Pour voir les autres types de publications sur ce sujet consultez le lien suivant : Roma religioni.
Articles de revues sur le sujet « Roma religioni »
Créez une référence correcte selon les styles APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard et plusieurs autres
Consultez les 50 meilleurs articles de revues pour votre recherche sur le sujet « Roma religioni ».
À côté de chaque source dans la liste de références il y a un bouton « Ajouter à la bibliographie ». Cliquez sur ce bouton, et nous générerons automatiquement la référence bibliographique pour la source choisie selon votre style de citation préféré : APA, MLA, Harvard, Vancouver, Chicago, etc.
Vous pouvez aussi télécharger le texte intégral de la publication scolaire au format pdf et consulter son résumé en ligne lorsque ces informations sont inclues dans les métadonnées.
Parcourez les articles de revues sur diverses disciplines et organisez correctement votre bibliographie.
1
Omenetto, Silvia, et Maria Chiara Giorda. « Seppur informali : l'invisibilità urbana dei gruppi religiosi. Un'ipotesi esplorativa per un centro culturale Sikh a Roma ». ARCHIVIO DI STUDI URBANI E REGIONALI, no 132 (novembre 2021) : 177–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/asur2021-132008.
Texte intégralRésumé :
A partire dall'"informalita" e dall'"invisibilita" urbana che connotano la condizione di alcuni gruppi religiosi in Italia, l'articolo presenta una possibile soluzione architettonica e urbanistica: la conversione di un cinema romano nel primo centro culturale Sikh in Italia attraverso l'adozione di un approccio interdisciplinare basato sui metodi della geografia delle religioni.
2
Montero Herrero, Santiago. « La mujer romana y la expiación de los andróginos ». Vínculos de Historia. Revista del Departamento de Historia de la Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha, no 8 (20 juin 2019) : 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.18239/vdh_2019.08.02.
Texte intégralRésumé :
RESUMENEl nacimiento en la Antigua Roma de niños con rasgos sexuales masculinos y femeninos a la vez, los llamados andróginos o hermafroditas, eran considerados como un gravísimo prodigio. Su expiación, necesaria para el restablecimiento de las buenas relaciones entre los hombres y los dioses, quedó en manos exclusivamente de mujeres: ancianas, matronas y virgines.PALABRAS CLAVE: Antigua Roma, Matrona, prodigio, expiación, andróginoABSTRACTThe birth in ancient Rome of children with both male and female sexual features, so-called androgynes or hermaphrodites, was regarded as a an extraordinary phenomenon. Their expiation, necessary for the restoration of good relations between men and gods, remained exclusively in the hands of women: old women, midwives and virgines.KEY WORDS: Ancient Rome, midwife, prodigy, expiation, androgynus BIBLIOGRAFÍAAbaecherly Boyce, A. (1937), “The expiatory rites of 207 B. C.”, TAPhA, 68, 157-171.Allély, A. (2003), “Les enfants malformés et considerés comme prodigia à Rome et en Italie sous la République”, REA, 105, 1, 127-156.Allély, A. (2004), “Les enfants malformés et handicapés à Rome sous le Principat”, REA, 106, 1, 73-101.Androutsos, G. (2006), “Hermaphroditism in Greek and Roman antiquity”, Hormones, 5, 214-217.Berthelet, Y. (2010), “Expiation, par les autorités romaines, de prodiges survenus en terre alliée: Quelques réflexions sur le statut juridique des territoires et des communautés alliés, et sur le processus de romanisation”, Hypothèses, 13, 1, 169-178.Berthelet, Y. (2013), “Expiation, par Rome, de prodiges survenus dans les cités alliées du nomen latinum ou des cités alliées italiennes non latines”, L´Antiquité Classique 82, 91-109.Breglia Pulci Doria, L. (1983), Oracoli Sibillini tra rituali e propaganda (Studi su Flegonte di Tralles), Napoli, Liguori Editori.Brisson, L. (1986), “Neutrum utrumque. La bisexualité dans l´antiquité gréco-romaine”, en L´Androgyne, Paris, Albin Michel, 31-61.Brisson, L. (1997), Le sex incertain. Androgynie et hermaphroditisme dans l´Antiquité gréco-romaine, Paris, Les Belles Lettres.Caerols, J. J. (1991), Los Libros Sibilinos en la historiografía latina, Madrid, Editorial Complutense.Cantarella, E. (2002), Bisexuality in the Ancient World, New Haven CT, Yale University Press.Cantarella, E. (2005), “The Androgynous and Bisexuality in Ancient Legal Codes”, Diogenes, 52, 5, 5-14.Cid López, R. M. (2007), “Las matronas y los prodigios. Prácticas religiosas femeninas en los ‘márgenes’ de la religión romana”, Norba, 20, 11-29.Cousin, J. (1942-1943), “La crise religieuse de 207 av. J.-C.”, RHR, 126, 15-41.Crifò, G. (1999), Prodigium e diritto: il caso dell’ermafrodita, Index, 27, 113-120.Champeaux, J. (1996), “Pontifes, haruspices et décemvirs. L´expiation des prodiges de 207”, REL, 74, 67-91.Dasen, V. (2005), “Blessing or portents? Multiple births in ancient Rome”, en K. Mustakallio, J. Hanska, H.-L. Sainio, V. Vuolanto (éds.), Hoping for continuity.Childhood, education and death in Antiquity and the Middle Ages (Acta Instituti Romani Finlandiae XXXIII), Rome, 72-83.Delcourt, M. (1958), Hermaphrodite. Mythes et rites de la bisexualité dans l´antiquité classique, Paris, PUF.Delcourt, M. (1966), Hermaphroditea. Recherches sur l´être double promoteur de la fertilité dans le monde classique (Coll. Latomus 86), Bruxelles, Latomus.Doroszewska, J. (2013), “Between the monstrous and the Divine: Hermaphrodites in Phlegon of Tralles´Mirabilia”, Acta Ant. Hung, 53, 379–392.Freyburger, G. (1977), “La supplication d´actions de grâces dans la religion romaine archaïque”, Latomus, 36, 283-315.Freyburger, G. (1988), “Supplication grecque et supplication romaine”, Latomus, 47, 3, 501-525.Garland, R. (1995), The Eye of the Beholder. Deformity and Disability in the Graeco-Roman World, London, Duckworth.Graumann, L. A. (2013), “Monstrous Births and Retrospective