Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Romania – Foreign relations – 20th century »
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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Romania – Foreign relations – 20th century"
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Popenko, Ya V., I. V. Sribnyak et V. A. Shatilo. « The Treaty That Was Never Ratified : On the Centenary of the Signing of the Paris Protocol (October 28, 1920) ». Rusin, no 62 (2020) : 88–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/62/6.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Romania’s foreign policy during the first decades of the 20th century was not accidental or spontaneous. It was implemented by the leadership of the Kingdom as part of a targeted program for the creation of “Greater Romania.” The foreign policy of Bucharest during the World War and formation of the Versailles system of international relations can be considered as indicative in terms of achieving national interests to gain the regional leader status in the Balkans. The article analyses the struggle around the “Bessarabian question” at the Paris Peace Conference during 1919–1920. This period became decisive for the Romanian Kingdom in the question of the recognition by the international community of its exclusive right to annex Bessarabia. The purposeful work of the Romanian politicians I. Bratianu, A. Vaida-Voevoda, A. Averescu and others in solving the “Bessarabian question” has undoubtedly yielded positive results for Romania. On October 28, 1920, the Paris, or Bessarabian, protocol was signed in Paris to legally recognize the annexation of Bessarabia to the kingdom. Thus, the long and the exhausting struggle of the Romanian diplomacy ended with the victory of Bucharest on the one hand, while on the other, this fateful document was never ratified by the individual participants, which automatically made it legally “incomplete” international act.
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DZHUMAGULOVA, A. T. « NOGAY DIASPORA IN THE TURKISH REPUBLIC (FORMATION HISTORY AND PRESENT STATE) ». Kavkazologiya, no 2 (2021) : 40–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.31143/2542-212x-2021-2-40-60.
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The article highlights a little-studied problem – the history of the formation and current situation of the nogai diaspora in the republic of Turkey, which arose as a result of the migration waves of nogai societies from the territories of the North Caucasus and the Northern Black Sea region from the end of the XVIII century to the beginning of the XX century. The relevance of the study is due to the complexity and inconsistency of the topic of russian-turkish relations and their influence on the causes and nature of the migrations of the nogai to the territory of the Ottoman empire, which laid the foundation for the formation of the foreign nogai diaspora. The relevance of this study also lies in the absence of generalizing publications on this topic. The article presents the periodization of the nogai exodus to the Ottoman empire, which makes it possible to build a certain logical connection between the different stages of the emergence and development of the nogai diaspora in the Turkish republic. The factors that influenced the resettlement of nogai societies to Turkey in different periods are shown. Socio-economic, political and psychological reasons played a key role in this process. The processes of adaptation of nogai societies in the regions of the Ottoman empire, as well as the specifics of the settlement of nogai in Turkey and its regions in the period under review, are partially covered. The author of the article touches upon the problem of the division of the foreign nogai diaspora, in which the nogai found themselves after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire at the beginning of the 20th century. Today, representatives of the nogai diaspora live in Turkey, Syria, Jordan, Bulgaria and Romania. Part of the turkish nogai in the middle of the XX century emigrated to Western Europe.
