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1
Rogers, John D. « The 1866 Grain Riots in Sri Lanka ». Comparative Studies in Society and History 29, no 3 (juillet 1987) : 495–513. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500014699.
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Until fairly recently, grain riots were viewed as spontaneous reactions of the poor to hunger, not worthy of detailed analysis. Over the past twenty years, partially as a result of pioneering studies by George Rudé and Edward Thompson with reference to France and Britain, a considerable body of scholarly writing about these disturbances has appeared. Consistent cross-cultural patterns have emerged from this research. Grain riots were not necessarily a product of hunger, although they were a facet of struggles over the control of food. They have normally taken one of two forms. One was the market riot, where the crowd protested against the price or lack of availability of grain. Such disturbances often commenced with the offer to buy grain at a “just” or “customary” price. If this demand was not met, more drastic action was taken. Sometimes rioters seized grain and sold it to the crowd for a just price, and then turned the receipts over to the owners of the grain. More often grain was strewn about, destroyed, or stolen. The second main form of grain riot was the blockade. In times of shortage, people prevented the export of grain from a town or district because they believed that merchants and landlords should not benefit from scarcity and that such exports would drive up the price locally. Sometimes retributive action accompanied or followed both types of protest, meting out punishment to traders, landlords, or others who were perceived as wrongly profiting from food shortages. Such action usually took the form of wholesale looting. In general, grain rioters avoided serious violence.
2
Brighenti, Maura, Lucía Cavallero, Niccolò Cuppini et Alejo Stark. « Introduction : The Global Riot ». New Global Studies 14, no 2 (13 juillet 2020) : 107–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ngs-2020-0019.
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AbstractThe past few years have seen a number of “riots” – in Mexico City, Hong Kong, Chile, Ecuador, the United States, Argentina, France, the United Kingdom, and elsewhere. What do they have in common with one another and with other popular upheavals in history? How do they differ? What do they represent as sites of protest, resistance and rebellion? This forum explores the meaning of such riots through the meaning of the term itself, focusing mainly but not exclusively on the Global South, in theory and in the words and actions of rioters and the authorities who act to suppress them. If it is true the world has entered a “new age of riots,” citizens and scholars must begin to reach some conceptual clarity of what a global riot is, and seeks to become.
3
Petitclerc, Martin. « Michèle RIOT-SARCEY, Le procès de la liberté. Une histoire souterraine du XIXe siècle en France ». Revue d'histoire du XIXe siècle, no 54 (1 août 2017) : 223–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/rh19.5238.
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4
Green, Christopher, Farrha B. Hopkins, Christopher D. Lindsay, James R. Riches et Christopher M. Timperley. « Painful chemistry ! From barbecue smoke to riot control ». Pure and Applied Chemistry 89, no 2 (1 février 2017) : 231–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pac-2016-0911.
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AbstractPain! Most humans feel it throughout their lives. The molecular mechanisms underlying the phenomenon are still poorly understood. This is especially true of pain triggered in response to molecules of a certain shape and reactivity present in the environment. Such molecules can interact with the sensory nerve endings of the eyes, nose, throat and lungs to cause irritation that can range from mild to severe. The ability to alert to the presence of such potentially harmful substances has been termed the ‘common chemical sense’ and is thought to be distinct from the senses of smell or taste, which are presumed to have evolved later. Barbecue a burger excessively and you self-experiment. Fatty acids present in the meat break off their glycerol anchor under the thermal stress. The glycerol loses two molecules of water and forms acrolein, whose assault on the eyes is partly responsible for the tears elicited by smoke. Yet the smell and taste of the burger are different experiences. It was this eye-watering character of acrolein that prompted its use as a warfare agent during World War I. It was one of several ‘lachrymators’ deployed to harass, and the forerunner of safer chemicals, such as ‘tear gas’ CS, developed for riot control. The history of development and mechanism of action of some sensory irritants is discussed here in relation to recent advice from the Scientific Advisory Board (SAB) of the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) on chemicals that conform to the definition of a riot control agent (RCA) under the Chemical Weapons Convention.
5
Johansen, A. « Violent Repression or Modern Strategies of Crowd Management : Soldiers as Riot Police in France and Germany, 1890-1914 ». French History 15, no 4 (1 décembre 2001) : 400–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fh/15.4.400.
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Schreier, Joshua. « A Jewish Riot against Muslims : The Polemics of History in Late Colonial Algeria ». Comparative Studies in Society and History 58, no 3 (juillet 2016) : 746–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417516000347.
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AbstractOn Rosh Hashanah, 1961, six months before the conclusion of the Evian accords promised independence for Algeria, riots broke out in the city of Oran. Surprisingly to many, the aggressors were overwhelmingly Jews, while those injured or killed were largely Muslims. The events—widely covered in the media but since forgotten—were a product of Oran's particular social chemistry, but were also shaped by far wider set of debates about a chasm that was growing between Jews and Arabs in France, Algeria, and the wider Arab world. This article focuses on responses to these riots, especially how they drew on polemical renderings of a shared Muslim-Jewish history. I make two interrelated arguments based on printed matter of the period, French government archives, and memoirs. First, Algerian Jewish observers and pro-FLN nationalist writers, groups that only rarely agreed on the question of Algerian independence, both recalled that the two groups' shared a largely harmonious history. They vehemently disagreed, however, on what this shared, harmonious history meant in terms of political obligations. The article's second argument is that the Israel-Palestine conflict helped sour relations between Jews and Muslims in Algeria, as well as historical renderings of these relations, during the Algerian War of Independence. Specifically, the question of Palestine frequently appeared as a reference when interpreting the riots. Together, the two arguments demonstrate how international issues helped occlude the particular, local stories and belongingness of Algerians, while they defined the future, religio-ethnic contours of the Algerian nation.
7
Bouhet, Elise. « Alexis Peskine, Guillaume Bresson, and Adel Abdessemed as sculptors of history : a study of visual arts inspired by the riots of 2005 in France ». Contemporary French Civilization 45, no 3-4 (1 décembre 2020) : 285–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/cfc.2020.17.