diagnosis: the case of Hermafrodites in Antiquity”, en Chr. Laes, C.F. Goodey, M. Lynn Rose (eds.), Disabilities in Roman antiquity: disparate bodies, a capite ad calcem (Mnemosyne, supplements. History and archaeology of classical antiquity, 356), Leiden-Boston, Brill, 181-210.Guittard, Ch. (2004), “Les prodiges dans le livre XXVII de Tite-Live”, Vita Latina, 170, 56-81.Halkin, L. (1953), La supplication d´action de grâces chez les Romains, Paris, Les Belles Lettres.Lake, A. K. M. (1937), “The Supplicatio and Graecus Ritus”, en R.P. Casey, S. Lake- A.K. Lake (eds.), Quantulacumque: Studies Presented to Kirsopp Lake, London, Christophers, 243-251.Louis, P. (1975), Monstres et monstruosites dans la biologie d’Aristote, en J. Bingen, G. Cambier, G. Nachtergael (éd.), Le monde grec: pensée, litterature, histoire, documents. Hommages à Claire Préaux, Bruxelles, Éditions de l´Université de Bruxelles, 277-284.Mac Bain, B. (1982), Prodigy and expiation: a study in Religion and Politics in Republican Rome (Coll. Latomus 117), Bruxelles, Latomus.Maiuri, A. (2012), “Deformità e difformità nel mondo greco-romano”, en M. Passalacqua, M. De Nonno, A. M. Morelli (a cura di), Venuste noster. Scritti offerti a Leopoldo Gamberale (Spudasmata 147), Zurich, Georg Olms Verlag, 526-547.Maiuri, A. (2013), “Il lessico latino del mostruoso”, en I. Baglioni (a cura di), Monstra. Costruzione e Percezione delle Entità Ibride e Mostruose nel Mediterraneo Antico (Religio Collana di Studi del Museo delle Religioni “Rafaele Pettazzoni”), Roma, Quasar, Vol.II, 167-177.Mazurek, T. (2004), “The decemviri sacris faciundis: supplication and prediction”, en C.F. Konrad (ed.), Augusto augurio. Rerum humanarum et divinarum commentationes in honorem Jerzy Linderski, Stuttgart, Steiner Verlag, 151-168.Mineo, B. (2000), “L´anneé 207 dans le récit livien”, Latomus, 52, 512-540.Monaca, M. (2005), La Sibilla a Roma. I libri sibillini fra religione e politica, Cosenza, Giordano.Montero, S. (1993), “Los harúspices y la moralidad de la mujer romana”, Athenaeum. 81, 647-658.Montero, S. (1994), Diosas y adivinas. Mujer y adivinación en la Roma antigua, Madrid, Trotta.Montero, S. (2008), “La supplicatio expiatoria como factor de cohesión social”, en N. Spineto (a cura di), La religione come fattore di integrazione: modelli di convivenza e di scambio religioso nel mondo antico. Atti del IV Convegno Internazionale del Gruppo di Ricerca Italo-Spagnolo di Storia delle Religioni Università degli Studi di Torino (29-30 sept. 2006), Alessandria, Edizioni dell´Orso.Moussy, C. (1977), “Esquisse de l’histoire de monstrum”, RÉL, 55, 345-369.Péter, O. M. (2001), “Olim in prodigiis nunc in deliciis. Lo status giuridico dei monstra nel diritto romano”, en G. Hamza, F. Benedek (hrsg.), Iura antiqua-Iura moderna. Festschrift für Ferenc Benedek zum 75. Geburtstag, Pecs, Dialóg Campus Kiadó, 207-216.Sandoz, L. Ch. (2008), “La survie des monstres: ethnographie fantastique et handicap à Rome, la force de l´imagination”, Latomus, 68, 21-36.Scheid, J. (1988), “Les livres Sibyllins et les archives des quindecémvirs”, en C. Moatti (ed.), La mémoire perdue. Recherches sur l´administration romaine, Paris, École Française de Rome, 11-26.Schulz, C. E. (2006), Women´s Religious Activity in the Roman Republic, Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press.Segarra, D. (2005), “La arboricultura y el orden del mundo: de Vertumnus al ‘Dios’ que planta e injerta”, en R. Olmos, P. Cabrera, S. Montero (eds.), Paraíso cerrado, jardín abierto: el reino vegetal en el imaginario del Mediterráneo, Madrid, Polifemo, 207-232.Segarra, D. (2006), “‘Arboricoltori sacri’. L’operato degli aruspici nella sfera vegetale”, en M. Rocchi, P. Xella, J. A. Zamora (a cura di), Gli operatori cultuali, Atti del II Incontro di studio organizzato dal “Gruppo di contatto per lo studio delle religioni mediterranee” (Roma, 10 - 11 maggio 2005), Verona, Essedue.Trentin, L. (2011), “Deformity in the Roman Imperial Court”, G&R, II S., 58, 195-208.Vallar, S. (2013), “Les hermaphrodites l’approche de la Rome antique”, RIDA, 60, 201-217.
3
Pérez Yarza, Lorenzo. « Sol romano y Sol Invictus : circo y ludi en Roma = Roman Sol and Sol Invictus : circus and ludi in Rome ». ARYS : Antigüedad, Religiones y Sociedades, no 15 (5 novembre 2018) : 215. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/arys.2017.3845.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Resumen: El Sol está presente en todas las religiones antiguas en mayor o menor medida. Numerosas versiones sobre el mismo dios de la cuenca mediterránea entraron en contacto gracias al helenismo y, más tarde, al Imperio Romano, compartiendo teónimos epítetos y simbología. A consecuencia de esto, diferentes epíclesis grecorromanas y orientales del dios desarrollaron un lenguaje común de representación. Pese a todo, la vinculación a los ludi y la cuádriga son un hecho que se mostrará exclusivo del ámbito romano.Abstract: The Sun is present to a greater or lesser extent in all Ancient Religions. Various Mediterranean versions of the same god came into contact due to Hellenism and to Roman Empire later, sharing theonyms, epithets and symbology. As a result of that, diverse Greco-Roman and Oriental epikleseis of Sun developed a common language. However, beyond formal similarities Sol’s vinculation with Ludi and quadrigae is revealed as exclusively Roman.Palabras clave: Sol, religión romana, Ludi, cuadriga, Circo Máximo, orientalizante.Key words: Sol, Sun, Roman religion, Ludi, quadriga, Circus Maximus, orientalizing.
4
Sacchi, Paolo. « Maria Vittoria CERUTTI, Antropologia e apocalittica (Storia delle religioni 7), L'Erma di Bretschneider, Roma 1990, 194 pp., paper, n. pr. ISBN 88 7062 706 3 ». Journal for the Study of Judaism 23, no 1 (1992) : 105–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006392x00331.