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Dobrzhanskyi, Oleksandr. « Leaders of the Ukrainian movement in Bukovyna. comparison of ideological beliefs and activities of S. Smal-Stotskyi and M. Wasylko ». Scientific Papers of the Kamianets-Podilskyi National Ivan Ohiienko University. History 33 (7 octobre 2021) : 164–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.32626/2309-2254.2021-33.164-178.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Purpose and objectives of research – to analyze the ideological beliefs, methods of political activity and relations of leaders of the Ukrainian national movement in Bukovyna in the early 20th century S. Smal-Stotskyi and M. Wasylko, has been made. Methodological basis of the study is made by prosopographic approaches to the study of the past as the history of individuals who have their own individual qualities and interact with the environment. Scientific novelty consists in the fact that for the first time at the scientific level, a comparison of the life path, ideological beliefs and activities of two prominent figures of the Ukrainian national movement in Bukovyna in the early 20th century, S. Smal-Stotskyi and M. Wasylko, has been made. Conclusions. The conducted research makes it possible to unquestioningly state that S. Smal-Stotskyi and M. Wasylko were people of different social and cultural origins. Both of them had a good education and spoke several foreign languages. Their ideological and national beliefs were also formed in different ways. If S. Smal-Stotskyi already showed a high level of national consciousness and a desire to protect the interests of Ukrainians while studying at the gymnasium, then M. Wasylko, who initially had a Romanian-German upbringing, could not decide for a long time which camp he should join. He had the opportunity to take an active part in both the Romanian and Ukrainian movement. In the end, under the influence of certain circumstances, the choice was made in favour of the Ukrainian one. Both politicians had done a lot to unite Ukrainians and turn the Ukrainian movement into a powerful political force. However, S. Smal-Stotskyi pinned more hopes on democratic forces, attracting broad segments of the population to the movement, and mass actions to solve na- tional issues. While M. Wasylko considered it appropriate to search for levers of influence through power structures, conclude various behind-the-scenes agreements with individual political forces to solve the pressing problems of the Ukrainian movement. During 1902-1912, both politicians acted smoothly, complementing each other and strengthening the Ukrainian movement. But at a certain stage, they became cramped in one political force, each of them wanted to be the sole leader. This inevitably led to a conflict that naturally occurred in 1912 and led to a split in the Ukrainian movement. After that, the political forces led by S. Smal-Stotskyi and M. Wasylko actively fought each other, which weakened the Ukrainians as a whole. Before World War I, mutual understanding had never come. In the future, they did not contact each other. Nevertheless, the contribution of both politicians to the development of the Ukrainian movement cannot be overestimated. They are deservedly considered the most influential leaders of the Ukrainian national movement in Bukovyna in the early 20th century.
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Metleaeva, Miroslava. « „Olimpul din Lipcani” – un fenomen literar basarabean ». Limba, literatura, folclor, no 1 (août 2021) : 43–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.52505/llf.2021.1.05.
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This article analyzes the phenomenon of „Bessarabian Olympus” in the cultural and literary life of Jews not only in Bessarabia, but also in the Romanian and world cultural space. The author tries to explain why Lipcani - a small town, produced such a large group of remarkable people. Eliezer Șteinbarg, Iehuda Șteinberg, Leiser Grinberg, Mihail Kaufman, Yankev Șternberg, Moisei Altman - these are just a few representative names for the respective pleiad of Jewish writers. Even a brief review of the history of Jewish national culture from the Bessarabian region leads to the conclusion that the peak of its development took place in the 20s and 30s of the 20th century. The author discusses the links between social and historical memory as multilateral relations, offering the possibility to make a specific portrait of the era and of the people who represent it. The Bessarabia of that time, of the integration of the foreign-speaking population, contrasts strongly with the official data not only of the Soviet sources, but also with those of different studies published after 2000. It is necessary that the scientific analysis of Jewish literature and culture in the interwar period to be carried out in a form as developed as possible, which would allow the scattering of preconceived ideas about the culture and history of Bessarabia.
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Aganson, Olga I. « The First World War and emerging of a new regional order in the Balkans : an augmentation of small states' role ». Journal of the Belarusian State University. History, no 1 (31 janvier 2020) : 7–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.33581/2520-6338-2020-1-7-17.
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The First World War launched a tremendous restructuring of the international system. One of its major outcomes was a transformation of the small states of Central and South-Eastern Europe from objects to subjects of international relations. Having emerged or enlarged their territories in wake of multinational empires’ collapse, the small states became key players on the regional level. Reshaping of the Balkan regional order is of a particular interest to researchers as the Balkan instability triggered destruction of the previous international system. The purpose of the article is to understand how a world conflict, which had broken out in South-Eastern Europe, transformed the region. To do this the author dwells upon three sets of question. The first is the Balkan contribution in the origins of the First World War. The second is an interplay of factors which caused reshaping of the Balkan political space during the war years. The third is a new landscape of the postwar order in South-Eastern Europe. Methodological approaches applied here define new and actual character of this article. The author uses conceptual tools of the theory of international relations to analyze a process of region «building» which took place in circumstances of «tectonic» shifts within the international system in the early decades of the 20th century. Thus, the author applies the analytical model of the regional order as well as key definitions of the theory of international relations – great power, small state (the article focuses on Serbia, Romania, Bulgaria and Greece), principle of self-determination. It is concluded that the regional order emerged in the Balkans in wake of the First World War was a result of multi-dimensional interaction of factors. They are as follows: 1) the military, strategic and foreign policy planning of hostile coalitions of powers (the Entente and the bloc of the Central powers), seeking to win the loyalty of regional allies; 2) demonstrated by the small states understanding that the war had opened a «window of opportunity» to put into life their national interests and programs; 3) the decline of traditional multi-ethnic empires, which had formed political atmosphere in the Balkans. It is stated that a landscape of post-war regional order in the Balkans was determined with cooperation and competition of the local national states in the situation when the multi-ethnic empires had disappeared from the Balkan political space while the architects of the Versailles system – Great Britain and France seemed to be less interested in South-Eastern Europe in after war years. It meant that the new Balkan order enjoyed a relative autonomy compared to the previous one.