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What do the visual arts tell us about historical events happening in our societies? In this article, we will examine the case of the French riots of 2005. While anthropology, media, and cultural studies have investigated visual forms such as video games, YouTube videos, and graffiti that address the riots, there has been a blind spot in the study of the representation of the riots in the fine arts, such as painting and sculpture. This study will thereby identify and analyze the art works of three contemporary francophone, and transnationally recognized artists who visually represented the riots of 2005. Indeed, the art pieces by Alexis Peskine (La France “des” Français), Guillaume Bresson (Untitled), and Adel Abdessemed (Practice Zero Tolerance) could not be more different esthetically speaking. Peskine’s colorful painting offers a postcolonial reading of the riot, deconstructing stereotypes associated with race that the riot reinforced. Bresson’s imposing neoclassical painting stages the choreography of agitated rioters. Abdessemed comments on the violence provoked by the governmental management of the riots with a sculpture installation showing three burnt cars. Despite these differences, the three artists’ approaches indubitably converge insofar as they first react to the constant play between images of power and the power of images. In addition, this observation involves an intervention into the discourse and imaginative processes that are currently shaping the narrative and interpretation of the riots. In this sense, Peskine, Bresson, and Abdessemed operate as sculptors of history.
8
GARNHAM, NEAL. « RIOT ACTS, POPULAR PROTEST, AND PROTESTANT MENTALITIES IN EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY IRELAND ». Historical Journal 49, no 2 (juin 2006) : 403–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x06005267.
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The condition of the Anglican elite in eighteenth-century Ireland has been the focus of some debate by historians. Members of the Protestant Ascendancy class have been variously cast as a community under constant threat, or as a self-confident group secure in their control of the country's political and economic systems. Various contributions to this dialogue have been made through the study of popular movements and civil disorder. Rather than further comment on such phenomena this article seeks to examine the reactions of the Irish political elite to them. Although the country had no general Riot Act on the English model until 1787, legislative initiatives were made on several occasions prior to this. While these initially tended to be unsuccessful in parliament, local in their application, and to impose relatively lenient punishments, attitudes began to change in the 1770s. The political elite then moved comparatively rapidly to general legislation that created riot as a felony. Such developments suggest that prior to the last quarter of the eighteenth century civil disorder was not seen as a real threat to Protestant ascendancy, though Protestant fears finally culminated in legislative action in 1787. Arguably it was this event that marked the first great nadir in Anglican self-confidence in eighteenth-century Ireland.
9
Van Dyk, Garritt. « A Tale of Two Boycotts : Riot, Reform, and Sugar Consumption in Late Eighteenth-Century Britain and France ». Eighteenth-Century Life 45, no 3 (1 septembre 2021) : 51–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00982601-9272999.
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Atlantic sugar production and European sugar consumption rose dramatically in the late eighteenth century. Despite this increase, there were two separate calls to refrain from consuming sugar in both Britain and France at the end of the eighteenth century. Demands for abstinence were directed toward women to stop household consumption of sugar. In Britain, abolitionists urged women to stop buying West Indian sugar because it was a slave good, produced on plantations where enslaved Africans were subject to cruelty and where mortality rates were high. In France, the call to forego sugar came during the early years of the Revolution of 1789, in response to rising sugar prices. The women of Paris were asked to refrain from buying sugar at high prices that were assumed to be a result of market manipulation by speculators and hoarders engaging in anti-revolutionary behavior. The increase in Parisian sugar prices was not driven primarily by profiteering, but by a global shortage caused by the slave revolt in the French colony of Saint-Domingue, now Haiti. Comparing these two sugar boycotts, one in Britain, the other in France, provides an opportunity outside of national historical narratives to consider how both events employed the same technique for very different aims. The call to renounce sugar in both cases used economic pressure to create political change. An exploration of these movements for abstinence will provide a better understanding of how they critiqued consumption, and translated discourses, both abolitionist and revolutionary, into practice.
10
McCalman, Iain. « Mad Lord George and Madame La Motte : Riot and Sexuality in the Genesis of Burke'sReflections on the Revolution in France ». Journal of British Studies 35, no 3 (juillet 1996) : 343–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386111.
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Throughout the first year of the French RevolutionThe Timesnewspaper could not decide who was the madder, Lord George Gordon or Edmund Burke. The former as a violent incendiary and convicted libeler had fortunately been safely locked in Newgate the previous year, but Burke was still loose. The newspaper had no doubt that he belonged in Bedlam; there could be no other explanation for his obsessive campaign to impeach Warren Hastings long after everyone else had lost interest in the case. A stream of reports suggested variously that he had checked himself into a lunatic asylum, been forcibly confined in a straitjacket, or become temporarily deranged through physical and mental exhaustion. On first readingThe Reflections on the Revolution in Francepublished in November the following year, many of his friends, as well as his foes, felt forced to agree.Even those who found things to like in the book were puzzled that Burke should have produced such a work. In the first place, how did one explain what Thomas Jefferson called “the revolution of Mr. Burke,” an abrupt political tack from advocating parliamentary reform, religious toleration, and American liberty to denouncing France's fledgling efforts at liberty. Why had he turned so violently against the Dissenters and radicals with whom he had often cooperated in the past? Why did he believe that the apparently innocuous revolution in France was unlike anything that had gone before? And even when events in that country began to move more in line with his predictions, there remained something embarrassing about the tone of the book.
11
Thompson, Krista A. « Performing Visibility : Freaknic and the Spatial Politics of Sexuality, Race, and Class in Atlanta ». TDR/The Drama Review 51, no 4 (décembre 2007) : 24–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/dram.2007.51.4.24.
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During the late 1990s, participants in Freaknic, the annual black college spring break gathering, were greeted by the Atlanta police in riot gear. Defying the police, women gave impromptu performances, sometimes stripping for participants' cameras. Thompson shows how these performances were a response not only to the city's treatment of Freaknic but also to Atlanta's long history of using force to control race, gender, and class.
