Articles de revues : « Right and left (Political science) – Netherlands »

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Otjes, Simon, et Tom Louwerse. « Populists in Parliament : Comparing Left-Wing and Right-Wing Populism in the Netherlands ». Political Studies 63, n^o 1 (20 novembre 2013) : 60–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.12089.

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Pennings, Paul, et Christine Arnold. « Is Constitutional Politics Like Politics ‘at Home’ ? The Case of the EU Constitution ». Political Studies 56, n^o 4 (décembre 2008) : 789–806. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2007.00697.x.

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A large number of delegates from different institutional levels within the EU have achieved a remarkable consensus on a draft constitution. Has this consensus been made possible because the nationally predominant left–right divide was only weakly present during the deliberations of the delegates? Left–right differences have been analysed by means of a content analysis on submitted documents during the European Convention. The data analysis confirms our assumption that the left–right distinction was relevant, although not very dominant. The draft constitution did not take a mean position on left and right issues, but in fact puts more emphasis on substantial goals related to both left and right, giving an equal weight to both anti-poles. However, if we exclude the Charter of Human Rights, the draft constitution appears to be strongly tilted to the right. The analysis also shows that party family differences did affect the process of coalition building during the Convention, since more than half of all documents have been submitted together with at least one member of the same party family and/or with one family member close by. Our analysis also indicates that the process of consensus building was enhanced by the absence of many extremist and new parties during the Convention. This may have enhanced agreement on the Constitution, but later it became problematic for the domestic democratic process and for the acceptance of the Constitution in some countries, such as France and the Netherlands, especially since some of the excluded parties have actively and successfully mobilised voters to vote against the Constitution.

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Hoefte, Rosemarijn. « The Difficulty of Getting it Right : Dutch Policy in the Caribbeans ». Itinerario 25, n^o 2 (juillet 2001) : 59–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300008822.

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Dutch colonialism has traditionally focused on the East Indies, rather than the West Indies. Thus when Queen Wilhelmina, while in exile in London, declared in 1942 that the colonies should become autonomous with the words ‘relying on one's own strength, with the will to support each other,’ she was thinking of the East and not so much about Suriname and the Netherlands Antilles. Yet as it turned out, all constitutional plans, culminating into the Statuut or Charter of the Kingdom of 1954, even though conceived and drafted with the East in mind, was ultimately only applied to the West. The Netherlands East Indies, occupied by Japan during World War II, opted for independence after the War. The Hague did not accept this step and waged both hot and cold wars to fight against Indonesia's independence. This, for the Netherlands traumatic, experience left its traces in Dutch policy regarding its Caribbean territories.

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Bruff, Ian. « The Netherlands, the Challenge of Lijst Pim Fortuyn, and the Third Way ». Politics 23, n^o 3 (septembre 2003) : 156–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00192.

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The shock 2002 general election result in the Netherlands has provided a wake-up call to those who believed it would withstand the Europe-wide rise of the far right more successfully than others. This article firstly investigates why Lijst Pim Fortuyn performed so well, and suggests that its popularity owes more to its anti-establishment stance than its xenophobic outlook. The second half of the article links the upheavals to normative deficiencies in the ‘third way’ framework, and concludes that a more distinctive left-of-centre agenda needs to be formulated, both in itself and in relation to containing the far right.

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van der Waal, Jeroen, et Willem de Koster. « Populism and Support for Protectionism : The Relevance of Opposition to Trade Openness for Leftist and Rightist Populist Voting in The Netherlands ». Political Studies 66, n^o 3 (10 novembre 2017) : 560–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321717723505.

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Leftist and rightist populist parties in Western Europe both oppose trade openness. Is support for economic protectionism also relevant for their electorates? We assess this in the Netherlands, where both types of populist parties have seats in parliament. Analyses of representative survey data ( n = 1,296) demonstrate that support for protectionism drives voting for such parties, as do the well-established determinants of political distrust (both populist constituencies), economic egalitarianism (leftist populist constituency) and ethnocentrism (rightist populist constituency). Surprisingly, support for protectionism does not mediate the relationship between economic egalitarianism and voting for left-wing populists, or the link between political distrust and voting for either left-wing or right-wing populist parties. In contrast, support for protectionism partly mediates the association between ethnocentrism and voting for right-wing populists. We discuss the largely independent role of protectionism in populist voting in relation to the cultural cleavage in politics and electoral competition, and also provide suggestions for future research.

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Adams, James, Catherine E. De Vries et Debra Leiter. « Subconstituency Reactions to Elite Depolarization in the Netherlands : An Analysis of the Dutch Public's Policy Beliefs and Partisan Loyalties, 1986–98 ». British Journal of Political Science 42, n^o 1 (24 juin 2011) : 81–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123411000214.