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Lăculiceanu Popescu, Oana. « Danish Perceptions of Interwar Romania ». Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 1, no 1 (15 novembre 2009) : 99–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v1i1_7.
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In the interwar period, Romania andDenmarkwere two distant countries, which were separated by great cultural, social,political and economic differences and which had just begun to discover eachother. Their diplomatic relations were established in 1917, when a Romanianenvoy was appointed to Copenhagen whereas thefirst Danish minister was appointed to Bucharestin 1924. The establishment of the diplomatic offices in the two capitals led toa strengthening of bilateral Danish-Romanian relations. The two people startedto know each other`s cultural, social and political patterns. In this article Ilook at the representations generated by Romanians in the Danish conscience,which I assume is interesting for the study of Romania's bilateral relationswith the peoples from this part of Europe. The Danish image of the Romanianspace during the first half of the 20th century is characterized by a series ofprejudices and stereotypes formed along time because of a scanty knowledgeabout the realities in this space.
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Berna, Ioana-Bianca. « Diplomația culturală şi re-clasarea relațiilor culturale România-Franța / Cultural Diplomacy and the Re-shaping of the Romanian-France Cultural Relations ». Hiperboreea A2, no 3-6 (1 janvier 2013) : 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/hiperboreea.2.3-6.0054.
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Abstract Cultural diplomacy has lesser aspects of monolithical sustainability, but it can have stronger gist production. Romania and France have always rebounded their relations in the court of cultural relations. Throughout this article, we will try to emphasize the sequel and tenor of cultural diplomacy in foreign policy and the sorts and medium it can have for solidarity rendering. Further, we will use these explanations in order to accent its proper usability in contemporary France-Romanian relations. We contend that the relaunching of the strategic partneship between Romania and France, opens new chances of predisposition for the avenues of cultural diplomacy. We will commence with the timely nearness between Romania and France in the last century and then, proceed with the lines of approach of cultural diplomacy in Romanian-France contemporary foreign policy affairs.
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Sáánchez-Ron, Joséé M. « International relations in Spanish physics from 1900 to the Cold War ». Historical Studies in the Physical and Biological Sciences 33, no 1 (2002) : 3–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/hsps.2002.33.1.3.
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This paper studies the tactics developed in Spain to improve the country's scientific capacity over most of the 20th century. Early in the 20th century, Spain sought to raise its low scientific standing by establishing relations with foreign scientists. The tactics changed according to the political situation. The first part of the paper covers the period from 1900 to the Civil War (1936-39); the second examines consequences of the conflict for physical scientists in Spain; and the third analyzes the growth of physical sciences in Franco's Spain following the Civil War, a period in which the United States exerted special influence.
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Miloiu, Silviu-Marian. « Editorial Foreword ». Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 5, no 1 (15 août 2013) : 5–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v5i1_1.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Revista Română pentru Studii Baltice şi Nordice / The Romanian Journal of Baltic and Nordic Studies (RRSBN) continues the publication in this issue of a series of studies which have been presented at the annual conference on Baltic and Nordic Studies in Romania. These articles approach topics related to the relations and encounters between Black Sea and the Baltic Sea areas or various developments in the Baltic Sea region during the 20th century.
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Morariu, David. « Critica Literară Românească Din Perspectiva Metodelor De Analiză Autocolonială (1840-1939) ». Lucian Blaga Yearbook 20, no 1 (1 juin 2019) : 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/clb-2019-0001.
