Turkey and from France in Romania in that time.
The work deals with the process of military modernization, i.e. the activities of military instructor missions of the leading European countries during the interwar period. The time interval of the study ranges within 1908-1918. This was the period marked by modernization of new national armies in Eastern Europe. Military missions played an important role in this complex process.
The comparison of the results of transformations provides for better understanding of the regional specifics and concrete results of this form of military modernization of armed forces during the twenty-year interwar period.
The method for comparing variations of military modernization of armies of Oriental countries occurring at the turn of the 20th centuries and reorganization of military forces of the countries of South-Eastern Europe is used. This method instantiates results, consequences, failures and success of military modernization.
The research is relevant for studying modern processes of military modernization.
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İlqar oğlu İlyasov, Mirpaşa. « Foreign policy of Great Britain in modern period ». SCIENTIFIC WORK 77, no 4 (17 avril 2022) : 232–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2663-4619/77/232-236.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Bu məqalədə XXI əsrdə Böyük Britaniyanın xarici siyasətində strategiyaları, əsas istiqamətləri, siyasi arenada fəaliyyəti analiz ediləcək. Böyük Britaniyanın qarşısına qoyduğu məqsədlər, Avropa İttifaqından ayrılması prosesi, xarici siyasəti ilə bağlı yanaşmalar və xarici siyasətdə dövlətlərlə olan əlaqələrinin təhlil olunması aparılacaq. Brexit-ə səbəb olan amillər, Böyük Britaniyanın Avropa İttifaqından ayrılması və Brexit-nin səbəb olduğu reaksiyaların analizləri öz əksini bu yazıda tapacaq. ABŞ və Rusiya ilə olan münasibətləri, gələcək geosiyasi mənzərəsi, marağı və əməkdaşlıq etmək istədiyi regionlar haqqında məlumatlar əks olunacaq. Böyük Britaniyanın təhlükəsizlik və müdafiə məsələlərindən, təhlükəsiz enerji mənbələri və dövlətlərlə iqtisadi-ticari əməkdaşlıqdan danışılacaq. Böyük Britaniyanın köhnə müstəmləkələri ilə olan əlaqələri və bu əlaqələrin gələcək perpektivləri nəzərdən keçirilib analiz ediləcək. Hazırkı dövrdə Ukrayna məsələsi ilə bağlı Böyük Britaniyanın mövqeyi təhlil olunacaq.Müasir dövrdə Böyük Britaniyanın aktiv rolunun artması və faəliyyətinin əsas prioritet istiqamətləri bu məqalədə təhlil olunub, ümumiləşdiriləcək. Açar sözlər: siyasət, strategiya, BREXİT, inteqrasiya, maraqlar, suverenlik, beynəlxalq nizam, müttəfiqlik, ABŞ, Rusiya Mirpasha Ilgar İlyas Foreign policy of Great Britain in modern period Abstract This article is about the XXI century of the United Kingdom. will analyze the foreign policy strategies, main directions and activities in the 20th century. The goals set by the United Kingdom, the process of leaving the European Union, its approaches to foreign policy and relations with states in foreign policy will be analyzed. The factors leading to Brexit, the UK's departure from the European Union and the analysis of the reactions caused by Brexit will be reflected in this article. Information about relations with the United States and Russia, the future geopolitical outlook, interests and regions with which it wishes to cooperate will be reflected. Britain's security and defence, secure energy sources and economic and commercial cooperation with states will be discussed. The relations with the former British colonies and the future prospects of these relations will be discussed and analyzed. At this time, the UK's position on Ukraine will be analysed. The growth of the UK's active role in modern times and the main priorities of its activities will be analyzed and summarized in this article. Key words: politics, strategy, BREXIT, integration, interests, sovereignty, international order, alliance, USA, Russia
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SHANGARAEV, RUSLAN, et NIKITA POSPELOV. « RUSSIA AND TURKEY : HISTORICAL FEATURES OF INTERACTION AND PROSPECTS FOR COOPERATION ». History and Modern Perspectives 3, no 4 (30 décembre 2021) : 80–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2658-4654-2021-3-4-80-85.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The purpose of the article is to examine the history of bilateral relations until the beginning of the 21st century, thanks to the available information and based on an analysis of the actions of Moscow and Ankara, to assess the prospects for the transition to Russian-Turkish relations in the next few years. The modern world order, which arose at the end of the 20th century due to the collapse of the Yalta-Potsdam system and called «polycentricity», is an urgent problem in the scientific community (i.e, among analysts, scientists and experts). The foreign policy of this or that country has a significant impact on the development of geopolitical processes. As you know, Russia and Turkey play a key role in the international arena. This is evidenced by the holding of meetings of the Presidents and Foreign Ministers to resolve the conflict in Syria, the achievement of mutual understanding by Moscow and Ankara through the implementation of joint energy projects, the participation of the two countries in ensuring security in Central Asia and the Caucasus. At the same time, the prospects for Russian-Turkish cooperation are in the focus of attention of orientalists and Turkologists, and the presence of numerous publications makes it possible to determine their points of view on this issue.
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Smirnova, Nataliya Vladimirovna, et Anastasiya Igorevna Karpova. « History of Indonesia in the Master's Degree Course of the Department of Foreign History, Political Science and International Relations, Petrozavodsk State University ». Uchenyy Sovet (Academic Council), no 1 (1 janvier 2022) : 43–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/nik-02-2201-04.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article shows the importance of oriental publications Sulalat-us-salatin: Malay Manuscript of Kruzenshtern and its Cultural and Historical Significance and Travel and Latest Observations in China, Manila and the Indo-China Archipelago for studying the colonial policy of the Netherlands in Indonesia as part of the training course "Politics of European Powers in the Countries of the East in the 16th-early 20th century" of Master's program at the Petrozavodsk State University. The organization of the first Dutch expedition to the East Indies in 1595-1597 and the creation of the United East India Company are analyzed. The materials of the article can be useful in preparation for classes in the field of History.
