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1
Khiabany, Gholam. « Arab Revolutions and the Iranian Uprising : Similarities and Differences ». Middle East Journal Of Culture And Communication 5, no 1 (2012) : 58–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187398612x624373.
Texte intégralRésumé :
A year and a half after the Iranian uprising in 2009, the unprecedented popular uprisings in several Arab countries at the beginning of 2011 provided some of the most evocative moments when power met its opposite, in decisive and surprising ways. In a matter of weeks, some of the most powerful hereditary/republican regimes in the region, such as Tunisia’s and Egypt’s, crumbled under relentless pressure and opposition from highly mediated “street politics” that shook the foundations of authoritarian and repressive rule, undermining hegemonic structures and configurations of power within nation sates and between nations. Technology, as in the case of Iranian uprising, emerged as one of the main explanations on offer to make sense of this new wave of revolts against tyranny. The revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt in particular, inevitably drew some comparisons with the Iranian uprising of 2009. The most significant question for many Iranians was how come that the two revolts in Iran and Tunisia which immediately and rather simplistically labelled as ‘Twitter revolution’ had a totally different outcome? Many in Iran started raising such searching questions: “Chera Tunis Toonest v ma natoonestim?” (Why Tunisia could and we couldn’t) or “toonestan az Tunis miad”! (Capability comes from Tunis). So how can we compare Arab Revolutions with that of situation in Iran? What the different outcomes tell us about the similarities and the differences, and what lessons can be learnt? This paper takes a broader comparative frame, beyond technology, to explore the issue of power and revolutions and to examine the similarities as well as the differences between Iran and the Arab World.
2
Al-Turk, Halima. « The Arab Springs : A Comparison of the Uprisings in Libya & ; Syria in 2011 ». Political Science Undergraduate Review 2, no 1 (15 octobre 2016) : 66–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/psur66.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Arab Springs is known as “a revolutionary wave of demonstrations, protests, riots, protracted civil wars and other forms of opposition (both violent and non-violent) in the Arab territories” (Elfaith. 2015, 121). Starting in Tunisia on December 18, 2010, Mohamed Bouazizi a street vendor, set himself on fire after being harassed by municipal police officials. Bouazizi’s act of self-immolation sparked international attention, leading Tunisia into a revolution. After being in power for 23 years as Tunisia’s President, Zine El Abidine Ben Ali stepped down and fled to Saudi Arabia (Bunton 2013, 16). Tunisia’s revolution led both the Arab and non-Arab world to witness “spontaneous explosions of protests, [revolutions] and popular political upheaval” in countries such as Egypt, Yemen, Bahrain, Morocco, Lebanon, Algeria, Kuwait, Oman, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Sudan and Mauritania (Ismael and Ismael 2013, 229). The high levels of political corruption, economic hardships and the desire for a free democratic government all inspired the citizens of these countries to take action against their governments.
3
Maalej, Zouheir A. « Framing and manipulation of person deixis in Hosni Mubarak’s last three speeches ». Pragmatics. Quarterly Publication of the International Pragmatics Association (IPrA) 23, no 4 (1 décembre 2013) : 633–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/prag.23.4.03maa.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The “Arab Spring,” as the revolutions in some Arab countries were called by the international media, was triggered by the “Jasmine Revolt” in Tunisia, which provoked a domino effect to some Arab leaders, starting from Tunisia and spreading to Egypt, Libya, Yemen, Syria, etc. Using the insights of cognitive-pragmatics, the current article shows how the last three speeches of Husni Mubarak, the demised president of Egypt (DPE), framed the revolution in Egypt and filled person deixis. In particular, the article argues that, from the antepenultimate to the ultimate speech, the DPE, unlike his Tunisian counterpart, made little change to the initial framing of the revolution in Egypt as a strategy to maintain the sociopolitical situation as it was. As transpires from the lexical items environing person deixis, the DPE filled it with cognitive content which prevented him from coming any closer to a pragmatic rapprochement to the Egyptian people.