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AbstractThis study aims to analyze the Romanian critical discourses of the second half of the 19th century and especially of the first half of the 20th century, starting from the central concept of “self-colonization”, coined by Alexander Kiossev. The article opens with the conceptual delimiting of the phenomenon imposed by the Bulgarian theoretician and with the hypothesis that Romanian culture can be attributed to self-colonizing cultures. The demonstration of this hypothesis consists of three arguments. The critical discourses belonging to G. Ibrăileanu, E. Lovinescu and C. Dobrogeanu-Gherea highlight, firstly, some of the characteristics of this self-subordination relation. The way the first two emphasize the role of imitation, the necessity of adopting the foreign models and the way Gherea treats the dependence upon the West under an economic report, represent, briefly, the center of the first part of the demonstration. The second one brings to the fore Mihail Kogălniceanu and Titu Maiorescu’s profiles, their discourses being characterized by clumsiness and flaws so typical for a culture found in an early stage of its development. The last argument broadens the scope of the demonstration in the sense that the analysis focuses on social and economic delimiting. The purpose of this delimiting is to establish which are the areas that are more responsive to the manifestation of the self-colonizing phenomenon.
Thèses sur le sujet "Romania – Foreign relations – 20th century"
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Davis, Robert Chris. « Certifiably Romanian : national belonging and contested identity of the Moldavian Csangos 1923-85 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669924.
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Wang, Pan-yeung, et 王濱洋. « The role of the National People's Congress in Chinese foreign affairs in the reform era ». Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2002. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B29773672.
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Hallsey, Joshua. « U.S. Foreign Policy and the Cambodian People, 1945-1993 ». Fogler Library, University of Maine, 2007. http://www.library.umaine.edu/theses/pdf/HallseyJ2007.pdf.
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Plantamura, Patricia M. « Impacts of U.S. Foreign Policy and Intervention on Guatemala : Mid-20th Century ». Scholar Commons, 2013. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/4745.
Texte intégralRésumé :
International Relations theory includes realist concepts of sovereign nation-states interacting in an anarchic world as they rationally determine their own national interests based upon ever-changing competition for power. In this interplay for power, nation-states may affect each other politically, economically, ideologically or militarily. This thesis focuses on effects of U.S. foreign policy and U.S. intervention in Guatemala in the time period surrounding the Guatemalan Revolution (1944-1954), with its "liberation" in 1954, and then into the early 1960s as the Guatemalan state began to be militarized. In this thesis I will answer the following question:
How did the United States affect the sovereign nation of Guatemala,
through economic policy, Cold War rationale, and military operations
and thereby contribute to and facilitate the establishment of the nature of the Guatemalan counterinsurgency state?
Through historically documented and officially acknowledged events an assessment will be made as to how these three elements singularly and also collectively influenced the internal workings of the Guatemalan state.
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Shen, Peijian. « Steps on the road of appeasement : British foreign policy-making, 1931-1939 ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/14262.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis studies the step-by-step process of foreign policy making within the British Government from 1931 to 1939. It aims to pin-point the origin, evolution and nature of appeasement, the principal policy-makers' viewpoints and activities in policy formulating and their responsibility for encouraging the aggressive powers. In the Introduction, the subjective and objective roots of appeasement are explored, and the Author examines the reasons why it was pursued for nine years without change. Highlighting the shortcomings in the past and current research on the subject, a summary of the approaches used in the thesis is given. The First Chapter surveys policy-making during the Manchurian crisis of 1931, not only a starting point for appeasement, but also to a large extent the main reason for the European appeasement. The Second Chapter shows how the British Government appeased Mussolini in the Italo-Abyssinian conflict of 1935-36, and how appeasement in the Far East started to cause appeasement in Europe. Chapters Three, Four and Five indicate the development of appeasement policy towards Germany during 1936 - 1939, namely, how it was hatched during the Rhineland crisis of 1936, and how it was, through the Anschluss, brought to a climax at Munich in 1938. Chapter Six analyses the policy of the guarantee to Poland and of the Three Power conversations in 1939 with the observation that these represented the Chamberlain Government's efforts to change their policy within the scope of appeasement, but that appeasement led to their failure. In the Conclusion, the various arguments in favour of appeasement are criticised and lessons drawn from that disastrous age.