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During the 1980s and the 1990s, the elites of the two largest Dutch parties converged dramatically in debates on income redistribution, nuclear power and the overall Left–Right dimension, paving the way for the Dutch party system's polarization on immigration and cultural issues. Did the Dutch mass public depolarize along with party elites, and, if so, was this mass-level depolarization confined to affluent, educated, politically engaged citizens? Analysis of Dutch Parliamentary Election Study respondents’ policy beliefs and partisan loyalties in 1986–98 shows that the mass public depolarized during this period, and that this extended equally throughout the electorate. These conclusions mirror previous findings on Britain, but differ from those on the United States, and have important implications for political representation and for parties’ election strategies.

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Gidron, Noam, et Jonathan J. B. Mijs. « Do Changes in Material Circumstances Drive Support for Populist Radical Parties ? Panel Data Evidence from the Netherlands during the Great Recession, 2007–2015 ». European Sociological Review 35, n^o 5 (18 mai 2019) : 637–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/esr/jcz023.

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AbstractPolitical developments since the 2008 financial crisis have sparked renewed interest in the electoral implications of economic downturns. Research describes a correlation between adverse economic conditions and support for radical parties campaigning on the populist promise to retake the country from a corrupt elite. But does the success of radical parties following economic crises rely on people who are directly affected? To answer this question, we examine whether individual-level changes in economic circumstances drive support for radical parties across the ideological divide. Analysing eight waves of panel data collected in the Netherlands, before, during, and after the Great Recession (2007–2015), we demonstrate that people who experienced an income loss became more supportive of the radical left but not of the radical right. Looking at these parties’ core concerns, we find that income loss increased support for income redistribution championed by the radical left, but less so for the anti-immigration policies championed by the radical right. Our study establishes more directly than extant research the micro-foundations of support for radical parties across the ideological divide.

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Ruisch, Benjamin C., Mariana Von Mohr, Marnix Naber, Manos Tsakiris, Russell H. Fazio et Daan T. Scheepers. « Sensitive liberals and unfeeling conservatives ? Interoceptive sensitivity predicts political liberalism ». Politics and the Life Sciences 41, n^o 2 (2022) : 256–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/pls.2022.18.

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AbstractThe stark divide between the political right and left is rooted in conflicting beliefs, values, and personality—and, recent research suggests, perhaps even lower-level physiological differences between individuals. In this registered report, we investigated a novel domain of ideological differences in physiological processes: interoceptive sensitivity—that is, a person’s attunement to their own internal bodily states and signals (e.g., physiological arousal, pain, and respiration). We conducted two studies testing the hypothesis that greater interoceptive sensitivity would be associated with greater conservatism: one laboratory study in the Netherlands using a physiological heartbeat detection task and one large-scale online study in the United States employing an innovative webcam-based measure of interoceptive sensitivity. Contrary to our predictions, we found evidence that interoceptive sensitivity may instead predict greater political liberalism (versus conservatism), although this association was primarily limited to the American sample. We discuss implications for our understanding of the physiological underpinnings of political ideology.

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Afonso, Alexandre. « Choosing whom to betray : populist right-wing parties, welfare state reforms and the trade-off between office and votes ». European Political Science Review 7, n^o 2 (17 avril 2014) : 271–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773914000125.

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This article analyses the impact of populist right-wing parties (PRWPs) on welfare state reforms in Western Europe in the light of the trade-off that they face between office and votes. On the one hand, PRWPs appeal to traditionally left-leaning blue-collar ‘insiders’ supportive of social insurance schemes. On the other hand, they have only been able to take part in government as junior coalition partners with liberal or conservative parties who are more likely to retrench these very same welfare programmes. In this context, the article argues that these parties have to choose between betraying their electorate (and losing votes), and betraying their coalition partners (and losing office). When they choose office, it enables welfare state retrenchment by allowing their coalition partners to curtail left-wing opposition, but entails high electoral costs for PRWPs. When they choose votes, it generates deadlock and potentially jeopardizes their participation in government. The paper draws on a comparative analysis of pension reforms during three periods of government participation of PRWPs: the Schüssel I and II cabinets in Austria (2000–06), the Rutte I cabinet in the Netherlands (2010–12) and three pension reforms in Switzerland between 1995 and 2010. The analysis draws on original primary material and interviews.

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Rekker, Roderik, Loes Keijsers, Susan Branje et Wim Meeus. « The Formation of Party Preference in Adolescence and Early Adulthood : How and When Does It Occur in the Multiparty Context of the Netherlands ? » YOUNG 27, n^o 1 (25 mars 2018) : 48–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1103308818757037.