4
Brown, Alison, Nezar Kafafy et Adnane Hayder. « Street trading in the shadows of the Arab Spring ». Environment and Urbanization 29, no 1 (1 février 2017) : 283–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0956247816673559.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper examines the Arab revolutions of 2011 in Tunisia and Egypt, and their impact on street traders in Tunis and Cairo. Drawing on the literatures on urban conflict and resilience, the paper argues that the authoritarian regimes that the revolutions deposed left a vacuum in governance in which street traders found it hard to profit from the idealism and opportunism of an emerging new order. Despite being hindered by their lack of organization and voice, and disruption to their trade during the revolutions, street traders displayed resilience through small-scale adaptations to their trade and absorbed newcomers into the sector in the face of political conflict.
5
Doherty, David, Peter J. Schraeder et Kirstie L. Dobbs. « Do democratic revolutions ‘activate’ participants ? The case of Tunisia ». Politics 40, no 2 (12 avril 2019) : 170–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263395719840240.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The democratic transition in Tunisia and free and fair elections that followed offer a unique opportunity to assess whether the experience of participating in successful political efforts translates into subsequent political participation. We consider whether participation in a democratic revolution is associated with greater rates of participation in nascent ‘normal’ democratic processes. Leveraging data from two surveys fielded in the wake of the revolution and the Constituent Assembly elections that followed, we find scant evidence of a relationship between protest participation and subsequent turnout. We also consider the possibility that young – presumably more impressionable – Tunisians were more likely to be ‘activated’ by protest participation. However, our findings run directly counter to this expectation. Our findings show that the socializing effects of monumental historical events can be strikingly circumscribed.
6
Shallal Al-Mehdawi, Instructor Faisal. « The attitude of the Arab League from the Arab Spring Revolutions in North Africa. » ALUSTATH JOURNAL FOR HUMAN AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 225, no 2 (1 septembre 2018) : 79–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.36473/ujhss.v225i2.139.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Arab League position form a milestone of the revolution in the Arab region, especially in North Africa, was unsatisfying, blurred and hesitant in its direction to what is called variables (revolutions of the Arab Spring). The paper is divided to four axes and the conclusions presented. the first axis deals with the Arab League's position on the revolution in Tunisia, e second axis is on the position of the Arab League in the revolution in Egypt occur, and the third axis is the Arab League's position on the revolution in Libya, finally, an analytical vision on the Arab League's position on the Arab revolution in North Africa is elaborated.
7
Nabavi, Negin. « The “Arab Spring” as Seen through the Prism of the 1979 Iranian Revolution ». International Journal of Middle East Studies 44, no 1 (27 janvier 2012) : 153–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743811001310.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Revolutions are by nature unpredictable and unsettling. That the wave of revolutions in North Africa and the Arab Middle East began so unexpectedly and spread with such speed, leading to the fall of the governments of Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya, has added to the concern regarding the “new order” that is to come after the initial euphoria. From the outset, the fear has been that these revolutions will follow the same trajectory as Iran did in 1979—in other words, that they will marginalize those who launched the revolutions and provide the grounds for the rise to power of the most savvy, purposeful, and best organized of the opposition groups, namely, the Islamists. Yet when one considers the recent uprisings in the Arab world through the prism of Iran's experiences in 1979, the parallels are not so evident. Mindful of the variations and distinctions between each of the revolutions in Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya, it would appear that in broad terms, and beyond superficial similarities, there is little in common between the events of Iran in 1979 and what has happened in the past year in the Arab world.
8
Sarajkić, Mirza. « Contemporary Revolution in the Arab Novel : Tristes Tropiques of the Arab Spring ». Prilozi za orijentalnu filologiju, no 71 (21 décembre 2022) : 51–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.48116/issn.2303-8586.2021.71.51.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Arab Spring is the last revolution and, at the same time, one of the most critical events in the Arab world. The paper analyzes the literary representations of this current social phenomenon. The focus is on the narratives written immediately before, during, and after the revolutions in Egypt, Tunisia, and Syria. The revolution has become a significant theme of Arab literature, so its reflections in the novel are plural and divergent. The perspectives of the Arab Spring vary from the optimism of Nawal al-Sa’dawi and Abu Bakr al-Ayadi to the dystopian image in the novels of Khalid Khalifa and the insightful discovery of the revolution as a void by Izzudin Fishayr.