12
McGrath, Eileen. « North Carolina Books ». North Carolina Libraries 68, no 1 (21 mars 2011) : 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3776/ncl.v68i1.320.
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Compiled by Eileen McGrath, the following books are included: The North Carolina Gazetter: A Dictionary of Tar Heel Places and Their History; Becoming Elizabeth Lawrence: Discovered Letters of a Southern Gardener; The Southern Mind under Union Rule: The Diary of James Rumley; A Day of Blood: The 1898 Wilmington Race Riot; Kay Kyser: The Ol' Professor of Sing! America's Forgotten Superstar; Haven on the Hill: A History of North Carolina's Dorothea Dix Hospital; Middle of the Air; Lumbee Indians in the Jim Crow South: Race, Identity, and the Making of a Nation; Cow across America; Real NASCAR: White Lightning, Red Clay, and Big Bill France; 27 Views of Hillsborough: A Southern Town in Prose & Poetry; Twelve by Twelve: A One Room Cabin off the Grid and beyond the American Dream; and Down Home: Jewish Life in North Carolina.
13
Krafft, Erin Katherine. « Punk Prayers versus Neoliberalism ». Canadian-American Slavic Studies 56, no 2 (10 mai 2022) : 152–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/22102396-05602006.
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Abstract This paper examines the trajectories of Nadya Tolokonnikova and Maria Alekhina in the years since their performance in the Cathedral of Christ the Savior. This study, however, does not simply focus on their activities as individuals, but seeks to contextualize their work over the last decade in terms of capitalism, neoliberalism, and collective struggle. Planting the history of Pussy Riot within the context of historic and contemporary tensions within intersectional feminisms in Russia, the “West”, and transnationally, this paper will map divergences and convergences that render transnational feminist collaboration both troubled and uniquely productive. Global neoliberalism has challenged nation-states to develop hybridized and dynamic tactics of control that function both locally and in terms of transnational relations, and feminist movement therefore faces the same challenge; this paper participates in that struggle.
14
Walk, Robert D. « D. Hank Ellison, Chemical Warfare during the Vietnam War : Riot Control Agents in Combat. New York : Routledge, 2011. 202 pp. » Journal of Cold War Studies 14, no 4 (octobre 2012) : 233–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_r_00287.
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15
Gradmann, Christoph. « Locating Therapeutic Vaccines in Nineteenth-Century History ». Science in Context 21, no 2 (juin 2008) : 145–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026988970800166x.
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ArgumentThis essay places some therapeutic vaccines, including particularly the diphtheria antitoxin, into their larger historical context of the late nineteenth century. As industrially produced drugs, these vaccines ought to be seen in connection with the structural changes in medicine and pharmacology at the time. Given the spread of industrial culture and technology into the field of medicine and pharmacology, therapeutic vaccines can be understood as boundary objects that required and facilitated communication between industrialists, medical researchers, public health officials, and clinicians. It was in particular in relation to evaluation and testing for efficacy in animal models that these medicines became a model for twentieth-century medicine. In addition, these medicines came into being as a parallel invention in two very distinct local cultures of research: the Institut Pasteur in Paris and the Institut für Infektionskrankheiten in Berlin. While their local cultural origins were plainly visible, the medicines played an important role in the alignment of the methods and objects that took place in bacteriology research in France and Germany in the 1890s. This article assesses the two locally specific regimes for control in France and in Imperial Germany. In France the Institut Pasteur, building on earlier successful vaccines, enjoyed freedom from scrutinizing control. The tight and elaborate system of control that evolved in Imperial Germany is portrayed as being reliant on experiences that were drawn from the dramatic events that surrounded the launching of a first example of so-called “bacteriological medicine,” tuberculin, in 1890.
16
Godt, Paul J. « Decentralization in France : Plus ça change … ? » Tocqueville Review 7, no 1 (janvier 1986) : 191–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.7.1.191.
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Introduced as one of the Socialists’ showcase reforms, the “grande affaire du septennat” in the words of Prime Minister Mauroy, decentralization was hailed as a profound restructuring of center-periphery relations in France, liberating local officials from the overbearing authoritarian control traditionally exercised by the national government. Thus far, 21 laws and 185 decrees have been adopted and countless circulars made public. The avalanche of texts has given rise to a growing literature analyzing the perspectives opened up by the reforms. But three years’ experience has also accumulated, and this paper seeks to assess the changes that have taken place.
17
Godt, Paul J. « Decentralization in France : Plus ça change … ? » Tocqueville Review 7 (janvier 1986) : 191–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.7.191.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Introduced as one of the Socialists’ showcase reforms, the “grande affaire du septennat” in the words of Prime Minister Mauroy, decentralization was hailed as a profound restructuring of center-periphery relations in France, liberating local officials from the overbearing authoritarian control traditionally exercised by the national government. Thus far, 21 laws and 185 decrees have been adopted and countless circulars made public. The avalanche of texts has given rise to a growing literature analyzing the perspectives opened up by the reforms. But three years’ experience has also accumulated, and this paper seeks to assess the changes that have taken place.
18
Joly, Laurent. « The Parisian Police and the Holocaust : Control, Round-ups, Hunt, 1940–4 ». Journal of Contemporary History 55, no 3 (23 mai 2019) : 557–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009419839774.
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Slightly more than half of the 74,150 Jews deported from France between 1942 and 1944 were arrested in Paris and its close suburbs. For the large majority of these 38,500 men, women, and children, their arrest was carried out by ordinary policemen belonging to the Paris Police Prefecture. The objective of this article is to propose a complete and synthetic analysis of the role of this institution and its agents in the Holocaust. In Paris, unlike anywhere else in Europe, the implementation of the ‘final solution’ was entrusted to the traditional administration. These police officers were competent and knew perfectly the environment of the persecution. But, generally speaking, they were not anti-Semite activists, they did not like the Germans, and, more importantly, they acted according to their own institutional logic. So, the French's repressive system did not automatically feed the Nazi machine of destruction. It is this complexity of the machine of persecution in occupied France which explains, in many respects, the toll of the Holocaust in France, and, more specifically, in the Paris region.