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This cohort-sequential panel study on Dutch youths ( N = 3394) and their parents examined the formation of party preference between age 12 and 25. Specifically, it aimed to pinpoint the most formative component and age in a multiparty context. Opinionation, stability and correlates were examined for three components of party preference: party identification, voting intention and left-right identification. Results revealed that most youths formed a preference at some point during their early life. The 6-year stability of party preference was already substantial during early adolescence and increased until early adulthood. Party preference became increasingly related to youths’ social characteristics and issue attitudes with age, but parents remained important. Whereas studies from two-party systems emphasized the importance of party identification, this study suggested that left-right identification may instead predominate the early formation, intergenerational transmission and life-course stability of party preference in the Netherlands. The most formative period was around age 18.

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Kuhn, Theresa, et Aaron Kamm. « The national boundaries of solidarity : a survey experiment on solidarity with unemployed people in the European Union ». European Political Science Review 11, n^o 2 (mai 2019) : 179–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773919000067.

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AbstractAmidst the European sovereign debt crisis and soaring unemployment levels across the European Union, ambitions for European unemployment policies are high on the political agenda. However, it remains unclear what European taxpayers think about these plans and who is most supportive of European unemployment policies. To contribute to this debate, we conducted a survey experiment concerning solidarity towards European and domestic unemployed individuals in the Netherlands and Spain. Our results suggest that (1) Europeans are less inclined to show solidarity towards unemployed Europeans than towards unemployed co-nationals, (2) individuals with higher education, European attachment, and pro-immigration attitudes show more solidarity towards unemployed people from other European countries, but (3) even they discriminate against foreigners, and (4) finally, economic left-right orientations do not structure solidarity with unemployed people from abroad.

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Pirro, Andrea LP, Paul Taggart et Stijn van Kessel. « The populist politics of Euroscepticism in times of crisis : Comparative conclusions ». Politics 38, n^o 3 (4 juillet 2018) : 378–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263395718784704.

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This article offers comparative findings of the nature of populist Euroscepticism in political parties in contemporary Europe in the face of the Great Recession, migrant crisis, and Brexit. Drawing on case studies included in the Special Issue on France, Germany, Greece, Italy, the Netherlands, Portugal, Spain, and the United Kingdom, the article presents summary cross-national data on the positions of parties, the relative importance of the crisis, the framing of Euroscepticism, and the impact of Euroscepticism in different country cases. We use this data to conclude that there are important differences between left- and right-wing variants of populist Euroscepticism, and that although there is diversity across the cases, there is an overall picture of resilience against populist Euroscepticism.

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Anthonsen, Mette, et Johannes Lindvall. « Party Competition and the Resilience of Corporatism ». Government and Opposition 44, n^o 2 (2009) : 167–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2009.01281.x.

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AbstractThis article argues that after the Golden Age of capitalism, corporatist methods of policy-making have come to depend on specific modes of party competition. In contrast to previous studies of corporatism, which have argued that corporatism depends on strong social democratic parties, this article suggests that the competition between well-defined left-wing and right-wing ‘blocs’ has become detrimental to corporatism. In countries with mixed governments or traditions of power-sharing, on the other hand, corporatism thrives. These conclusions are based on a comparison of four traditionally corporatist countries – Denmark, the Netherlands, Sweden and Switzerland – from the early 1970s to the late 1990s.

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Statham, Paul, et Ruud Koopmans. « Political party contestation over Europe in the mass media : who criticizes Europe, how, and why ? » European Political Science Review 1, n^o 3 (novembre 2009) : 435–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773909990154.

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This study examines political party contestation over Europe, its relationship to the left/right cleavage, and the nature and emergence of Euroscepticism. The analysis is based on a large original sample of parties’ claims systematically drawn from political discourses in the mass media in seven countries: Britain, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Italy, Spain, and Switzerland. It addresses questions concerning parties’ mobilized criticisms of European integration and the European Union (EU), specifically: their degree and form; their location among party families and within party systems; cross-national and diachronic trends; their substantive issue contents; whether their ‘Euro-criticism’ is more tactical or ideological; whether claims construct a cleavage; and their potential for transforming party politics. Findings show that a party’s country of origin has little explanatory power, once differences between compositions of party systems are accounted for. Also governing parties are significantly more likely to be pro-European, regardless of party-type. Regional party representatives, by contrast, are significantly more likely to be ‘Euro-critical’. Overall, we find a lop-sided ‘inverted U’ on the right of the political spectrum, but this is generated entirely by the significant, committed Euroscepticism of the British Conservatives andSchweizerische Volkspartei. There is relatively little evidence for Euroscepticism elsewhere at the core, where pro-Europeanism persists. Finally, parties’ Euro-criticism from the periphery mostly constructs substantive political and economic critiques of European integration and the EU, and is not reducible to strategic anti-systemic challenges.