9
Naoumov, A. O. « Soft power and coloured revolutions ». Russian Journal of Legal Studies 3, no 1 (15 mars 2016) : 73–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/rjls18109.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In recent years one of the most actual issues among Russian scientists and politicians was the topic of the Coloured Revolutions. The questions of transformation of political regimes in Serbia, Georgia, Ukraine, Kirgizstan, Egypt and Tunisia during 2000- 2014 years are revealed in the article. The article provides an overview of the Western technologies of soft power and non-violent struggle using in the Coloured Revolutions. The author argues that «revolutionists» were unable to provide the formation of stable democratic regimes and the consequences of these events, internal and external, have not approved the aspirations of the people of these countries.
10
Edelbloude, Johanna, Charlotte Fontan Sers et Farid Makhlouf. « Do remittances respond to revolutions ? The Evidence from Tunisia ». Research in International Business and Finance 42 (décembre 2017) : 94–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ribaf.2017.04.044.
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Morozov, Evgeny. « The Digital Origins of Dictatorships and Democracy : Information Technology and Political Islam. By Philip Howard. New York : Oxford University Press, 2010. 304p. $17.20. » Perspectives on Politics 9, no 4 (décembre 2011) : 897–900. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592711004038.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Philip Howard's important book offers a timely and thorough treatment of a subject that has been catapulted into the global limelight thanks to recent revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt: the impact of the Internet on the political cultures in the Middle East.
12
Hechiche, Abdelwahab. « THE JASMINE REVOLUTION BETWEEN SECULARISM AND ISLAMIC FUNDAMENTALISM ; THE CASE OF TUNISIA AND THE ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN CONFLICT ». Levantine Review 2, no 2 (15 décembre 2013) : 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.6017/lev.v2i2.5360.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The central impetus of this paper is the “un-Tunisian-like” hostile slogans emitted in early 2012 in honor of Hamas leader Ismail Hanya, during his official visit to Tunisia at that time. The slogans in question, among them “Kill the Jews!” were protested by many Tunisians, and were widely denounced as an insult to the Jews of the world, but more importantly perhaps, they were decried as affront to Tunisia’s own Jewish children. Upon his historic return from exile and from jail, one of Bourguiba’s first acts was to visit the poor Jewish quarter of “Hafsya,” a gesture that reminded us of the Bey of Tunis, and the King of Morocco, both of whom, courageously, during WWII, declared their total and unconditional commitment to the defense and protection of their Jewish subjects. Integrating its tolerant “Mediterranean” past, and charting a post-Jasmine Revolution future is one of the major challenges facing the Tunisia of today.
13
Abhari, A. Sh. « THE INFLUENCE OF THE ARAB ARMIES ON THE ARAB REVOLUTIONS ». BULLETIN Series of Sociological and Political sciences 69, no 1 (15 mars 2020) : 214–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.51889/2020-1.1728-8940.35.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Nearly ten years have passed since the Arab Spring revolutions that swept the Arab world from North Africa to West Asia and the Arabian Peninsula, and the results of these revolutions differed, while Tunisia succeeded in reaching a stable system in which power is transferred through elections The Egyptians were unable to get rid of the dictatorial regime of the generals who returned to the rule of Egypt again through the military coup, and there are other countries that entered into a fierce civil war that worsens with the increase of external interference in it.
14
ElMorally, Reham. « (De)Legitimizing Violence : Gendering the Arab Spring - A Comparative Analysis of Institutions in Egypt and Tunisia ». Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 11, no 3 (10 mai 2020) : 22. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/mjss-2020-0027.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Arab Spring (2011) was characterized by uprisings in various Arab countries that attempted to oust their respective regimes. The revolutions diffused from the movement in Tunisia to the rest of the Arab countries. The Arab Spring was followed by what is now commonly known as the Arab Winter, i.e. the resurgence of the authoritarian and oppressive regimes and array of radicalization. This research attempts to compare and contrast the uprisings in Egypt, which is considered a failed story, and Tunisia, which is considered a success story. The underlying question is: what are the institutional and social structures that exist in the respective countries that have amounted to their success/failure? The hypothesis is that Tunisia’s social and institutional configurations are more gender conscious than Egypt’s, leading to a stronger and more resilient superstructure that encapsulated the aggregate of the population instead of lobbying for the interests of the social hegemonic blocs. In other words, Tunisia’s society might be more aware of the bargaining power the historically marginalized women have in ousting the regime, as opposed to the Egyptian population. This awareness is reflected in the structure of political institutions, the power dynamics within those institutions, and affects the selection and orientation of decision-makers.