19
Accampo, Elinor A. « The Gendered Nature of Contraception in France : Neo-Malthusianism, 1900–1920 ». Journal of Interdisciplinary History 34, no 2 (octobre 2003) : 235–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002219503322649499.
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As the first nation to undergo the fertility transition, France also experienced a demographic “crisis” concerning its drop in population. Contemporary reactions to the Neo-Malthusian effort to provide female contraceptives, and particularly to the feminist rhetoric of birth-control advocate Nelly Roussel, however, suggest that what was most threatening about female contraception was not the prospect of further depopulation but the idea of making motherhood a choice, thereby “de-naturalizing” women's bodies and threatening civilization itself.
20
Makdisi, Ussama. « AFTER 1860 : DEBATING RELIGION, REFORM, AND NATIONALISM IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE ». International Journal of Middle East Studies 34, no 4 (18 septembre 2002) : 601–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743802004014.
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The events of 1860 constitute a turning point in the modern history of Lebanon. In the space of a few weeks between the end of May and the middle of June, Maronite and Druze communities clashed in Mount Lebanon in a struggle to see which community would control, and define, a stretch of mountainous territory at the center of complicated Eastern Question politics.1 The Druzes carried the day. Every major Maronite town within reach of the Druzes was pillaged, its population either massacred or forced to flee. In July, Damascene Muslims rioted to protest deteriorating economic conditions, targeting and massacring several hundred of the city's Christian population. Although the reasons for the fighting in Mount Lebanon and the riot in Damascus were quite different, the Ottoman, local, and European reactions inevitably conflated both events.2 Following the restoration of order, the conflict of 1860 was the subject, effectively, of an Ottoman government mandate of silence—a desire to forget the events and proceed with administering the newly constituted Mutasarrifiyya of Mount Lebanon. At the same time, however, the sectarian violence prompted an outpouring of local memories that the Ottoman government could neither control nor suppress.
21
MacRaild, Donald M. « ‘Abandon Hibernicisation’ : priests, Ribbonmen and an Irish street fight in the north-east of England in 1858* ». Historical Research 76, no 194 (22 octobre 2003) : 557–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.00190.
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Abstract This article seeks to contextualize a rare piece of evidence of the Catholic Church's attempts to control nationalist political expression among Irish migrants. The evidence, a letter from a priest to his bishop in Darlington, was generated by an investigation of a street riot in Sunderland in 1858. A detailed statement of such controlling influences is uncommon, even though historians have occasionally uncovered fleeting examples that are similar in nature. The discussion which follows seeks to fit this evidence, and its immediate context, into a wider historiography concerning the interplay of social Catholicism and the political involvement of Irish migrants. This document portrays the English priest as a kind of politico-religious policeman, and explains the lengths to which the Church was willing to go in ensuring that strict adherence to Catholic practice was not affected by the demands of clandestine political organizations. Although the events discussed here are very specific, in both period and place, the article seeks to contribute to an understanding of parish life where politics and faith became entwined.
22
MacLeod, Kirsten. « “Art for America's Sake” : Decadence and the Making of American Literary Culture in the Little Magazines of the 1890s ». Prospects 30 (octobre 2005) : 309–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361233300002064.
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Decadence — the literary and artistic movement that insisted on the autonomy of art, reveled in the bizarre, artificial, perverse, and arcane, and pitted the artist against bourgeois society — is most strongly associated with fin de siècle British and French culture. Rarely is it associated with America. And yet, its popularity in America may well have surpassed its popularity in either Britain or France. That decadence was among Europe's most successful cultural exports to America in the 1890s is indicated by the rash of decadent Anglophile and Francophile little magazines that emerged in America in this period. Whereas Britain and France had a handful of decadent periodicals between them, America had over one hundred and fifty little magazines in the period from 1894 to 1898, many of them inspired by European decadent periodicals. What Gelett Burgess, founder of the decadent little magazine the Lark called a “little riot of Decadence” (Epilark) erupted all over America, from major centers such as New York City, Chicago, and San Francisco to smaller centers such as Lansing, Michigan, and Portland, Maine. Described at the time variously as fadazines, fadlets, fad magazines, bibelots, ephemerals, decadents, brownie magazines, freak magazines, magazettes, dinkeys, and so on, these magazines were founded by those one contemporary, Arthur Stanwood Pier, labeled the “brilliant cognoscenti and sophisticates,” the “American Oscar Wildes and Aubrey Beardsleys” of the period (quoted in Kraus, 6).Despite the pervasiveness of the little-magazine phenomenon of the 1890s, these magazines have been all but ignored in recent scholarship. Interest in American periodical history of the late 19th and early 20th centuries has focused largely on mass-market periodicals and the development of consumer culture as in recent studies by David Reed, Ellen Gruber Garvey, Richard Ohmann, and Helen Damon-Moore.
23
Tilly, Charles. « The Emergence of Citizenship in France and Elsewhere ». International Review of Social History 40, S3 (décembre 1995) : 223–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000113653.
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In April 1793, France was waging war both inside and outside its borders. Over the previous year, the French government had taken up arms against Austria, Sardinia, Prussia, Great Britain, Holland and Spain. In its first seizure of new territory since the Revolution began in 1789, it had recently annexed the previously Austrian region we now call Belgium. Revolutionaries had dissolved the French monarchy in September 1792, then guillotined former king Louis XVI in January 1793. If France spawned violence in victory, it redoubled domestic bloodshed in defeat; a major French loss to Austrian forces at Neerwinden on 18 March 1793, followed by the defection of General Dumouriez, precipitated both a call for expanded military recruitment and a great struggle for control of the revolutionary state. April saw the formation of the Committee of Public Safety, fearsome instrument of organizational combat. France's domestic battle was to culminate in a Jacobin seizure of power.