Texte intégral
5
Sukamto, Sukamto, Nina Herlina Lubis et Kunto Sofianto. « SIKAP KRISTEN CALVINIS TERHADAP KELOMPOK AGAMA LAIN DI BATAVIA PADA ABAD KE XVII ». Patanjala Jurnal Penelitian Sejarah dan Budaya 12, no 1 (18 avril 2020) : 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.30959/patanjala.v12i1.514.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Artikel ini meneliti sikap Kristen Calvinis terhadap agama-agama yang ada di Batavia pada abad ke-XVII. Dengan menggunakan Metode Sejarah, didapat beberapa kesimpulan: (1) VOC hanya mengakui satu agama yang sah (publieke kerk) yaitu Kristen Calvinis, (2) Dengan menggunakan VOC, sikap Kristen Calvinis terhadap komunitas Katolik Roma sangat tegas, banyak pastor Katolik Roma yang dipenjara. Untuk membatasi perpindahan penduduk Batavia ke Gereja Katolik Roma, dibuat peraturan bahwa sakramen Katolik Roma (Baptisan) dianggap tidak sah secara hukum dan tidak bisa dijadikan sebagai syarat pernikahan, (3) Islam dan Kong Hu Cu di Batavia tidak diakui sebagai agama resmi, namun karena secara politik dan ekonomi mereka kuat, VOC menjadi sangat berhati-hati dalam membuat kebijakan-kebijakan, khususnya yang berkaitan dengan hidup keagamaan mereka.The article presents the findings of the research of Calvinistic Christianity’s attitude towards the other religion groups in Batavia during the 17th century. By using the Historical Method, the conclusions are obtained as follows: (1) The VOC recognized exclusively the Calvinistic Christianity as the only legitimate religion (publieke kerk), (2) The Calvinistic Christianity manipulated the VOC to behave strict towards the Roman Catholics so that many Roman Catholic priests were consequently imprisoned. To prevent the Batavia citizens from embracing the Roman Catholics, the Calvinistic Christianity had the Roman Catholic's sacrament of Baptism considered as as not legally valid by the VOC so that it could not fulfill the marriage requirements, (3) Meanwhile, Islam and Confucianism in Batavia remained unrecognized as official religions. However, their political and economic influence forced the VOC to be very careful in decision-making, especially concerning their religious lives.
6
Serrano Ordozgoiti, David. « Los vínculos entre la sal y el dios Hércules en Roma, Ostia y Alba Fucens = The Links between Salt and the God Hercules in Rome, Ostia and Alba Fucens ». ARYS. Antigüedad : Religiones y Sociedades, no 16 (12 septembre 2019) : 395. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/arys.2018.4185.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Resumen: A menudo, el interés científico por la sal ha encontrado provechosos socios en los investigadores de la economía romana, más que en su relación simbólica con los pobladores. Por ello, el estudio se propone analizar la relación existente entre la sal y la religión romana, tomando para ello el ejemplo del culto de Hércules en Roma, Ostia y el centro de Italia. Con ese fin se analizará en un primer momento la figura del dios itálico en su contexto originario, subrayando sus diferencias conceptuales con el dios grecorromano más tardío y su relación con la sal y su culto urbano. En un segundo momento, se revisará el papel que desempeña el dios con la ciudad de Ostia y su casuística, para, en último lugar, estudiar la devoción de la divinidad en el centro de Italia, tremendamente radicada desde tiempos muy remotos en santuarios como el de Alba Fucens.Abstract: The scientific interest in salt has often found useful partners in researchers of the Roman economy, rather than in its symbolic relationship with the settlers. For this reason, the study aims to analyse the relationship between salt and Roman religion, taking the example of the cult of Hercules in Rome, Ostia and central Italy. To this end, the figure of the Italic god in its original context will be analysed first, highlighting its conceptual differences with the later Greco-Roman god and its relationship with salt and its urban cult. In a second moment, the role that the god plays with the city of Ostia and its casuistry will be reviewed, in order to, finally, study the devotion of the divinity in the centre of Italy, tremendously rooted since very remote times in sanctuaries such as that of Alba Fucens.Palabras clave: Sal, religión romana, Hércules, Roma, Ostia, Alba Fucens, Via Salaria.Key words: Salt, Roman Religion, Hercules, Rome, Ostia, Alba Fucens, Via Salaria.
7
Delgado Delgado, José Antonio. « Caput in iecore non fuit. La ‘cabeza’ de los cónsules por la salvación de la República ». ARYS : Antigüedad, Religiones y Sociedades, no 14 (16 mai 2018) : 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/arys.2017.3987.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Resumen: Los dioses de Roma eran tenidos por los romanos como sus conciudadanos y sus intereses se identificaban plena y totalmente con los de la ciudad. A ellos les correspondía el papel de guías y consejeros de las acciones de los hombres, particularmente de los hombres de estado. Cuando la guerra alteraba el curso natural de la vida cívica y amenazaba la paz social, las divinidades tomaban las riendas de la situación previniendo a los romanos de las grandes y graves calamidades que se avecinaban y advirtiendo de los esfuerzos extraordinarios que habrían de hacer para acometerlas y minimizar sus efectos. En el curso de determinadas campañas militares contra pueblos extranjeros o en periodos de disputa por el liderazgo político, los dioses consideraron que la preservación de Roma pasaba por el sacrificio de sus cónsules. Su anuncio venía ‘impreso’ en el hígado de una víctima animal y su sentido fatídico afectaba al destino personal de los principales magistrados del estado. Este signum se reconocía en la ausencia de la cabeza del hígado (caput iecoris) del animal sacrificado. La investigación de los once casos conocidos bajo la República –entre ellos los del propio Julio César– y el estudio de la naturaleza del signum mortis son los objetivos principales de este trabajo.Abstract: The Gods of Rome were regarded by the Romans as their fellow citizens and their interests were fully and completely identified with those of the city. Their role was to serve as guides and counsellors on the actions of the men, particularly the statesmen. When war altered the natural course of civic life and threatened the social peace, the gods took over control of the situation, preventing the Romans from the major and serious calamities that were looming and warning of the extraordinary efforts that they would have to make in order to tackle them and minimize their effects. In the course of certain military campaigns against foreign peoples or during periods of struggle for political leadership, the gods considered that the key to preserving Rome was through sacrificing their consuls. Such announcement came ‘imprinted’ on the liver of an animal to be sacrificed and its fatal end affected the personal fate of the chief magistrates of the state. This signum was recognized in the absence of the ‘head’ of the liver (caput iecoris) of the animal sacrificed. Research on the eleven known cases in the Republic— including that of Julius Caesar himself—and the study of the nature of the signum mortis are the main objectives of this paper.Palabras clave: Historia de Roma, Roma republicana, magistrados romanos, cónsules de Roma, Religión romana, adivinación pública romana, extispicina, miedo.Key words: Roman History, Roman Republic, Roman magistrates, Roman consuls, Roman Religion, Roman public divination, Extispicy, fear.
8
Gallardo, Francisco. « Sergio SORRENTINO y otros, La filosofia di fronte alla pluralità delle religioni, Atti del V Convegno annuale della Associazione italiana di Filosofia della Religione (Torino, 5-6 maggio 2006), Aracne, Roma 2007, 132 pp., ISBN 978-88- 548-1012-9. » Scripta Theologica 40, no 3 (16 octobre 2017) : 910. http://dx.doi.org/10.15581/006.40.10499.