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Ruedin, Didier, et Laura Morales. « Estimating party positions on immigration : Assessing the reliability and validity of different methods ». Party Politics 25, n^o 3 (16 juin 2017) : 303–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068817713122.

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We provide a systematic assessment of various methods to position political parties on immigration, a policy domain that does not necessarily overlap with left–right and is characterized by varying salience and issue complexity. Manual and automated coding methods drawing on 283 party manifestos are compared – manual sentence-by-sentence coding using a conventional codebook, manual coding using checklists, automated coding using Wordscores, Wordfish and keywords. We also use expert surveys and the Comparative Manifesto Project (CMP), covering the main parties in Austria, Belgium, France, Ireland, the Netherlands, Spain, Switzerland and the United Kingdom, between 1993 and 2013. We find high levels of consistency between expert positioning, manual sentence-by-sentence coding and manual checklist coding and poor or inconsistent results with the CMP, Wordscores, Wordfish and the dictionary approach. An often-neglected method – manual coding using checklists – offers resource efficiency with no loss in validity or reliability.

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Ceron, Andrea, Sergio Splendore, Thomas Hanitzsch et Neil Thurman. « Journalists and Editors : Political Proximity as Determinant of Career and Autonomy ». International Journal of Press/Politics 24, n^o 4 (17 juillet 2019) : 487–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1940161219862489.

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Political economy suggests that media owners try to influence the process of media production by providing career incentives to like-minded journalists and adjusting the level of professional autonomy granted to them. Accordingly, we analyze whether the political distance between editors and journalists (i.e., reporters) affects the careers of journalists in terms of rank and salary, as well as their perceived professional autonomy. We hypothesize that editors reward and allow freedom to journalists whose political viewpoints coincide more precisely with their own. Political proximity to editors should lead to a better salary and rank for reporters and to a stronger perception of editorial autonomy among reporters. We tested our hypotheses through statistical analysis using data from the Worlds of Journalism Study. We analyzed the answers of 3,087 journalists interviewed between 2012 and 2016 in six European countries: Germany, Ireland, Italy, the Netherlands, Spain, and the United Kingdom. The results support our hypotheses. The analysis reveals a polarization of media outlet editors, and robust results were achieved via a measure of political proximity that takes into account the particular influence of left-leaning and right-leaning editors. Such partisan leaning, however, seems less relevant in countries belonging to Hallin and Mancini’s Atlantic model.

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Hutter, Swen, et Rens Vliegenthart. « Who responds to protest ? Protest politics and party responsiveness in Western Europe ». Party Politics 24, n^o 4 (13 juillet 2016) : 358–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068816657375.

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This article addresses the questions of whether and why political parties respond to media-covered street protests. To do so, it adopts an agenda-setting approach and traces issue attention in protest politics and parliament over several years in four West European countries (France, Spain, the Netherlands and Switzerland). The article innovates in two ways. First, it does not treat the parties in parliament as a unitary actor but focuses on the responses of single parties. Second, partisan characteristics are introduced that might condition the effect of protest on parliamentary activity. More precisely, it assesses the explanatory power of ideological factors (left-right orientation and radicalism) and other factors related to issue competition between parties (opposition status, issue ownership and contagion). The results show that parties do respond to street protests in the news, and they are more likely to respond if they are in opposition and if their competitors have reacted to the issue.

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LAGROU, PIETER. « The politics of memory. Resistance as a collective myth in post-war France, Belgium and the Netherlands, 1945–1965 ». European Review 11, n^o 4 (octobre 2003) : 527–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798703000474.

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France, Belgium and the Netherlands faced the same fundamental challenge in 1945. In spite of differences in institutional setting, chronology or demography, their experience of Nazi occupation had been traumatizing and humiliating. Their national reconstruction required a self-confident image of the recent past. Nonetheless, the contours of the policies of memory pursued in the three countries diverged in a striking measure. In the Netherlands, post-war governments deliberately constructed a forced national consensus around the myth of a unanimous resistance, at the expense of veterans’ movements and all forms of associative memory. However, the latter dominated the commemorations in France and Belgium, continuing a post-1918 tradition. The conflicts between different categories of war veterans and victims and between different political families characterized the conflicting memories in these two countries. Rather than a monolithic resistance myth, different memories of Nazi persecution were rivals for public attention. In France, neither de Gaulle nor the Communist party succeeded in monopolizing the heroic legacy of the resistance. In Belgium, the Royal question, the left–right divide and subsequently the regional tensions between French and Dutch speakers, estranged part of opinion from the memory of the resistance and even ended up favouring, in some quarters, the rehabilitation of collaboration with the Nazi occupier.