24
Sonn, Richard David. « "Your body is yours" ; : Anarchism, Birth Control, and Eugenics in Interwar France ». Journal of the History of Sexuality 14, no 4 (2005) : 415–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sex.2006.0045.
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Castan-Vicente, Florys, et Anaïs Bohuon. « Emancipation through sport ? Feminism and medical control of the body in interwar France ». Sport in History 40, no 2 (12 août 2019) : 235–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17460263.2019.1652845.
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Cross, Máire F. « Review Articles : Women Teachers in Control ? Findings on Expansion of Primary Education in Nineteenth-Century France ». European History Quarterly 27, no 3 (juillet 1997) : 417–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026569149702700305.
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Wileman, Donald G. « Not the Radical republic : liberal ideology and central blandishment in France, 1901–1914 ». Historical Journal 37, no 3 (septembre 1994) : 593–614. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00014898.
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ABSTRACTMadeleine Rebérioux was right to wonder whether France was truly a ‘Radical republic’ in the years between the Dreyfus affair and the Great War. Archives only opened or explored since Rebérioux published in 1975, and the re-interpretation of older newspaper sources, show that control of the Third Republic was still hotly contested in those years. The Radicals tried to build a republic in their own image, but in a situation where left and right were closely balanced, they were almost always foiled. Crucial to this process was a politically republican but socially conservative centre – best typified by the A.R.D. The A.R.D. wanted a Third Republic frankly favourable to the interests of big business. Since it held the parliamentary balance of power between the left and a right only partly republican, it generally got its way. Statistical sources also support this interpretation.
28
Cicchillo, Richard. « The Conseil Constitutionnel and Judicial Review ». Tocqueville Review 12 (décembre 1991) : 61–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.12.61.
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For Americans, long accustomed to judicial review of the law, the traditional absence of a similar system of constitutional control in France comes as a surprise. Closer examination however, reveals that the French politico-historico-judicial tradition inherited from the Ancien Régime and the Revolution of 1789 is deeply opposed to the development of "government by the judges." Why did the Revolution react against the judiciary? How has the idea of constitutional control evolved in modern France? What are the possible sources of legitimacy for an institution (the Conseil constitutionnel) and a concept (judicial review) cut off from the sanction of tradition? What is the future of the Conseil?
29
Campion, Jonas. « Gendarmeries, state reinforcement and territorial control at the ends of world wars : Belgium, France and The Netherlands, 1914–50 ». European Review of History : Revue européenne d'histoire 22, no 3 (4 mai 2015) : 451–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2015.1027178.
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30
Friedman, Gerald. « Capitalism, Republicanism, Socialism, and the State : France, 1871–1914 ». Social Science History 14, no 2 (1990) : 151–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014555320002071x.
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The Republic is not merely the name of a political institution, but the instrument of moral and social progress . . . of reducing the inequality and increasing the solidarity between men.—Léon Bourgeois(cited in Hayward 1961: 35)Few today dwell on the significance of republican institutions. In the nineteenth century, however, republicanism was a revolutionary ideology proclaiming the right of all people as citizens to control their lives. While associated with universal suffrage, republicanism was not yet confined to a narrow political sphere, and many still sought to extend its values to economic affairs. They questioned whether citizens empowered to decide political questions should not also make economic decisions that affected their lives, and they warned that governments resting on free citizenship were threatened by concentrations of wealth giving some a disproportionate voice in society’s economic life. What sort of republic, one asked, could survive burdened with “this strange paradox of man split in two . . . subject in the workshop, king in the city”? (Diligent 1910: 5)
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Mavropoulos, Nikolaos. « The First Italo-Ethiopian Clash over the Control of Eritrea and the Origins of Rome’s Imperialism ». Historical Reflections/Réflexions Historiques 47, no 1 (1 mars 2021) : 88–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/hrrh.2021.470105.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In the wake of Italy’s unification, the country’s expansionist designs were aimed, as expected, toward the opposite shore of the Mediterranean. The barrage of developments that took place in this strategic area would shape the country’s future alliances and colonial policies. The fear of French aggression on the coast of North Africa drove officials in Rome to the camp of the Central Powers, a diplomatic move of great importance for Europe’s evolution prior to World War I. The disturbance of the Mediterranean balance of power, when France occupied Tunisia and Britain held Cyprus and Egypt, the inability to find a colony in proximity to Italy, and a series of diplomatic defeats led Roman officials to look to the Red Sea and to provoke war with the Ethiopian Empire.
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Mavropoulos, Nikolaos. « The First Italo-Ethiopian Clash over the Control of Eritrea and the Origins of Rome's Imperialism ». Historical Reflections/Réflexions Historiques 47, no 1 (1 mars 2021) : 88–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/hrrh.2020.470105.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract In the wake of Italy's unification, the country's expansionist designs were aimed, as expected, toward the opposite shore of the Mediterranean. The barrage of developments that took place in this strategic area would shape the country's future alliances and colonial policies. The fear of French aggression on the coast of North Africa drove officials in Rome to the camp of the Central Powers, a diplomatic move of great importance for Europe's evolution prior to World War I. The disturbance of the Mediterranean balance of power, when France occupied Tunisia and Britain held Cyprus and Egypt, the inability to find a colony in proximity to Italy, and a series of diplomatic defeats led Roman officials to look to the Red Sea and to provoke war with the Ethiopian Empire.
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Nikitin, Marc. « The birth of a modern public sector accounting system in France and Britain and the influence of Count Mollien ». Accounting History 6, no 1 (mai 2001) : 75–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/103237320100600106.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Under theAncien Régime France, the collection of taxes was a matter entrusted by the King to businessmen. After several unfruitful attempts to exercise greater control over his revenue streams, the King finally introduced reforms in 1788 to both centralise the Treasury and to use double-entry bookkeeping. TheRévolution confirmed this orientation and, after 1815, a modern public sector accounting system was progressively established in order to service the nascent nation. Soon later, Britain also started to rebuild its public sector accounting system and, as will be shown, a mutual French-British influence existed in the building of the national financial systems. Behind these modern public sector accounting systems lies the influential role played by Count Mollien, both in France and Britain.