Texte intégral
9
Dziuba, Andrzej F. « Alberto TREVISIOL (red.), In ascolto dell’America. Popoli, culture, religioni, strade per il futuro. Atti del Convegno Internazionale Pontificia Universita Urabaniana, 7-9 aprile 2014, Collana Misiologia 18, Urbaniana University Press, Roma 2014. » Collectanea Theologica 86, no 1 (25 novembre 2016) : 242–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/ct.2016.86.1.15.
Texte intégral
10
Sadowski, Ryszard F. « Rola argumentacji religijnej w kształtowaniu pro-środowiskowych postaw chrześcijan w Polsce ». Studia Ecologiae et Bioethicae 18, no 1 (30 mars 2020) : 7–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/seb.2020.1.02.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Argumenty religijne stanowią ważny czynnik wpływający na codzienne wybory ludzi. Wybory te skutkują, m.in. względem środowiska przyrodniczego i przyczyniają się do polepszenia lub pogorszenia jego kondycji. Artykuł ten stawia sobie za cel ukazanie ekologicznego potencjału argumentacji religijnej Polaków oraz ukazanie stosowanych argumentów wynikających z wyznawanej wiary. Ponadto opracowanie to wskazuje argumentację religijną użytą w wypowiedziach oficjalnych przedstawicieli Kościoła katolickiego w Polsce na tematy środowiskowe oraz przykłady motywowanych religijnie działań świeckich chrześcijan na rzecz środowiska.
11
Musto, Ronald G. « Roads to Health : Infrastructure and Urban Wellbeing in Later Medieval Italy. G. Geltner. The Middle Ages Series. Philadelphia : University of Pennsylvania Press, 2019. x + 260 pp. $65. - Vivere la città : Roma nel Rinascimento. Ivana Ait and Anna Esposito, eds. Studi del Dipartimento di Storia Antropologia Religioni Arte Spettacolo–Sapienza Università di Roma 17. Rome : Viella, 2020. 292 pp. €30. » Renaissance Quarterly 74, no 4 (2021) : 1320–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rqx.2021.238.
Texte intégral
12
Brodd, Jeffrey. « Theorizing the Demise of Greek and Roman Religions ». Religion and Theology 29, no 1-2 (9 août 2022) : 87–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15743012-bja10034.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract Analyzing the demise of religions is rendered considerably more difficult when lack of sufficient evidence causes gaps in historical understanding of the progressions of religions from being clearly alive to apparently no longer existing – an acute problem with regard to most Greek and Roman religions. Drawing on the Ghost Dance religion as a parallel case and presenting by way of example considerations regarding emperor Julian’s attempt to rebuild the Jerusalem temple, this article explores the common challenges of dearth of evidence, the need to argue from silence, and a ‘religion’ as category prone to (at least) the complication of transmutation.
13
Rotiroti, Francesco. « Religion and the Construction of a Christian Roman Polity ». Studies in Late Antiquity 4, no 1 (2020) : 76–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sla.2020.4.1.76.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article seeks to define a theoretical framework for the study of the relation between religion and the political community in the Roman world and to analyze a particular case in point. The first part reviews two prominent theories of religion developed in the last fifty years through the combined efforts of anthropologists and classicists, arguing for their complementary contribution to the understanding of religion's political dimension. It also provides an overview of the approaches of recent scholarship to the relation between religion and the Roman polity, contextualizing the efforts of this article toward a theoretical reframing of the political and institutional elements of ancient Christianity. The second part focuses on the religious legislation of the Theodosian Code, with particular emphasis on the laws against the heretics and their performance in the construction of the political community. With their characteristic language of exclusion, these laws signal the persisting overlap between the borders of the political community and the borders of religion, in a manner that one would expect from pre-Christian civic religions. Nevertheless, the political essence of religion did also adapt to the ecumenical dimension of the empire. Indeed, the religious norms of the Code appear to structure a community whose borders tend to be identical to the borders of the whole inhabited world, within which there is no longer room for alternative affiliations; the only possible identity outside this community is that of the insane, not belonging to any political entity and thus unable to possess any right.
14
Beerden, Kim. « Trees and Streets ». Mnemosyne 71, no 5 (13 septembre 2018) : 881–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12342587.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractReview of: H.I. Flower,The Dancing Lares and the Serpent in the Garden. Religion at the Roman Street Corner. This excellent book shows how religion and politics interacted during the transition from Republic to Empire. Thelaresare considered to be ‘gods of place’—this category will prove to be useful for future studies of Roman religions.
15
Viciano, A. « Sergio ZINCONE, Studi sulla visione dell'uomo in ambito antiocheno (Diodoro, Crisóstomo, Teodoro, Teodoreto), ed. L. Japadre («Quaderni di Studie Materiali di Storia delle Religioni», Nouva Serie 1), L'Aquila-Roma 1988, 115 pp., 17 x 24. » Scripta Theologica 22, no 1 (28 février 2018) : 248–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.15581/006.22.18069.
Texte intégral
16
Rives, James B. « Graeco-Roman Religion in the Roman Empire : Old Assumptions and New Approaches ». Currents in Biblical Research 8, no 2 (17 décembre 2009) : 240–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1476993x09347454.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article surveys recent trends in research on Graeco-Roman religion, focusing on the first and second centuries CE. In the first half, I assess current views on what I call the old ‘master narrative’ of Graeco-Roman religious history in this period, that is, the assumption that the decline of traditional Graeco-Roman religion left a void filled on the one hand by the purely political phenomenon of imperial cult and on the other by mystery/oriental religions, which met the emotional needs of the populace. In the second half I discuss two areas of interest that have come to the fore in the wake of the old master narrative’s collapse: an approach to interpreting traditional Graeco-Roman religion that some scholars have termed the ‘ polis -religion model’, and a focus on religious life in the provinces of the Roman empire. As an appendix I include a brief survey of available scholarly resources in this field.
17
van den Heever, Gerhard. « Revisiting the Death/s of Religions ». Religion and Theology 29, no 1-2 (9 août 2022) : 141–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15743012-bja10038.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract This essay responds to the essays comprising the theme issue, Do Religions Die? Theorising Death and Demise of Greek and Roman Religions. Reviewing various case studies and theoretical introductory essays of the volume, The Demise of Religion, and the special issue of Numen 68, no. 2&3 (2021), I argue that at stake are two desiderata: the first relates to defining religion (what counts as religion?), and the second relates to the historiography of the history of religions (who narrates the story of religion deaths, from which perspective, and with what rhetorical purpose?). It is shown how definition of religion and critical historiography in tandem enable an approach from the perspective of discourse theory. From this perspective it is possible to describe, explain, and theorise ‘religion deaths’ as shifts in culture, migration patterns and social formations, concomitant changes in religious formations, yet with continuity in functionalities.
18
Milner, Max. « Religions et religion dans le voyage en Orient de Gérard de Nerval ». Romantisme 15, no 50 (1985) : 41–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/roman.1985.4751.