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Abou-Chadi, Tarik, et Marc Helbling. « How Immigration Reforms Affect Voting Behavior ». Political Studies 66, n^o 3 (4 octobre 2017) : 687–717. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321717725485.

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This article investigates how changes in immigration policies affect migration as a vote-defining issue at upcoming elections. So far, the literature on issue voting has mostly focused on the role of issue entrepreneurs in politicizing new issues. In this article, however, we introduce policy change as a new potential determinant in the process of issue evolution. Moreover, in contrast to most of the literature that investigates the role of policy outcomes (such as economic growth or unemployment) on voting decisions, we analyze the effect of laws which can be directly attributed to governments and political parties. We focus on within-country variation and analyze national election surveys from the Netherlands, Denmark, and Germany between 1994 and 2011. These surveys include information on both self- and party-placements regarding immigration issues. To measure policy changes, we use data on immigration policies from the newly built Immigration Policies in Comparison dataset. While we expect a general reform effect, we investigate in more detail whether liberal and restrictive reforms have a similar effect on votes for left/right, government/opposition parties. It is shown that both liberal and restrictive reforms lead to increasing issue voting. While we show that government parties are not more affected than opposition parties, we see that party ideology partly plays a role.

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Hahm, S. D. « The Political Economy of Deficit Spending : A Cross Comparison of Industrialized Democracies, 1955–90 ». Environment and Planning C : Government and Policy 14, n^o 2 (juin 1996) : 227–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c140227.

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The postwar deficit experiences of nine industrialized democracies are analyzed. The relative importance of three of the primary influences on a country's deficit which have been suggested in the literature: (1) the state of the country's economy, (2) the ‘left – right’ ideology of the party in power, and (3) the strength of the party in power (as advanced by Roubini and Sachs) are examined. The author also introduces and tests the importance of an additional potential influence based on institutional structure in which presidential, ‘stable’ parliamentary, and ‘unstable’ parliamentary systems are seen to provide different incentives regarding the deficit for key political actors. The arguments are tested on a pooled time-series cross-sectional data set involving two presidential systems (France and the United States), four relatively stable parliamentary systems (Canada, Germany, Japan, and the United Kingdom), and three relatively unstable parliamentary systems (Denmark, Italy, and the Netherlands). The findings include: (a) strong effects of the state of a nation's economy on its deficit; (b) little systematic relationship between the ideology of the party in power and its deficit; and (c) the observation that increased control of the government leads to lower deficits in unstable parliamentary systems but larger deficits in presidential systems, with stable parliamentary systems serving as an intermediate case. The findings are compared both with the author's theoretical refinement and with recent theoretical and empirical work by Roubini and Sachs.

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Velásquez Sabogal, Paúl Marcelo. « On the Typology of the Negative Image of an Anarchist in Graphic Art at the Turn of the XIX-XX centuries. » Культура и искусство, n^o 8 (août 2022) : 78–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0625.2022.8.36414.

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The subject of the study is the thematic and iconographic directions of the negative interpretation of the image of an anarchist in the printed culture of the turn of the XIX-XX centuries. The object of the study is graphic works published in periodicals of various ideological trends and devoted to the representation of the image of an anarchist. Three main directions of such interpretation are identified and described, namely, the criminal-terrorist, the mentally ill and the immigrant, whose iconographic features are analyzed in the light of socio-political and historical-cultural conditions of each specific context. Among the reviewed publications should be mentioned: L'Assiette au beurre, Le Petit Journal (France), Freie Jugend (Germany), Het Volk (Netherlands), La Obra, El Peludo (Argentina), Star (New Zealand) and The Washington Post (USA). The scientific novelty of the work consists in the fact that for the first time in modern art criticism, the process of forming the negative archetype of an anarchist is considered and analyzed on the basis of its graphic representation. Thus, a methodological basis is being created for studying the types of classification of the anarchist image. The methods used in the work are as follows: source studies, iconographic, artistic and stylistic analysis. The results of the study reveal the specifics of one of the interpretations of the image of an anarchist of the turn of the XIX-XX centuries, which has its roots in both right and left political trends, whose approaches to anarchism are based on socio-legal and medical sciences, among which criminology stands out. The latter, led by Cesare Lombroso, played a primary place in the mythologization, which is still active today, of the image of an anarchist as a carrier of chaos.

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Dalsheim, Joyce. « On Demonized Muslims and Vilified Jews : Between Theory and Politics ». Comparative Studies in Society and History 52, n^o 3 (18 juin 2010) : 581–603. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417510000319.