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TOTH, STEPHEN A. « The Contard Affair : Private Power, State Control, and Paternal Authority in Fin-de-Siècle France ». Journal of Historical Sociology 23, no 2 (5 avril 2010) : 185–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-6443.2010.01372.x.
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Anderson, PJ, Gsn Lau, Wrj Taylor et Jajh Critchley. « Acute effects of the potent lacrimator o-chlorobenzylidene malononitrile (CS) tear gas ». Human & ; Experimental Toxicology 15, no 6 (juin 1996) : 461–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/096032719601500601.
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1 The use of tear gas to control civil unrest is accepted practice by government authorities worldwide. It is rarely used in Hong Kong but during a recent riot at a Vietnamese detention centre large quantities were used and this was cause for some concern. 2 All patients presenting to the British Red Cross Clinic after the incident were seen by one of the authors. To establish if exposure to tear gas had serious effects on the health of the detainees, the case records of the 184 patients with symptoms consistent with CS exposure were reviewed 2 months later. 3 The most common complaints were burns (52%), cough (38%), headache (29%), shortness of breath (21%), chest pain (19%), sore throat (15%) and fever (13%). However, the only common findings on examination by a physician were burns (52%) and an inflamed throat (27%). All burns could be categorised as 'minor' according to the American Burns Association classi fication and all were consistent with CS gas exposure. 4 Some patients complained of other symptoms that had not been previously reported in the literature, such as haemoptysis (8%) and haematemesis (4%), but these were only confirmed in one patient. 5 The majority of patients had recovered within 2 weeks of exposure although one asthmatic patient com plained of shortness of breath lasting for 33 days and a sore throat lasting for 38 days after the incident. She had abnormally low peak expiratory flow readings, but had a clinical history of asthma. 6 No serious sequelae were encountered, but the incidence of burns in these patients was higher than would be expected from a review of the literature. However, very little data on the effects of tear gas in a riot situation has been published. There have been reports of high concentrations of CS gas causing reactive airways dysfunction but this was not seen in our group of patients.
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Kharkovsky, Ruslan. « Mahdist State in the Colonial Struggle of France and Great Britain in Sudan (1880s — 1890s) ». ISTORIYA 13, no 2 (112) (2022) : 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840020471-7.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article analyzes the evolution of the “Sudanese question” in the system of international relations in the last third of the 19th century. The thesis is argued that for Great Britain control over the Sudanese territories was an important link in the struggle for the creation of the world’s largest colonial empire. The threat of war between Britain and France during this period was quite real. The military, primarily naval, weakness of France was one of the essential reasons for its retreat from Sudan. The settlement of the colonial differences between England and France in Northeast Africa later became one of the reasons for the emergence of the Entente as a counterbalance to the growing German Empire.
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FLANDREAU, MARC, et FRÉDÉRIC ZUMER. « Media Manipulation in Interwar France : Evidence from the Archive of Banque de Paris et des Pays-Bas, 1914–1937 ». Contemporary European History 25, no 1 (13 janvier 2016) : 11–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777315000454.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractThis article shows how one can read political history from evidence on corporate corruption. The study exploits newly discovered archival material from Banque de Paris et des Pays-Bas, a politically connected investment bank. We contribute to current research by replacing existing conjectures with precise qualitative and quantitative evidence. After reviewing previous works and providing a sketch of information repression and media control in France during the interwar period, we argue that the study of patterns of ‘informational criminality’ provides an original entry to the writing of political history and the history of information.
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Bensadon, Didier. « Accounting and internal mechanisms of corporate governance during the inter-war-period in France ». Accounting History 26, no 3 (30 avril 2021) : 457–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1032373221989446.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article focuses on the role of accounting in governance arrangements. The French context is marked by the inexistence of external governance mechanisms and by the total lack of effectiveness of independent auditing. Therefore, the objective of this article is to shed light on the internal governance mechanisms implemented by the leading French aluminium producer during the inter-war period and the role played by accounting in this implementation. On the basis of the archives of the Compagnie Alais, Froges et Camargue (AFC) between 1921 and 1939, it appears that in a context marked by very strong external growth, management strengthened financial reporting systems and internal control procedures. In addition, the directors used the financial statements as early as 1923 to determine the financial effort of the AFC group and to measure the flows intended to finance the group’s material and financial investments. Accounting is unquestionably at the heart of AFC’s internal governance mechanisms.
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CRAMM, Severin. « The Saar Question as a European Problem From the Trade Union’s Perspective ». Journal of European Integration History 26, no 1 (2020) : 21–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2020-1-21.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Saar region did not immediately become part of the Federal Republic of Germany in 1949, but was gradually given the status of a semi-protectorate of France from 1947 onwards. The region's high-quality coal and the iron and steel industries were supposed both to help the reconstruction of France and to weaken German industry by being withdrawn of its control. The region was economically and politically closely tied to France; freedom of opinion and of the press for those who advocated annexation to the FRG were restricted. This happened at the same time when Franco- German reconciliation and the beginning of European integration were seen as a sign of a settlement between Germany and France. The Saar issue thus became a regional problem for European integration. In the absence of political opposition, the trade unions of the Saarland became the voice of the critical population and became victims of state persecution. The article highlights the role of the Saarland, German and international trade unions, which therefore proved to be important mediators in the conflict over the future of the Saar region.