Texte intégral
19
Lannoy, Annelies, et Corinne Bonnet. « Narrating the Past and the Future : The Position of the religions orientales and the mystères païens in the Evolutionary Histories of Religion of Franz Cumont and Alfred Loisy ». Archiv für Religionsgeschichte 20, no 1 (28 mars 2018) : 157–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/arege-2018-0010.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract:In their grand narratives on the ancient history of religions, the Belgian historian of religions, Franz Cumont (1868 – 1947) and his French colleague and correspondent, Alfred Loisy (1857 – 1940) both assigned a prominent place to the so-called pagan mystery religions. This paper seeks to identify the specific theories of religion and the deeper motivations underpinning Cumont’s and Loisy’s historiographical construction of the mystery cults as a distinct type of religion within their evolutionary accounts of the history of religions. Through a comparative analysis of their rich correspondence (1908 – 1940) and a selection of their publications, we demonstrate how their historical studies of the religious transformations in the Roman Empire, their in-depth dialogues in the troubled times in which they lived, and their philosophical views on the overall history and future of religion, were in fact mutually constitutive.
20
Lennon, Jack J. « VICTIMARIIIN ROMAN RELIGION AND SOCIETY ». Papers of the British School at Rome 83 (16 septembre 2015) : 65–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068246215000045.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper brings together literary, epigraphic and iconographic evidence for thevictimarii— the attendants responsible for slaughtering sacrificial animals in ancient Rome. It aims to explore the problematic status ofvictimariiin Roman society, and argues that the often hostile views of the aristocracy have led to the continued marginalisation of this prominent group within scholarly discussions of religion and society. It argues that when the various strands are considered together a far more positive view ofvictimariiwithin Roman society emerges, suggesting that this was in some respects one of the most respectable of professions among the slave and freedman communities.
21
Kožul, Ante. « Fra Roko Romac, dušobrižnik Hrvata u Australiji 1955.–1970. » Obnovljeni život 75, no 3 (9 juillet 2020) : 349–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.31337/oz.75.3.5.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Autor je na temelju arhivskoga gradiva, novinskih članaka i literature istražio život i djelovanje fra Roka Romca u Australiji. Fra Roko Romac rođen je kao Stjepan Tot, a od ređenja 1930. do prosinca 1947. djelovao pod redovničkim imenom Osvald Toth. Ime Roko Romac uzeo je zbog sigurnosnih razloga pod pritiskom djelovanja jugoslavenskih tajnih službi u međunarodnoj zajednici. U Australiju je došao 1955. te preuzeo brigu o Hrvatima u Adelaideu i Perthu. Najveći je trag ostavio među sydneyskim Hrvatima, gdje je djelovao od 1957. sve do smrti 1970. godine. Pokrenuo je i uređivao novine Dom, prvi vjerski mjesečnik Hrvata u Australiji. Inicirao je kupnju prve hrvatske katoličke crkve u Australiji posvećene sv. Antunu Padovanskomu. Začetnik je ideje o gradnji škole i svetišta u Tumbi Umbi kraj Goshforda.
22
Tate, Joshua C. « Christianity and the Legal Status of Abandoned Children in the Later Roman Empire ». Journal of Law and Religion 24, no 1 (2008) : 123–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0748081400001958.
Texte intégralRésumé :
A.H.M. Jones, the great British historian of the later Roman Empire, was once asked what difference conversion to Christianity made to Rome. His answer: None. Brutal gladiatorial contests continued to be held, slavery was not abolished, and cruel penalties were laid down for seemingly minor moral infractions. Thus, Jones reasoned, the actual impact of Christianity on secular Roman society is difficult to see. Jones's view, however, has not been universally shared, particularly when it comes to the Roman legal system. Biondo Biondi saw Christianity as bringing about “un profundo rivolgimento” in late Roman law, which had ramifications in many different areas. As a religion, Christianity differed in unmistakable ways from its pagan competitors, and it would be quite surprising if these differences did not have some impact on Roman law and society when Christianity was adopted as the official state religion. The late Roman era offers a fertile testing ground for the impact a nascent religion might have on a society and its legal institutions.
23
Djordjevic, Dragoljub. « Religions and confessions of national minorities in Serbia ». Sociologija 47, no 3 (2005) : 193–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc0503193d.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Setting aside the major national community, Serbs, the text analyzes the religious-confessional profile of all 28 national communities in Serbia according to the 2002 census. In the Serbian ethnic profile there are more national minorities gravitating towards Christianity rather than Islam. Among Christian national minorities, Orthodox and Roman Catholic confessions are almost equally represented, while Sunni Islam is the most prevailing confession among Muslim minorities. In describing religions and confessions of national minorities, the following concepts and phenomena are taken into consideration: "confessional identification", "violation of confessional identity", "religion of fate", "religion of choice", "syncretistic religiosity", "combinatory religiosity", "religious seekers", "religions of minorities", "minority religions", "religious communities of minorities" and "protestantization process".
24
Numark, Mitch. « TranslatingDharma : Scottish Missionary-Orientalists and the Politics of Religious Understanding in Nineteenth-Century Bombay ». Journal of Asian Studies 70, no 2 (mai 2011) : 471–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002191181100009x.
Texte intégralRésumé :
A consideration of colonial Bombay enriches the understanding of the activities and ideas of Christian missionaries and Orientalists in India and elucidates British conceptions of “the religions of India” and the production of colonialist knowledge. This article focuses on nineteenth-century Scottish missionary-Orientalists and examines how they and other Bombay-based Protestant missionaries understood the concept of religion, Christianity, and the structure, similitude and distinctiveness of “the religions” at the crucial moment when newly “discovered” religions were gaining recognition and a new vision of “world religions” was coming into being. It considers the writings on the religions and ethnographic scholarship of the Bombay Scottish missionaries, as well as their extensive and multifaceted interactions with Bombay's Hindu, Muslim, Jain, Parsi, Jewish, Roman Catholic and Andivasi communities. More specifically, it details the ways in which Bombay missionaries applied and related the concept of religion to diverse configurations of language, text, and practice that they understood as isomorphic species of the religion genus. By examining how Christian missionaries who were also Orientalists conceptualized a number of “religions” and interacted with numerous communities this article seeks to elucidate the presuppositions that shaped the ways in which Hinduism and the other “religions” of nineteenth-century Bombay were imagined.
25
van den Heever, Gerhard. « Redescribing Graeco-Roman Antiquity : on Religion and History of Religion ». Religion and Theology 12, no 3-4 (2005) : 211–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157430106776241213.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractIn introducing the theme ‘Redescribing Graeco-Roman Antiquity’ this article shows how conventional claims to uniqueness of early Judaism and early Christianity misconstrue religious history. In fact, the conventional portrayal of early Judaism, early Christianity, and Graeco-Roman religions (especially, in this case, the mystery religions) is in itself a social discourse. This is set in the context of the Graeco-Roman constructions of deity, which is demonstrated to be in themselves, too, social discourses, more specifically, an imperialising discourse. Attention is paid to the discursivity of the phenomena under consideration and it is argued that history of religion is both a study of the construction of the historical ‘object’ as well as the construction of the construction of the historical ‘object’.