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In this article I engage the work of three scholars, each of whom speaks to reactions to Muslims or interventions in their lives in the United States and Europe. Each is critical of these reactions and interventions, and traces them to inconsistencies in liberal thought and practice. My purpose is to interrogate their theorizing by applying it to the interface of liberalism with another religious Other, one that tends to generate far less sympathy in the predominantly secular and liberal academy: religiously motivated Jewish settlers in Israeli-occupied territories. The first scholar is Saba Mahmood, who recently argued against U.S. involvement in trying to alter the theology and practices of Muslims in the Middle East. The second is Judith Butler, who in a 2008 article addressed Muslims in the Netherlands, the problems of citizenship, and the right to religious freedom. Finally, Talal Asad has spoken to issues of violence, arguing that suicide bombing is really not so different from state violences perpetrated by the United States and Israel. Each of their arguments contains critiques of secular liberalism and the contradictory ethics and inconsistencies within liberal thought and practice, and each carries different but related implications. My intent is to begin to explore the possibilities of applying the analyses of these writers to the case of conflict between religiously motivated settlers in Israeli-occupied territories and left-wing, secular, and liberal Israeli Jews. Although this case mirrors broader representations of “Islam and the West,” it is rarely considered in comparison when such representations are deconstructed. The questions raised through this uncomfortable comparison will, I hope, contribute to broader conversations about the challenges and complexities of living together with differences that may be threatening if not altogether incommensurable.

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Pedersen, Mogens N., Peter Mair et Francis G. Castles. « Left-right political scales ». European Journal of Political Research 31, n^o 1 (janvier 1997) : 147–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1475-6765.00310.

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Castles, Francis G., Peter Mair et MOGENS N. PEDERSEN. « Left-right political scales ». European Journal of Political Research 31, n^o 1-2 (février 1997) : 147–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.1997.tb00770.x.

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Aydogan, Abdullah, et Jonathan B. Slapin. « Left–right reversed ». Party Politics 21, n^o 4 (7 juin 2013) : 615–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068813487280.

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de Vries, Catherine E., Armen Hakhverdian et Bram Lancee. « The Dynamics of Voters’ Left/Right Identification : The Role of Economic and Cultural Attitudes ». Political Science Research and Methods 1, n^o 2 (8 novembre 2013) : 223–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2013.4.

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The mobilization of culturally rooted issues has altered political competition throughout Western Europe. This article analyzes to what extent the mobilization of immigration issues has affected how people identify with politics. Specifically, it analyzes whether voters’ left/right self-identifications over the past 30 years increasingly correspond to cultural rather than economic attitudes. This study uses longitudinal data from the Netherlands between 1980 and 2006 to demonstrate that as time progresses, voters’ left/right self-placements are indeed more strongly determined by anti-immigrant attitudes than by attitudes towards redistribution.These findings show that the issue basis of left/right identification is dynamic in nature and responsive to changes in the political environment.

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VOERMAN, GERRIT, et PAUL LUCARDIE. « The extreme right in the Netherlands. » European Journal of Political Research 22, n^o 1 (juillet 1992) : 35–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.1992.tb00304.x.

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Hájek, Lukáš. « Left, Right, Left, Right… Centre : Ideological Position of Andrej Babiš’s ANO ». Politologický časopis - Czech Journal of Political Science 24, n^o 3 (2017) : 275–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/pc2017-3-275.

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Huang, Haifeng. « Signal Left, Turn Right ». Political Research Quarterly 66, n^o 2 (9 mai 2012) : 292–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912912443874.

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White, Jonathan. « Left and Right as political resources ». Journal of Political Ideologies 16, n^o 2 (juin 2011) : 123–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13569317.2011.575681.

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Lignier, Wilfried, et Julie Pagis. « “Left” vs. “Right” ». American Behavioral Scientist 61, n^o 2 (février 2017) : 167–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764216689120.

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Lohman, Kirsty, et Matthew Worley. « Bloody Revolutions, Fascist Dreams, Anarchy and Peace : Crass, Rondos and the Politics of Punk, 1977–84 ». Britain and the World 11, n^o 1 (mars 2018) : 51–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2018.0287.

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On 8 September 1979, the English punk bands Crass and Poison Girls played a benefit gig with the Dutch punk band Rondos at London's Conway Hall. The gig has become notorious in British punk history due to the violence that broke out between right-wing and left-wing factions, bringing to the fore wider political tensions evident across punk's fragmented milieu. Not only did it embody the attempts of the far-right and far-left to co-opt punk's rebellion, but it also brokered a debate as to the nature of punk's politics and its relationship to existing political movements. In many ways, punk's politics – especially the overt politics of bands such as Crass and Rondos – was defined against the systematic ideologies of the left and right. Nevertheless, the controversy that followed the Conway Hall gig ended the transnational friendship that had been established between the bands, leading to a protracted debate on questions of political violence, pacifism and anarchism. This article provides a comparative study of punk politics. In particular, it explores the different social and political contexts that informed punk in Britain and the Netherlands, revealing how punk cultures transmitted, mutated and evolved across national boundaries.