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DENTON, CHAD. « ‘Récupérez!’ The German Origins of French Wartime Salvage Drives, 1939–1945 ». Contemporary European History 22, no 3 (1 juillet 2013) : 399–430. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777313000210.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractThis article examines the origins, implementation and results of salvage drives carried out in wartime France from 1939 to 1945. In post-war accounts – including memoirs and local histories of the occupation – these salvage drives were understood simply as wartime frugality, a logical response to wide-spread shortages. Yet a careful study of the records of both the French Ministry of Armaments and Vichy's Service de la Récupération et de l'Utilisation des Déchets et Vieilles Matières combined with municipal and departmental sources reveals that these salvage drives were heavily influenced by Nazi German practices. From 1939 to 1940, even though French propaganda had previously ridiculed Nazi German salvage drives as proof of economic weakness, officials at the Ministry of Armaments emulated Nazi Germany by carrying out salvage drives of scrap iron and paper. After the fall of France, this emulation became collaboration. Vichy's salvage efforts were a conjoint Franco-German initiative, organised at the very highest levels of the occupation administration. Drawing on the experience of Nazi German salvage experts, Vichy officials carried out the salvage drives according to German models. Nevertheless, they carefully hid the German origins of the campaign from the chain of departmental prefects, mayors, Chambers of Commerce and youth leaders who organised the local drives and solicited participation by evoking French patriotic sentiment. After the liberation of France in 1944, the French Provisional Government renamed but otherwise maintained the Vichy-created salvage organisations and continued to oversee the collection of scrap iron, paper, rags, glass and bones until 1946. At that point, the government largely relinquished control of the salvage industry.
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QUENNOUËLLE-CORRE, LAURE. « The state, banks and financing of investments in France from World War II to the 1970s ». Financial History Review 12, no 1 (avril 2005) : 63–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565005000041.
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This article examines how corporate financing has been adjusted during the high growth period after World War II. First, it discusses how the Ministry of Finance tried on the one hand to liberalise the system after the 1950s, but on the other hand, did not want to undermine the ‘Treasury circuit’ that allowed its administration to control the economic situation. Secondly, during 1960s, the relationships between state and banking industry became so tight that they strengthened the banking cartel and increased the banking system's contribution to the financial system. The high costs of issuing capital in France contrast with the low interest rates during the period. The French choice of financial system for economic development clearly did not favour markets, but focused on deposit and investment banks, and settled on both a ‘state-based’ and ‘bank-based’ system.
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Sparrow, Elizabeth. « The Swiss and Swabian Agencies, 1795–1801 ». Historical Journal 35, no 4 (décembre 1992) : 861–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00026194.
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AbstractThis article continues an examination of the British government's counter-revolutionary organization begun in ‘The Alien Office 1792-1806’, The Historical Journal, XXXIII (1990), which outlined the department's functions and secret service policy. The Swiss and Swabian agencies were one aspect of British foreign secret service; they linked the French princes' secret agents to the British government under the central European control of William Wickham, ambassador in Berne 1794–7, and military and diplomatic subsidiaries. Anti-republican secret committees were set up covering all France, Switzerland, northern Italy and southern Germany, which included members from every grade of society. French republican generals, even Ministers were swayed, allowing infiltration of the French secret police. British control was however limited to the finesse of finance – bribery was implicit. By never offering enough to the leaders and too much to assistants, initial constitutional intentions slid into subversion and assassination. The first complete andfully documented description is included of how, why, and by whom, the French deputies were assassinated at Rastadt.
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Szreter, Simon, Robert A. Nye et Frans van Poppel. « Fertility and Contraception during the Demographic Transition : Qualitative and Quantitative Approaches ». Journal of Interdisciplinary History 34, no 2 (octobre 2003) : 141–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002219503322649453.
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Demographic, cultural, and oral-history approaches to the study of falling fertility in nineteenth-and twentieth-century France, Canada, Britain, Holland, Norway, and Finland confirm the importance of the persistent usage of “traditional” methods of birth control—such as coitus interruptus, abortion, and forms of periodic abstinence—throughout the period when fertility fell, though fertility fell in each case at a different point in time. These studies also use qualitative evidence that provides insight into the reasons for contraceptive preference, thereby combining the history of changing sexualities with the analysis of demographic change.
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Roy, Franççois Le. « Mirages over the Andes : Peru, France, the United States, and Military Jet Procurement in the 1960s ». Pacific Historical Review 71, no 2 (1 mai 2002) : 269–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2002.71.2.269.
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On May 5, 1967, U.S. National Security Adviser Walter W. Rostow briefed President Lyndon B. Johnson that Peru had contracted to buy twelve Mirage 5 supersonic fighter jets from France, "despite our repeated warnings of the consequences." The first planes were delivered a year later, prompting the United States to withhold development loans from Peru as directed by the Conte-Long Amendment to the 1968 Foreign Assistance Appropriations Bill. Peru was the first Latin American country (with the exception of Cuba) to equip its air force with supersonic combat aircraft, and its decision spurred a dramatic qualitative and financial escalation in regional arms procurement, thereby defeating Washington's effort to control the latter. The CIA qualified the "Mirage affair" as the "most serious issue" in U.S.-Peruvian relations at the time. The event demonstrated the growing desire of Peru and other Latin American countries to loosen the ties that bound them to Washington and exemplified France's drive to depolarize world politics during the Cold War. Demanded by the Peruvian military establishment, the Mirage deal also announced the golpe of October 1968 that ended the presidency of Fernando Belaúúnde Terry and ushered in the reformist military dictatorship of Juan Velasco Alvarado. In addition, it complicated relations between the White House, Congress, and the press in the antagonistic context of the Vietnam War. Finally, it further illustrated the diplomatic and economic stakes of military aircraft sales, as well as the appeal of the airplane as a symbol of national sovereignty and modernity.
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Hueso, Silvia. « Le regard décolonial d’Alfred Alexandre : Les villes assassines () ». French Cultural Studies 33, no 2 (11 novembre 2021) : 118–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09571558211058848.
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This article focuses on the novel Les villes assassines ( 2011 ) by the Martinican writer Alfred Alexandre that shows his decolonial and critical vision of the politics indirectly established from France on overseas territories. The author paints a topography of misery where mafia, drugs and prostitution reign, showing the mechanisms of control and subjection of popular minorities, belonging to the «urban mangrove», whose only way out is, according to the author, a violent position to subvert an order inherited from the slavery regime.