26
Muecke, Frances. « Gentiles Nostri : Roman Religion and Roman Identity in Biondo Flavio's Roma Triumphans ». Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 75, no 1 (1 janvier 2012) : 93–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/jwci24395988.
Texte intégral
27
Evlampiev, Igor I. « The Birth of Christianity from the Spirit of the Roman Empire. A Paradoxical View of the Religious Development of Europe in the Works of F.F. Zelinski ». RUDN Journal of Philosophy 26, no 1 (29 mars 2022) : 75–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2302-2022-26-1-75-93.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article analyzes the original concept of the development of ancient religions and the emergence of Christianity set out in the six-volume work of F.F. Zelinski History of Ancient Religions. Zelnski refutes the well-established idea of the origin of Christianity from Judaism and proves that it was based on the Hellenistic-Roman religion of the early Roman Empire. In this religion, a idea of monotheistic and pantheistic God was formed, which is the basis of all world processes and human actions, at the same time the idea arose of the possibility of a "particle" of God entering a separate human personality (the personality of the emperor). According to Zelinski, it was these ideas that became the basis of Christianity, which radically rethought them, but nevertheless left them close to the beliefs of the majority of the citizens of the Roman Empire; that is why early Christianity quickly spread throughout the empire. The article suggests that Zelinski's flight from Bolshevik Russia in the 1920s and his life in the Polish Catholic environment led to the fact that he refused to develop his ideas to their natural outcome, which could conflict with Catholic teaching. The article reconstructs the result that Zelnski should have come to with the consistent implementation of his ideas: he would have to admit that the teachings of Jesus Christ and early Christianity which arose from the Roman religion and not from Judaism coincides with that religious tradition which the Catholic Church has persecuted in a story called the Gnostic heresy.
28
Gilley, Sheridan. « Popular and Elite Religion : the Church and Devotional Control ». Studies in Church History 42 (2006) : 337–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s042420840000406x.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Popular and elite are imprecise terms, but it may be possible to give them a closer definition by relating them to categories in the work of John Henry Newman. In 1877, Newman was growing old. He was republishing his Anglican writings, both to preserve what they contained of value and to draw what poison remained. A particular difficulty attached to hisLectures on the Prophetical Office of the Church, published forty years before, in 1837, which classically defined the peculiar merit of the Church of England as occupying a middle way orvia mediabetween Romanism and popular Protestantism. The work contained some sharp attacks on Rome, which Newman had retracted even before his Roman conversion. There remained, however, a particular matter which had long been an obstacle to his submission to Rome, his conviction that the honours which Roman Catholics paid to the Virgin and saints derogated from the unique worship due to Christ, which Newman combined with a fastidious distaste for the more ‘unmanly’ and sentimental or sugary aspects of modern Catholic devotion.
29
Fernández Zambudio, Josefa. « Roma en la poesía de Ida Vitale : lengua, literatura y civilización ». Nova Tellus 38, no 2 (1 août 2020) : 161–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.19130/iifl.nt.2020.38.2.0007.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In this paper we focus on significant examples of the dialogue between the uruguayan poet Ida Vitale and the Roman World. We explore her reception of Rome through Latin Language and Roman Literature, Religion, Society, History and Archaeology. These elements are linked to the search of an accurate expression. The lack of studies on Ida Vitale, especially on Classical tradition, and the contextualization in her Poetics justify our contribution itself.
30
Zimmermann, Reinhard. « Zimmermann, Reinhard, Recht und Religion in der europäischen Rechtstradition II : Römisches Recht und Römische Kirche : Ein rechtshistorischer Streifzug ». Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte : Kanonistische Abteilung 105, no 1 (26 juin 2019) : 159–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zrgk-2019-0006.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract Roman Law and Roman Church. A Foray in the Field of Legal History. This is the slightly amended text of a public lecture delivered at the invitation of the organizers of the 42nd German Legal History Conference in September 2018 in Trier. After briefly sketching the enormous range of the discipline of legal history, the lecture focuses on the law of contract and the law of succession; and it seeks to demonstrate the importance of Rome on the development of European private law: both the Rome of pagan antiquity and of the Christian Church.
31
Sumenkovic, Ana Lj. « Uloga Jupitera u argumentativnom sistemu Ciceronovih beseda ». Vesnik pravne istorije 2, no 2 (31 décembre 2021) : 9–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.51204/hlh_21201a.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Roman comprehension of the divine right entailed the completion of earlier, binding treaties between humans and deities. Cicero himself firmly believed in this ius divinum of the State. As the supreme deity, Jupiter was unsurpassed in Rome. Even triumphs were tightly connected to Jupiter’s cult. When Cicero began his career, with his orations against Q. Caecilius and, subsequently, against Verres, Roman society was still reeling from the aftershocks of Sulla’s regime. Cicero’s consulate in 63 BCE and his actions during Catiline’s rebellion mark another rise in Cicero’s citing of Jupiter. During the aftershocks of Caesar’s death, Cicero turns to religion and Rome’s supreme deity to lend him authority and influence over the members of the Senate, We strongly believe there is more to be gleaned from this, often neglected, aspect of Cicero’s orations, not only about Cicero’s attitude towards religion, but also about the Roman society and the place of religion within it.
32
Hamilton, Louis I. « The Rituals of Renaissance : Liturgy and Mythic History in The Marvels of Rome ». Medieval Encounters 17, no 4-5 (2011) : 417–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006711x598794.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractThe Mirabilia urbis romae offers us insight into the symbolic meaning of the streetscape of Rome from the perspective of a canon of St. Peter’s. It should be read alongside the contemporary Roman Ordo with which it was certainly associated in the twelfth century. When read in that context, the Mirabilia serves as a kind of direct and indirect commentary on the papal liturgy. The papal liturgies at Easter and Christmas moved through an environment that was “re-written” by the Mirabilia as a narrative of Christian Roman renewal and of triumph throughout the Mediterranean world. The Mirabilia celebrates both Roman renewal and hegemony in the eastern Mediterranean, giving heightened significance to the liturgical life of the twelfth-century papacy. The papal liturgy, at these most triumphant processional moments, celebrated that historic and, ultimately, eschatological triumph.
33
Martin, Luther. « Cognitive Science, Ritual, and the Hellenistic Mystery Religions ». Religion and Theology 13, no 3-4 (2006) : 383–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157430106779024644.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractMuch research in the cognitive science of religion has dealt with ritual. Two forms of ritual have been focused on, those characterised by repetition and routinisation, the characteristic most often attributed ritual, and the less noted forms in which ritual performance is infrequent and irregular but highly emotional and arousing. I hope, in this essay, to suggest the utility of cognitive theorising for the historical study of ritual with examples from the religions of the Roman Empire, especially, the Hellenistic Mystery Religions and the early Christianities, and to arouse interest in pursuing such studies further in the history of religions.