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Pfister, Roger. « Apartheid South Africa's foreign relations with African states, 1961-1994 ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007632.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis examines South Africa's foreign relations, viewed from a South African perspective, with the black African countries beyond southern Africa from 1961 to 1994. These relations were determined by the conflict between Pretoria's apartheid ideology on the one hand, and African continental rejection of South Africa's race discrimination policies and its exclusion from the community of African states on the other. The documentary material used primarily stems from the Department of Foreign Affairs archive in Pretoria, supplemented by research conducted in other archives. Furthermore, we conducted interviews and correspondence, and consulted the relevant primary and secondary literature. Given the main source of information, we chose to make this work a case study in Diplomatic History. In consequence, and constituting the core of the study, Chapters 3 to 6 explore the interaction between South Africa and the black African states in a chronological order. At the same time, we draw on the analytical concepts from the academic disciplines of Political Science and its derivative, International Relations, to comprehend developments more fully. We discuss the significance of the approaches from these two disciplines in both the Introduction and Chapter 2. In particular, we emphasise that this study is about Pretoria's foreign policy, involving state and non-state actors, and we suggest that the unequal status between South Africa and the other African states constitutes an inherent factor in the relationship between them. The Conclusion examines the role of the state and non-state actors in determining Pretoria's foreign relations and the relevance of the structural imbalance between South Africa and the black African states in this context.
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Guyot-Réchard, Bérénice Claire Dominique. « Decolonisation and state-making on India's north-east frontier, c. 1943-62 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283938.
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Al-Dailami, Ahmed Mahmood. « Reformers, rulers, and British residents : political relations in Bahrain (1923-1956) ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:34575d84-bc76-4373-97e6-dc4f50fce860.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis explores the modern historical lineage of absolutism in Bahrain, and the history of challenges to absolutist state authority during the peak of British influence in the Persian Gulf, the period between the First World War to the Suez crisis of 1956. It rewrites the history of Bahrain and British colonialism in the Persian Gulf through two distinct narrative threads. First, it presents a new history of the colonial-dynastic state in Bahrain and the longer tradition of indirect rule from which its architects drew, and second, it retrieves the history of the popular movements that came to challenge it. This entails an examination of not only how colonial and dynastic authority was jointly exercised, but the ideas that justified such authority over a population conceived of as a set of cultural, and more specifically religious communities governed by their own 'custom' - the conceptual centerpiece of indirect colonial rule. Both these narrative strands constitute part of a broader history of the ideological clash between late colonial ideologies of rule and anticolonial nationalism in the twentieth-century Persian Gulf - a region that was never formally colonized, nor became the site of any successful popular nationalism. Yet both these forces exerted a profound influence on the nation-states that would emerge in the late twentieth century, especially on Bahrain. To chart that historical conjuncture, the thesis begins with the creation of the modern colonial-dynastic state in Bahrain in 1923. It ends in 1956 with the last and most important uprising in Bahrain's during the 20th century, one that was largely a revolt against the political and institutional structures that colonial reformers had established three decades earlier. At its broadest, the thesis argues that the process of state-building under indirect colonial rule in Bahrain derived from a body of colonial thought on native political life and behaviour, and particularly, on the prevention of rebellion that has its origins in mid nineteenth century North India. In Bahrain and the Persian Gulf, as elsewhere in the late colonial world, ideas about empire, the state, authority and rebellion are the intertwined threads that shaped political life and the prose of history.
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Askew, Joseph Benjamin. « The status of Tibet in the diplomacy of China, Britain, the United States and India, 1911-1959 ». Title page, contents and abstract only, 2002. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09pha8356.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
"June 2002" Bibliography: leaves 229-270. This thesis examines the changes in diplomacy of China, the West, Tibet and India from 1911 to 1951, while Tibet functioned as an independent country, and during 1951 to 1959 while under Chinese control. Tibet maintained its own currency, government, armed forces and way of life until 1959. The thesis also examines the cultural shifts in the political, social and military spheres in these countries. It assumes that the general world trend in political life has been towards increasingly intolerant and extreme politics. If Tibet remains part of China with little chance of resuming independence, it is because the Chinese government and people were quicker to adopt radical Western philosophies than the Tibetans were.