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Vinopal, Jiří. « The Empirical Accessibility of Left-Right Political Orientations ». Czech Sociological Review 42, n^o 1 (1 février 2006) : 129–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.13060/00380288.2006.42.1.08.

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Hug, Simon, et Tobias Schulz. « Left—Right Positions of Political Parties in Switzerland ». Party Politics 13, n^o 3 (mai 2007) : 305–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068807075938.

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Ravetz, Jerry. « Beyond Left and Right ». Futures 36, n^o 10 (décembre 2004) : 1126–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.futures.2004.03.006.

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Down, Ian. « Contemporary Left-Right Contestation ». International Studies Review 16, n^o 1 (26 août 2013) : 107–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/misr.12042.

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Scruton, Roger, Colin Creighton et Martin Shaw. « Left and Right : War and Peace ». British Journal of Sociology 39, n^o 2 (juin 1988) : 281. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/590784.

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SAVAGE, JAMES. « Postmaterialism of the Left and Right ». Comparative Political Studies 17, n^o 4 (janvier 1985) : 431–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414085017004002.

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Buck-Morss, Susan. « Sovereign Right and the Global Left ». Rethinking Marxism 19, n^o 4 (octobre 2007) : 432–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08935690701571045.

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Cochrane, Christopher. « Left/Right Ideology and Canadian Politics ». Canadian Journal of Political Science 43, n^o 3 (septembre 2010) : 583–605. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423910000624.

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Abstract. This article examines the influence of ideology in Canadian politics. The core theory is that political opinions are bound together into ideological clusters by underlying influences that affect simultaneously the opinions of individuals about more than one issue. The central hypothesis is that ideological disagreement between the left and the right is asymmetrical, that is, that leftists and rightists bundle in different ways their opinions about issues. The analysis draws on evidence from Benoit and Laver's survey of experts (2006) about the policy positions of political parties, the Comparative Manifesto Research Project (Budge et al., 2001; Klingemann et al., 2006), and Cross and Young's survey of Canadian political party members (2002). The results of the analysis indicate, first, that Canada's left/right ideological divide is wide by cross-national standards, and, second, that leftists and rightists organize their opinions about the world in different ways.Résumé. Cet article examine l'influence des idéologies dans l'environnement politique canadien. La théorie centrale stipule que les opinions politiques sur diverses questions sont structurées en groupes idéologiques consolidés par des influences sous-jacentes qui affectent simultanément les opinions des individus. L'hypothèse principale découlant de cette théorie est que la structure du désaccord idéologique entre la gauche et la droite est asymétrique; plus précisément, que les individus situés à la gauche et à la droite du spectre politique canadien organisent de manière différente leurs opinions politiques. L'analyse s'appuie tout d'abord sur les données d'un sondage auprès d'experts politiques réalisé par Benoit et Laver (2006) et portant sur les positions politiques des partis. Elle utilise également les données du Comparative Manifesto Research Project (Budge et al. 2001; Klingemann et al., 2006) et celles d'un sondage d'opinion de Cross et Young (2002) effectué auprès des membres de partis politiques canadiens. Les résultats de cette étude démontrent, en premier lieu, qu'il existe un clivage important entre la droite et la gauche au Canada même lorsqu'il est observé dans une perspective comparative, et en second lieu, que les individus se situant à la gauche et à la droite du spectre politique ont tendance à organiser de manière différente leurs opinions sur le monde.

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Campbell, Rosie, et Sarah Childs. « ‘To the left, to the right’ ». Party Politics 21, n^o 4 (25 juin 2013) : 626–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068813491536.

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Westlake, Daniel. « Following the Right : Left and Right Parties’ Influence over Multiculturalism ». Canadian Journal of Political Science 53, n^o 1 (4 février 2020) : 171–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423919001021.

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AbstractDebates over multiculturalism are increasingly partisan. The rise of the far right is forcing centre-right parties into difficult decisions over how to hold on to nationalist voters while appealing to moderates. Left parties face similar dilemmas when balancing the pressures of pro-multicultural voters against those opposed to immigration. What do these debates mean for the future of multiculturalism? Using a new, annualized version of the Multiculturalism Policy Index, this article argues that partisan consensus is important to the development of multiculturalism. It demonstrates that support from centre-right parties plays a key role in the adoption of multiculturalism policies.