34
MANTLE, INGA C. « Addendum : The Religious Roles of Children in the Provinces ». Greece and Rome 57, no 1 (8 mars 2010) : 117–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383509990313.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In my previous article, ‘The Roles of Children in Roman Religion’, it was shown, from literary and visual evidence, that children of both sexes played a part in religious cult in choirs and groups, as assistants to priests and other sacrificants, at weddings and in private rites. Most of the evidence cited came from Rome and Italy, as indeed the title implies. Since writing it, however, I have been collecting Latin epitaphs to children throughout the provinces of the Roman empire, and in the course of this study I have come across a small amount of evidence for children in religious roles. It is worth considering whether such children, along with those represented visually, were participating in what might be called offi cial Roman religion or whether they were to some extent involved in their own local cults.
35
Kippenberg, Hans. « Europe : Arena of Pluralization and Diversification of Religions ». Journal of Religion in Europe 1, no 2 (2008) : 133–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187489108x311441.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractIf participation in church activities is critical for the strength or weakness of religion, there is no denying that Europe comes off poorly. According to American sociologists of religion the rise of religious pluralism in the USA was due to the strict separation between state and church; it compelled congregations and denominations to compete for believers. The European case is different. Here the diversity of religions existed long before the modern period. Since its ancient beginning European culture sought its authorities outside its geographical confines. Greeks and Jews, Hellenism and Hebraism, Athens and Jerusalem, later Mecca and Islam became cultural points of orientation for people living in Europe. The article addresses the cultural and social processes that transformed these and other foreign religious traditions into typical European manifestations: the Roman legal system turned foreign religions into legal categories; it was modernization that led to the articulation of distinctly religious meanings of history and of nature; and it was the detachment from the church that provided the impetus for new societal forms of religion. Those processes are at the center of the European plurality and diversity of religions.
36
Clooney, Francis X. « Learning from a Medieval Hindu Theologian’s Manual of Daily Worship : A Counter-Intuitive Relevance ». International Journal of Asian Christianity 2, no 1 (29 mars 2019) : 48–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25424246-00201004.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Manual of Daily Worship (Nityagrantham) of Rāmānuja (1017–1137) is a work of applied, liturgical theology, in a major Hindu tradition. It describes the daily worship of an advanced devotee, melding together purifications, ritual offerings, recitation of mantras, meditations, and acts of surrender to God. As such, it richly fills out the spiritual and intellectual profile of Rāmānuja as an exemplar of integral spiritual, intellectual, and practical religion. This essay argues that he thus has much to offer to our reflection on religions and religions across Asia, and more particularly, offers fruitful insights and challenges regarding how to understand, study, and practice religion even now. The author is an American Roman Catholic priest and a Jesuit, who himself has learned deeply from Hinduism and from Rāmānuja’s tradition over the decades.
37
Rüpke, Jörg. « Hellenistic and Roman Empires and Euro-Mediterranean Religion ». Journal of Religion in Europe 3, no 2 (2010) : 197–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187489210x501509.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractThis article argues that two important phenomena that are characteristic for the image and self-image of religions in and beyond Europe can be traced to Mediterranean antiquity in the Hellenistic and Roman periods. The first is the transformation of religious practices and beliefs that led to the formation of boundary-conscious and knowledge-based religious groups that could be called 'religions.' At the same time, however, religious individuality is shown to be much more important than is usually admitted in dealing with ancient pre-Christian religion. The first process is clearly gaining in momentum during the period analysed, as is shown by the history of several important terms and organisational developments; the second area does not allow a clear judgment on any progressive individualisation. The concept of axial ages is applied to stress the role of empire in these processes.
38
Atabik, Ahmad. « CLASH OF WEST AND EAST CIVILIZATIONS IN QUR’AN INTERPRETATION ». ADDIN 11, no 1 (18 mai 2017) : 243. http://dx.doi.org/10.21043/addin.v11i1.2222.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article describes the clash of west and east civilizations from the perspective of the Qur’an interpretation. As is well known that the Qur’an reveals a clash of civilizations between the West which is represented by the Roman and the east are Persian. The clash occurred for many years. This war began with the triumph of Persians, the Qur’an clearly interpreted that nine years later the Roman defeat the Persian. Roman Empire which is meant by ar-Rum is the Kingdom of Eastern Roman centered in Konstantinopel, not the Western Roman kingdom centered in Rome. The West Roman kingdom, before the events, recounted in this verse occurs has collapsed in 476 CE. The Romans are Christians (people of the scripture), and the Persians religion Majusi (idolaters).
39
Mueller, Dennis C. « Rights, Religion, Riviera, and Roma ». Kyklos 64, no 4 (21 octobre 2011) : 589–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-6435.2011.00522.x.
Texte intégral
40
Noy, David. « Roman Religion ». Classical Review 49, no 2 (octobre 1999) : 445–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/49.2.445.
Texte intégral
41
Nice, Alex. « ROMAN RELIGION ». Classical Review 54, no 2 (octobre 2004) : 485–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/54.2.485.
Texte intégral
42
Tuker, M. A. R., et Hope Malleson. « Roman Religion ». Chesterton Review 48, no 3 (2022) : 553–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/chesterton2022483/4107.
Texte intégral
43
Ayvaz, Zafer. « Immigration and Integration : Examining Fethullah Gulen’s Philosophy of Integration ». Review of European Affairs 4, no 2 (2020) : 51–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.51149/roea.2.2020.4.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Forced migration is a huge asset, but also a challenge within Europe. The key to overcoming it is love, tolerance, dialogue, humility, self-devotion, as well as creating common and safe spaces for meeting and working together in socially beneficial tasks. In order to prevent and solve problems arising from taking in refugees of different faiths and cultures, believers of all religions need to accept these tasks as a top priority. Although the role of religion in lives of immigrants has been a subject of interest by scholars, not much focus had been put on the importance of social activism of faith-based community organisations in favour of immigrants. This paper focuses on social networks as playing an important role in the integration process, and examines Turkish Islamic Scholar Fethullah Gulen’s view of integration within current EU policy regarding Muslim immigrants.