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Clyne, Steven S. « The debates surrounding America's hegemonic decline : a critical assessment ». Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/116111.
Texte intégralRésumé :
As the United States led the military, economic and diplomatic response to Iraq's
invasion of Kuwait, Secretary of State James Baker was asked whether the
determined American leadership discredited the frequently asserted notion tha t
America had been toppled from its hegemonic pedestal. He responded th a t he never
believed such theories.1 To many people, Secretary Baker's assessment would seem
fairly reasonable. After all, in the previous year he--along with the rest of the worldhad
witnessed the collapse of Soviet power in Eastern Europe, the rejection of
communist controlled command economies in favour of democracy and market-based
economies, and the heralding of the 'end of the Cold War.' The obvious implication was
th a t the U.S., as the leader of the non-communist world, had 'won' the Cold War.
Furthermore, the Kuwaiti crisis was proving th a t global leadership could not be based
exclusively upon a vibrant national economy. Though endowed with flourishing
economies, Germany (or the European Community for th a t ma tte r2) and Japan
appeared incapable of assuming the mantle of world leadership. The United States,
alone, demonstrated the capability and willingness to project its military might into
the Persian Gulf to deter further Iraqi aggression and, ultimately, to eject Iraq from
Kuwait.
Livres sur le sujet "Romania – Foreign relations – 20th century"
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Ghișa, Alexandru. Romania and Hungary at the beginning of the 20th century : Establishing diplomatic relations, 1918-1921. Cluj-Napoca : Romanian Cultural Institute, Center for Transylvanian Studies, 2003.
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2
Paris-Bucharest, Bucharest-Paris : Francophone writers from Romania. Amsterdam : Rodopi, 2012.
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3
McFarlane, Robert C. U.S.-Soviet relations in the late 20th century. Washington, D.C : U.S. Dept. of State, Bureau of Public Affairs, Office of Public Communication, Editorial Division, 1985.
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4
McFarlane, Robert C. U.S.-Soviet relations in the late 20th century. Washington, D.C : U.S. Dept. of State, Bureau of Public Affairs, Office of Public Communication, Editorial Division, 1985.
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McFarlane, Robert C. U.S.-Soviet relations in the late 20th century. Washington, D.C : U.S. Dept. of State, Bureau of Public Affairs, Office of Public Communication, Editorial Division, 1985.
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6
McFarlane, Robert C. U.S.-Soviet relations in the late 20th century. Washington, D.C : U.S. Dept. of State, Bureau of Public Affairs, Office of Public Communication, Editorial Division, 1985.
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McFarlane, Robert C. U.S.-Soviet relations in the late 20th century. Washington, D.C : U.S. Dept. of State, Bureau of Public Affairs, Office of Public Communication, Editorial Division, 1985.
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1951-, Romsics Ignác, dir. 20th century Hungary and the great powers. Boulder, Colo : Social Science Monographs, 1995.
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1923-, Kudri͡a︡vt͡s︡ev V. N., dir. Wars and peace in the 20th century. Moscow : "Social Sciences Today" Editorial Board, Nauka Publishers, 1990.
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10
Petrie, John. American neutrality in the 20th century : The impossible dream. Washington, DC : Institute for National Strategic Studies, National Defense University, 1995.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Romania – Foreign relations – 20th century"
1
Мельничук, Юлія. « Рецепція релігійної проблематики в газеті „Нова Буковина” (1912–1914) в контексті суспільно-історичних процесів ». Dans W kręgu prasy dawnej i współczesnej. Wybrane problemy (1), 184–201. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/978-83-7996-915-9_11.