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Ghenghea, Mircea-Cristian. « Bucharest, 19 February/3 March 1886 : “…anyone understands how shaky and little durable this peace will be” ». Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Historia 66, no 2 (13 avril 2022) : 121–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbhist.2021.2.06.
Texte intégralRésumé :
"Only several years after the war of 1877-1878 between the Russian Empire and the Ottoman Empire, in which Romania had also been involved and had had an important role, succeeding in gaining its state independence, the situation in the Balkan Peninsula experienced new tense moments. Against the background of the so-called Bulgarian crisis in the late ’80s of the 19th century, in which Russian interests played again an important part, along with the involvement of other Great Powers, an armed conflict between Serbia and Bulgaria took place in November 1885, causing a general concern at the continental level. Situated in the immediate vicinity of the conflict, Romania tried to contribute to its resolution, wanting to avoid a new Russian invasion and a tension of the relations with its powerful eastern neighbour. The choice of Bucharest as a venue for peace negotiations and the signing of the treaty between Serbia and Bulgaria was also a sign of the appreciation and prestige enjoyed by the Romanian state and King Carol I, primarily due to the balanced and prudent approach shown in the foreign policy and international relations. However, at the level of the Romanian historiography, the erroneous perception of an important role that Romania would have played in the completion of the conflict and the signing of the peace in Bucharest was established for some time, a perception contradicted by the historical realities and the testimonies from that period. Keywords: Bulgarian crisis, Serbian-Bulgarian war, Romanian Kingdom, Carol I, the Bucharest peace. "
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Shipilov, Alexander Yu. « Relations between the Non-Aligned Countries of Africa and the Second World (1960-1980s) : The Case of Sierra Leone ». Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 22, no 4 (30 décembre 2022) : 700–713. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2022-22-4-700-713.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The research covers Sierra Leone’s relations with the Second World through the prism of Sierra Leone’s foreign policy. Two periods of Sierra Leone’s foreign policy are considered: during the Westminster bipartisan model from 1961 to 1970, and when the authoritarian regime led by President Siaka Stevens was established from 1971 to 1985. The central issue of the research is analysis of Sierra Leone’s cooperation with the Soviet Union. The aim of the research is to identify the factors that guided the non-aligned countries within the bipolar confrontation of the second half of the 20th century in building their relations with the socialist bloc. The relevance of the topic is related to the fact that the logic and principles of building relations of small non-aligned countries with both limited power resources and little political and economic ambitions with key world powers are less reflected in studies. The research is based upon comparative and historical-genetic methods as well as case studies. The author makes use of materials from the Sierra Leone Public Archives. The author concludes that Sierra Leone’s relations with the Second World were based on economic pragmatism rather than ideological or political proximity. For Sierra Leone, relations with socialist countries served as a tool for diversifying its foreign policy. This set Sierra Leone apart from its neighboring West African states, which either maintained an orientation towards first-world countries, namely France and the US, or reoriented themselves towards the Soviet Union.
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Anzor, Kushkhabiev. « The cooperation of Kabardino-Balkaria with the Circassian and Karachay-Balkarian foreign dias-poras at the end of the 20th and beginning of the 21st century ». Kavkazologiya 2022, no 4 (31 décembre 2022) : 200–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.31143/2542-212x-2022-4-200-220.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This papers reveals that the end of the 20th and beginning of the 21st century foreign policy and foreign economic structures of the KBR (MFR KBR, KFEC KBR) and the Kabardino-Balkarian branch of the International Association «Rodina» for relations with compatriots abroad (KBBIAR) cooperated with the state country authorities of the Circassian and Karachay-Balkarian diasporas residence (Turkey, Jordan, Syria, etc.) and with non-governmental organizations (NGOs) of these diasporas in the economical, cultural, educational, scientific, sport, and other areas. The essence of the ideological work of the KBR MFR and KBBIAR was the informing and explanatory work on reforms in the Russian Federation and the peaceful foreign policy of the state. A number of treaties and agreements were concluded between the authorities of the KBR and the countries of compatriots residence. Dozens of foreign compatriots companies (FC) and joint ventures with their companies were opened in the republic. But cooperation between the KBR and the FC in the economic sphere has not been broadly developed due to the unstable socio-political and economic situation in the North Caucasus region and the lack of guarantees for the security of foreign prop-erty. The activities of the MFR KBR, KVEC KBR and KBBIAR (organization of cooperation with the countries of residence of the Circassian and Karachay-Balkarian diasporas and with NGOs of these diasporas in the above spheres; ideological work with the FC; supplying to FC printed, video and audio materials; broadcasting radio programs to the Circassian diasporas in the countries of the Middle East; organization of recreation for FC children in the republic’s children’s camps; train educating of FC youth in the universities of the KBR), carried out in cooperation with the state authorities of the Russian Federation, was generally effective: it largely contributed to the preservation of the ethno-cultural specifics of the Circassian and Karachay-Balkarian foreign di-asporas, the study of the Russian language and Russian culture by a considerable number of FC, the growth of pro-Russian position among them. The cooperation of the KBR with the countries of FC residence, mainly with Jordan, Syria and Turkey, contributed to the strengthening and devel-opment of friendly relations between the Russian Federation and these countries.