44
Baxa, Paul. « A Pagan Landscape : Pope Pius XI, Fascism, and the Struggle over the Roman Cityscape ». Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 17, no 1 (23 juillet 2007) : 107–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/016104ar.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract This article examines the two visions of Rome put forward by Fascist dictator Benito Mussolini and Pope Pius XI and the tensions they caused. The rivalry between the two men over the meaning of the Roman landscape became sharper in the 1930s when the Fascist regime transformed the Eternal City through extensive demolition and increasing archaeological activity in the city. Pius XI increasingly viewed these activities as an attempt to “paganize” Rome. The Pope’s fears over paganism came to a head in the days of Adolf Hitler’s famous visit to Italy in May 1938. The development of closer relations between Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany made Pius XI increasingly concerned about what he called the “neo-pagan” nature of these ideologies. Ultimately, the cityscape of Rome was transformed into a kulturkampf between Fascism and the Vatican which not only gives us a fuller picture of the seemingly cordial relations between Pius and Mussolini in the 1930s, but also reveals Fascism as a political religion inevitably in conflict with the other religion, Catholicism, which saw Rome as its own.
45
Questier, Michael C. « John Gee, Archbishop Abbot, and the Use of Converts from Rome in Jacobean Anti-Catholicism ». Recusant History 21, no 3 (mai 1993) : 347–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200001667.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article is concerned with one aspect of movement between religions in England at the end of the Jacobean period, namely the polemical use which could be made of the convert to Protestantism. The increasing likelihood of a successful conclusion of the Spanish Match negotiations had for some time been threatening the Protestant Establishment. In this climate, prominent changes of religion were of great interest to polemicists of both sides. As in Elizabeth’s reign, Protestants could attack the Church of Rome by focusing on the apostates from it. The point of reference from which this polemical use of conversion will be analysed is the best-selling vitriolic anti-Catholic tract written by the wavering Protestant minister John Gee, entitled The Foot out of the Snare. Gee is familiar to modern historians as a source on Roman Catholic priests in the 1620s but he is important also for the way in which he was employed as an anti-Catholic writer. His tract originated with the clerical group which gathered around Archbishop Abbot, clerics distinguished by their violent opposition to encroaching Roman Catholicism, evident in the likely success of the Spanish Marriage project and the conversions which had started to occur as the political climate changed. Gee’s tract may be used as a starting point to explore some of the politics and literature of conversion at this time.
46
Schlapbach, Karin. « The Dance of Priests, Matronae, and Philosophers : Aspects of Dance Culture in Rome and the Roman Empire ». Greek and Roman Musical Studies 8, no 1 (13 mars 2020) : 190–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22129758-12341368.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract The fourteen papers delivered at a conference on Roman dance in June 2019 set about correcting the widespread idea that dance was marginal and held in low esteem in Rome. They elucidated different contexts in which dance was central, especially religion, the theatre, and private entertainments, and further topics included cultural interactions on the Italian peninsula, the diversity of practitioners, the political role of dance, and dance images in poetry. The conference showed not only that further study of Roman dance is necessary, but also that dance is a valuable tool that allows us to think about what we mean when we talk about ‘Roman’ culture.
47
Schreiber, Stefan. « Der politische Lukas. Zur kulturellen Interaktion des lukanischen Doppelwerks mit dem Imperium Romanum ». Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft 110, no 2 (1 août 2019) : 146–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/znw-2019-0011.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract The conventional image of the Rome-friendly, politically apologetic Luke is increasingly questioned today. In order to be able to recognize a political attitude of Luke within the narratives of Luke-Acts, an evaluation of different textual complexes is necessary. The article first elaborates on Rome-critical features of the Lukan Birth narrative against the backdrop of the conception of the aurea aetas supporting the early Roman Principate, before considering the implications of the idea of Christ’s reign for the evaluation of imperial rule. It also addresses the dark sides of Roman rule in Luke and then discusses the political ambivalence in the tax question in Luke 20,20–26. The sword episodes in the Passion narrative do not allow any violent resistance. The Roman governors as representatives of Rome in the provinces appear in Luke as factors of uncertainty for the first Christians, while the hope for a good living with the Roman military rests on the centurions. The real political challenge, however, is the ethos of the Christian communities itself. The synopsis of the texts gives a differentiated picture of the attitude Luke takes towards the Roman Empire.
48
REVELL, LOUISE. « RELIGION AND RITUAL IN THE WESTERN PROVINCES ». Greece and Rome 54, no 2 (3 septembre 2007) : 210–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383507000162.
Texte intégralRésumé :
IntroductionThe search for a more powerful entity to provide some form of order to the chaotic nature of human existence is a phenomenon that can be seen throughout much of human history. For a Roman, the gods were everywhere, as powerful forces with an interest in all aspects of daily life. Religion formed part of the broad-based homogeneity of the western provinces following the process of cultural transformation after conquest. Inscriptions, sculpture, and temple architecture all point to a similar material culture, and, although there is an apparent continuity in the names of the deities being worshipped from the pre-Roman to the Roman periods, their association with the traditional gods of Rome through syncretism negates the idea of direct continuity. However, religious changes are often overlooked in accounts of the Romanization of the western provinces, and we are left with the rather uncritical concept of ‘Romano-Celtic’ religion as a hybrid phenomenon. There is a danger of using the archaeological evidence of temples and inscriptions as diagnostic of change, rather than undertaking a more rigorous analysis in order to understand how religion and ritual formed part of this broad-based homogeneity, and the way in which the people of the provinces made sense of how to act and behave within a new social and political world.
49
Meng, Qingpeng, Chuheng Qian et Yiming Weng. « Analysis of the Way of Rule in Ancient Rome through Today’s Tourist Sites ». Journal of Education, Humanities and Social Sciences 8 (7 février 2023) : 1338–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/ehss.v8i.4482.
Texte intégralRésumé :
There are many magnificent monuments, from big cities to even small towns, in ancient Rome. These public buildings built by emperors and local elites are today’s famous Roman tourist sites. This essay will study the famous Roman public buildings—the religious building, amphitheater, and baths and understand how they influenced the rule of Rome and why emperors and local elites built so many public buildings. This study will combine archeological and written sources to analyze. Emperors and local elites used religion and many kinds of entertainment as a kind of soft power to maintain and consolidate their rule, which encouraged the rulers to build more baths, amphitheaters, and temples. Religious buildings aimed to unify people in the conquered area into Roman and make various regions in harmony under the same ruler. Both amphitheaters and baths provided people with various entertainments, which became an essential session in Roman social life and made it easy for rulers to consolidate their region. Amphitheaters could also function as places for political purposes. Public architecture could be regarded as a means of soft power, which brought Roman prosperity and the fate of collapse.
50
Berthelot, Katell. « Philo’s Perception of the Roman Empire ». Journal for the Study of Judaism 42, no 2 (2011) : 166–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006311x544373.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractPhilo’s perception of Rome is less positive than has generally been argued. Although Philo appreciated the pax romana and the religious freedom generally enjoyed by Jews in the Roman Empire, he was nevertheless critical of Rome. In particular, he rejected the idea that the Roman empire was the outcome of divine providence and would last forever. He opposed the spiritual kingship of Israel to the worldly and transitory dominion of Rome. Moreover, he expected Roman rule to fade away in the end, and Israel to blossom as no other nation ever had in the past.