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Social and historical circumstances created close ties between the religious life of Bukovina and the political situation in Austro-Hungary at the beginning of the 20th century. The indicated analogy is confirmed by materials published in regional magazines, including „Nowa Bukovina” („Нова Буковина”), 1912–1914. Most religious issues were analyzed through the prism of the socio-political situation in the region, which confirms the topicality of the research issue. Ukrainian researchers of religious issues in the context of historical processes include Alla Boyko (Алла Бойко), Stepan Kostia (Степан Костя), Maria Rozhiła (Марія Рожило), Marian Łozynski (Мар’ланян Лаланане Лаланянасалалане (Альона Ігнатуша) and others. Nevertheless, the research issues defined above require more detailed research. The problem of establishing a separate Ukrainian Orthodox Church in Bukovina, independent of the Romanian one, can be called one of the most relevant for the inhabitants of Chernivtsi at the beginning of the 20th century. The position of the local regional intelligentsia received support from some local media. In 1885, the Ukrainian newspaper „Bukovina” was established in Chernivtsi. Throughout its existence (until 1910), this edition supported the idea of creating a Ukrainian church. The politicians of the region largely contributed to the popularization of the idea of the church for Ukrainians, even though some of them were Greek Catholics. Among others, Omelian Popowycz (Омелян Попович), Jerotej Pigulak (Єротей Пігуляк) and Stepan Smal-Stocki (Степан Смаль-Стоцький) often stressed the need to regulate the religious issue in the pages of „Bukovina”. However, the political turmoil scattered pro-Ukrainian patriotic forces. The conflict between Stepan Smal-Stocki and Mykola Wasylko (Микола Василько) led to the closure of „Bukovina”, and the editors split. Some researchers, including Arkadij Żywotko (Аркадій Животко) and Myrosław Romaniuk (Мирослав Романюк) define „Nowa Bukovina” (1912–1914) as the heir to the idea of „Bukovina”. In fact, it was an attempt by M. Wasylek, who looked after the magazine, to renew the previous newspaper, which, due to the new team of authors and the deterioration of relations with Stapan Smal-Stocki, did not bring success. The first issue of „Nowa Bukovina” was published on January 13, 1912. The news-paper was printed in the printing house of Ivan Zacharek (Іван Захарко), the publisher was Jerotej Pigulak (Єротей Пігуляк), and the responsible editor was Osyp Dik (Осип Дік). The newspaper survived until mid-1914. The not very lasting success of „Nowa Bukovina” in the field of religious topics resulted both from imitating the editorial policy of „Bukovina” (1885–1910), and thanks to the efforts of Jerotej Pigulak. The materials on religious topics in Nowa Bukowina, and even the heroes of the publication, were very similar to materials and characters from the relevant columns of the previous newspaper. In the publications of the journal from 1912–1914, we noted 66 different materials on religious topics. Compared to „Bukovina”, the leader remained the topics of the Romanianization of the church (25 materials), the issue of the division of the Orthodox diocese (17 publications, the topicality increased), the „Ukrainian question” in the church (8 materials), Muscovy (5 materials), religion, state and politics (4 materials), religion on a global scale (4 materials), controversial aspects of religion in the media (3 materials). Religious issues on the front pages of „Nowa Bukowina” were quite varied thematically. A whole range of socio-political factors contributed to this, including national and religious relations in the country, the political situation and the position of the Orthodox consistory. The analysis of the concept of „Nowa Bukovina” shows a clear influence of the precursor, ie the predecessor – the newspaper „Bukowina”, which can also be seen in materials on religious topics, including publications on the Romanianization of the Orthodox Church. The fundamental problem concerned not so much religious diversity as the situation when the consistory forcibly introduced a foreign language and culture. This naturally triggered other topics, namely the division of the diocese (as a necessary agreement for the development of Ukrainians in Bukovina) and the role of Ukrainians in the process of establishing a separate church. It is obvious that similar materials looked like a peculiar appeal of authors writing about Ukrainian national identity, because during this period the church was treated as one of the determinants of identity.
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Rybachenok, Irina Sergeevna. « Russian Foreign Policy at the Turn of the 20th Century : Goals, Challenges, and Methods ». Dans Russian International Relations in War and Revolution, 1914-22, Book 1 : Origins and War, 1914-16, 105–23. Slavica Publishers, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52500/tagf9628.
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Forró, Lajos, et Srđan Cvetković. « The Birth of Modern Serbia (1804–2004) : Integration, concepts, ideas, and great powers ». Dans The Development of European and Regional Integration Theories in Central European Countries, 113–35. Central European Academic Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54171/2022.mgih.doleritincec_6.