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Rabinovitch, Simon. « The Quality of Being French versus the Quality of Being Jewish : Defining the Israelite in French Courts in Algeria and the Metropole ». Law and History Review 36, no 4 (30 octobre 2018) : 811–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248018000408.
Texte intégralRésumé :
As the nineteenth-century French state expanded its borders in North Africa and incorporated what came to be Algeria into France, French King Louis-Phillipe, President and then Emperor Louis Napoleon Bonaparte, and various ministers of war, governors general for Algeria, and other advisors and government officials all faced the question of how and if to naturalize the territory's inhabitants as French citizens. Recent literature on the French use of law to classify and control populations in Africa has focused on the French colonial administration. This article emphasizes instead the role courts played in sorting out the legal contradictions created by French colonialism, by using the Jews in Algeria as an example. The existing precedent of the Jews' forced de-corporation and naturalization in France made their collective religious rights in Algeria particularly problematic, and cases in the Algerian and French courts highlighting the anomalous legal status of Algerian Jews eventually led to Jewish, but not Muslim, naturalization by decree in 1870. This new interpretation of Jewish naturalization in French Algeria highlights the philosophical problem that Jewish collective rights forced the French courts and French state to confront, and the barriers to resolving it.
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Beegle, Clayton C., et Takashi Yamamoto. « INVITATION PAPER (C.P. ALEXANDER FUND) : HISTORY OF BACILLUS THURINGIENSIS BERLINER RESEARCH AND DEVELOPMENT ». Canadian Entomologist 124, no 4 (août 1992) : 587–616. http://dx.doi.org/10.4039/ent124587-4.
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AbstractThis review article starts with the discovery of Bacillus thuringiensis Berliner in Japan at the turn of the century and notes that the observations of the early Japanese workers clearly show that they were aware of the toxin-mediated nature of the activity of B. thuringiensis toward insect larvae. The early work in Europe with B. thuringiensis against Ostrinia nubilalis (Hubner) showed that the bacterium had promise as a microbial control agent. The commercial development of B. thuringiensis in France in the late 1930s, and in Eastern Europe and the United States in the 1950s, is traced.
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Dong, Jing, Huizhang Shen et Jidi Zhao. « Sustainable Development Mechanism of Avoiding Group Conflict and Symbiosis : A Study on Labor Disputes ». Complexity 2019 (3 novembre 2019) : 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2019/9670135.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Group conflict is one of the main human conflicts in the history of human development and results in various forms such as competition, fight, riot, or war in extreme cases and compromise, negotiation, or cooperation in other cases. The inner essence of the group conflict is competitors vying for resource control. If the conflict ends up at a situation where one party overwhelms the other, it will actually bring destructive results to both sides. Is there a solution to avoid fierce conflicts and to achieve a win-win situation? Is there a unified model by which different forms of conflicts can be interpreted and studied? The purpose of this paper was to address these problems and attempt to establish such a unified model and to use it to analyze the dynamic relationship between the employees and their employers in the viewpoint of group conflict and symbiosis. By changing coefficients of the unified model, the two sides, employers and employees, could be in different situations such as employer win, employee win, lose-lose, and win-win. Keeping other coefficients unchanged, we found and proved that there is a win-win strategy space of the payoff rate. Two parties chose strategy within the space can achieve optimal status in long run.
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BRUNET, LUC-ANDRÉ. « The Creation of the Monnet Plan, 1945–1946 : A Critical Re-Evaluation ». Contemporary European History 27, no 1 (14 décembre 2017) : 23–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777317000418.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Drawing on an extensive range of French archival sources as well as Jean Monnet's papers, this article challenges several commonly held views regarding the establishment of the Monnet Plan by re-examining the domestic political context in post-war France. It reveals that the distinctive ‘supra-ministerial’ structure of the Monnet Plan was developed only after, and in direct response to, the October 1945 legislative elections in which the French Communist Party won the most seats and subsequently gained control of France's main economic ministries. Furthermore, Monnet managed to convince communist ministers to surrender important powers from their ministries to Monnet's nascent planning office on false premises, a finding that challenges the usual depiction of Monnet as an open and honest broker.
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Cervone, M., A. Giannelli, D. Rosenberg, S. Perrucci et D. Otranto. « Filaroidosis infection in an immunocompetent adult dog from France ». Helminthologia 55, no 1 (1 mars 2018) : 77–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/helm-2017-0058.
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Summary A dog from Paris (France) was referred with a 2-week history of dry cough, intermittent acute onset of dyspnoea, and acute abdominal pain. A generalised bronchoalveolar infiltrate with a patchy distribution was observed at chest x-rays and computed tomography (CT) scans. Negative results were obtained through several faecal examinations for cardiorespiratory nematodes by using the Baermann technique and at two blood analysis with a commercially available test for the detection of A. vasorum antigen (the first one at the first visit and second one at the control visit, one month later). PCR methods for the identification of A. vasorum and C. vulpis were also accomplished. At the control visit, nematode L1s were found during direct microscopic examination of bronchoalveolar lavage fluid (BALF). Thus, a different antigen-based assay for the detection of A. vasorum was performed with a positive result. Moreover, based on morphology, isolated larvae were identified as Filaroides hirthi. The dog was treated with fenbendazole (50 mg/kg per os once daily) for two consecutive weeks. After five months, the dog was referred again for the intermittent acute onset of dyspnoea and was found to be still positive for F. hirthi larvae at BALF examination. A 15-day treatment regimen with fenbendazole in combination with three subcutaneous injections of ivermectin (0.4 mg/kg, once every two weeks), was then performed. No larvae were detected at two BALF microscopical examinations performed one month apart. Results from this case report underline the importance of including F. hirthi infections in the differential diagnosis of dog bronchopneumonia.