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Katz Cogan, Jacob. « Stichting Mothers of Srebrenica v. Netherlands ». American Journal of International Law 107, n^o 4 (octobre 2013) : 884–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.107.4.0884.

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On June 11, 2013, in Stichting Mothers of Srebrenica, a chamber of the European Court of Human Rights found that the Dutch courts’ grant of immunity to the United Nations in a case brought by and on behalf of relatives of individuals killed by the Army of the Republika Srpska in and around Srebrenica in July 1995 did not run afoul of Articles 6 and 13 of the European Convention on Human Rights (Convention). Those provisions guarantee, respectively and among other things, the right of access to a court and the right to “an effective remedy before a national authority” if any Convention right is violated. Having found that the challenged decisions accorded with Dutch obligations under the Convention, the chamber declared the application before the Court inadmissible as “manifestly ill-founded” and “rejected” it pursuant to Article 35(3)(a) and 4. The chamber’s decision was unanimous.

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Treib, Oliver. « Exploring mainstream Euroscepticism : Similarities and differences between Eurosceptic claims of centre-right and radical right parties ». Research & ; Politics 7, n^o 3 (juillet 2020) : 205316802095330. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168020953301.

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Euroscepticism has traditionally occurred among radical left and radical right parties. But opposition to European integration has recently also spread to the political mainstream, especially to centre-right parties. Yet, we know comparatively little about the nature of Eurosceptic claims made by these parties. Do they rely on the same repertoire as radical parties, or do they develop their own specific versions of Euroscepticism? A comparative content analysis of Eurosceptic claims in the 2014 and 2019 European election manifestos of centre-right and radical right parties in Austria, France, Germany and the Netherlands shows that centre-right parties do not draw to a significant extent on the existing discourse of radical right parties. Instead, they predominantly create their own Eurosceptic claims, which are tailor-made to their entrenched programmatic brands. These findings resonate well with the assumptions of saliency approaches to party competition.

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Ray, John. « Explaining the left/right divide ». Society 41, n^o 4 (mai 2004) : 70–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02690210.

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Goodheart, Eugene. « Literary study left and right ». Society 36, n^o 2 (janvier 1999) : 19–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12115-999-1021-9.

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Bowen, James D. « The Right in “New Left” Latin America ». Journal of Politics in Latin America 3, n^o 1 (avril 2011) : 99–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1866802x1100300104.

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Linden, Annette, et Bert Klandermans. « Stigmatization and Repression of Extreme-Right Activism in the Netherlands ». Mobilization : An International Quarterly 11, n^o 2 (1 juin 2006) : 213–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.11.2.t87425625ltr5151.

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This article discusses repression and stigmatization of movement activists. Building on recent discussions of repression and mobilization of social movements, a distinction is made between hard and soft repression. These forms of repression are further differentiated into state repression, confrontation with countermovements, and exclusion from the political and social environment. It is argued that all of these forms of repression work simultaneously. Furthermore, it is argued that a climate of soft repression facilitates hard repression. This reasoning is evidenced by material from in-depth interviews with thirty-six activists from the extreme-right movement in the Netherlands. Indeed, all forms of repression are experienced by the interviewees. The way they cope with repression depends on their pathway into activism. Disengagement from the movement appears to be unrelated to repression, but rather due to the daily hassles, interpersonal conflicts, and petty complaints as part of movement activism.

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McMenamin, Iain. « Party Identification, the Policy Space and Business Donations to Political Parties ». Political Studies 68, n^o 2 (12 avril 2019) : 293–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321719841243.

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Political finance scholars have paid little attention to the partisan preferences of business donors. This was because business donors were overwhelmingly concerned with the left-right dimension and enjoyed stable relationships with centre-right parties. These parties are increasingly tempted by economic nationalism. This new ideological flux provides an opportunity to measure the extent to which donors are party identifiers or react to changes in the policy space. Dramatic shifts in party policy on both the left-right and globalisation dimensions and a relatively transparent political finance regime make the United Kingdom a particularly apposite case to study this question. I analyse 19,000 donations to the Conservative Party and show that business donors reacted strongly to recent shifts on both the left-right and globalisation dimensions. Thus, centre-right parties may not be able to rely on party identification and their left-right position to maintain business funding. Economic nationalism is likely to cost centre-right parties money.

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Lambert, Ronald D., James E. Curtis, Steven D. Brown et Barry J. Kay. « The Left/Right Factor in Party Identification ». Canadian Journal of Sociology / Cahiers canadiens de sociologie 13, n^o 4 (1988) : 385. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3340813.

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