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This chapter follows the origin and development of the modern Serbian state in the last two centuries. At the crossroads of great empires, the Serbian state ascended in the 19th century. The national program formed in the first half of the 19th century as the basis of its foreign policy meant gathering the Serbian national corps into one state. It was gradually realized by maneuvering between the great powers, but also through conflict with them. In the 19th century, Serbian politics was most often correlated or in conflict with the interests of Austria, Russia, and Turkey. During Yugoslavia’s time in the first half of the 20th century, France, Britain, and Germany took over, while in Socialist Yugoslavia during the Cold War, relations with the US, the USSR, and some non-aligned countries prevailed. In the post-communist era, the main problems in Serbia’s foreign policy were its relationships with the US and NATO and with the EU and Germany. Geostrategic interests and Serbia’s position meant that it was exposed to severe exclusions and numerous wars with both its neighbors and the great powers.
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Gerdel, Aymara. « Venezuela ». Dans Open and Innovative Trade Opportunities for Latin America and the Caribbean, 69–87. IGI Global, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-3503-5.ch004.
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The United States and China currently constitute the world's two biggest hegemonic and emerging economic powers. Venezuela maintains commercial relations with both powers in the oil trade. Since the latter 20th century, the United States has been its main trade partner, followed by China, who in the 21st century became the second largest buyer of Venezuelan oil in the world. Venezuela is also the third largest supplier of oil for the United States and the seventh for China. In spite of this close, prolonged, and strategic commercial relationship, Venezuela has recently been designated an “Unusual and Extraordinary Threat to US National Security and Foreign Policy.” In contrast, an alliance with China exists, called the Strategic Partnership Integral. President Donald Trump has already expressed special interest in the situation of Venezuela, just within his first 100 days. This is a country that represents, as said before, an Unusual and Extraordinary Threat to National Security according to an Executive Order dated March 9, 2015.
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Peters, Enrique Dussel. « Mexico–United States–China ». Dans China, The United States, and the Future of Latin America, sous la direction de David B. H. Denoon. NYU Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479899289.003.0005.
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Mexico and the United States share a long history of political, military, social, immigration, cultural and economic relations. Mexico has been among the three main trading partners of the US in recent decades, while the US has been the top trading partner of Mexico since statistics have been available. This chapter examines the “new triangular relationship” between the US, Mexico, and China, particularly from a Mexican perspective. With the global reemergence of China since the last decade of the 20th century, the relationship between Mexico and the US has substantially shifted in a variety of ways. The analysis first focuses on the general socioeconomic triangular relationship of Mexico with the US and China, based on a literature review; issues involving Chinese trade and foreign direct investment (FDI), are highlighted, as well as the overall relationship of Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) with China. The next section discusses topics concerning this triangular relationship that are currently being analyzed in Mexico, particularly regarding China. The final part of the analysis concentrates on the main characteristics of this “new triangular relationship,” policy questions, and future research issues.
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Szabó, Máté. « Wood Industry in the Region of the Dráva at the Age of Dualism ». Dans Different Approaches to Economic and Social Changes : New Research Issues, Sources and Results, 132–45. Working Group of Economic and Social History Regional Committee of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences in Pécs, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.15170/seshst-02-12.
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The purpose of the study. In the rapidly industrializing Hungary, the wood industry became an important economic branch in the country by the beginning of the 20th century, which also played a significant role in the country’s foreign trade. This industry was extremely important in the area I studied, as the forest cover along the Dráva was above the national average, and the quality of the forest stock also had an international reputation. In the last third of the 19th century, domestic and foreign demand for wood products increased, which was accompanied by an increase in the purchase prices of wood raw materials. Applied methods. I involved sources from monographies, employment and census records, and my own data from researches of archives. In my study I present the larger wood companies in the region, the results of the plants, the operation and extent of the industry, and their market relations. I also made a structural analysis examining the entrepreneur and its business together. Outcomes. During this period, the logistical and transportation possibilities of the region improved, as the railway lines – built almost completely until the war – networked the region. In addition to transport on the river, crossing opportunities also increased, so the raw material could reach a processing unit more and more quickly. In the age of dualism, a strong stratum of forest owners and entrepreneurs in the wood industry developed. Major wood industry enterprises were established mainly in the larger estates (Bellye, Dárda, Barcs, Berzence) or through citizenship in the territory of certain large municipalities. Outstanding among these was the Beliscian plant beyond the Dráva, which in two decades had become the largest timber company in Central Europe, employing thousands of people.