15
Almashat, Abdulmonem, et Salwa Thabet. « State survival bureaucracy (SSB) : state sustainability after Arab revolutions ». Review of Economics and Political Science 4, no 2 (5 juin 2019) : 105–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/reps-09-2018-0001.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Purpose Non-politicized bureaucracy plays a fundamental role in the survival of states during times of transition and drastic change. Moreover, non-politicized bureaucracy protects state institutions from failing. In fact, state survival bureaucracy (SSB), as an alternative to Deep State, obtains all mechanisms for the sustainability of the state, both its entity and identity. In case of resistance to the elected officials and executives’ abrupt decisions, professionals and experts came up with Deep State to reflect the elements of rejection. Design/methodology/approach The paper uses both system and function approaches in analyzing the role of bureaucracy in states going through transition. It also draws comparisons from the harsh experiences in the Arab region after Arab revolutions where most of the states collapsed while Tunisia and Egypt survived. The authors will use the available literature in reviewing different arguments regarding the role of bureaucracy in addition to the own observations as scholars who were engaged in the political process in Egypt for sometimes and during the drastic changes since January 25, 2011 and the knowledge about political process in Tunisia and other Arab states. Findings In the study of the collapse of a number of Arab states and the survival of Tunisia and Egypt, it was found out that it is SSB which holds state together in cases of drastic changes or tangible threats. SSB includes bureaucrats and policy implementing agencies that are committed to both entity and identity of the state. The role of SSB emerges clearly in a state of utmost survival crisis of the state. SSB does inherently obtain self-correcting mechanisms that help states face, experience drastic change and cope with it. Originality/value Non-politicized bureaucracy plays a fundamental role in the survival of states during times of transition and drastic change. Moreover, non-politicized bureaucracy protects state institutions from failing. In fact, SSB as an alternative to Deep State, as defined in this paper, obtains all mechanisms for the sustainability of the state, both its entity and identity. The analysis will show how SSB is a constructive mechanism for the survival of the state when its entity and identity as well as well-established national interests are under tangible threats.
16
Shved, V. « “Arab Spring” in the Context of Contemporary Transformation Process in the Near and Middle East ». Problems of World History, no 1 (24 mars 2016) : 109–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2016-1-6.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article analyses the role of the “Arab Spring” as the beginning of long time process of deep transformation changes in the Arab World. Special attention is paid to understanding of particularities of contemporary stage of the above-mentioned post-revolutionary period. The article also studies such actual problems as internal and external aspects of defeat of the first wave of the contemporary Arab revolutions, content and direction of contemporary change of format of the Arab Spring and results of acute sharpening of the Sunni-Shiite confrontation. It also studies reasons and purposes of the direct Russian intervention in the Syrian conflict. The analysis values of the Tunisian development model transformation prospects for democratic renewal of Arab society and identified the reasons why after the "Arab Spring" Tunisia became virtually the only Arab country which has been extended and deepened the democratic process.
17
Landolt, Laura K., et Paul Kubicek. « Opportunities and constraints : comparing Tunisia and Egypt to the coloured revolutions ». Democratization 21, no 6 (20 avril 2013) : 984–1006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2013.777703.
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Ketiti, Awatef. « Street art as a transforming agent of public space in Arab World. Case study of two artistic groups in Tunisia ». Arte, Individuo y Sociedad Avance en línea (10 février 2023) : 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/aris.81524.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The public space in the Arab World has historically been controlled and seized by political authorities. This appropriation has created a deep rift between citizens and public places. Nevertheless, since the beginning of the Arab revolutions, new youth art forms have emerged liberating the arts from traditional formalism and these have been transferred to open spaces making them accessible to the people. This research seeks to explore the youth street art that emerged during the Tunisian revolution, not only as an innovative artistic trend, but also as a social movement that claims a new kind of citizenship. It aims to analyze the philosophical and aesthetic purposes of street art and its role in the liberation of public space. The methodology is based on qualitative interviews and participant observation with members of two street art groups Ahl Al Kahf and Fanni Raghman Anni that emerged during the Tunisian revolution of 2011. The results reveal that the youth revolutionary artistic phenomenon represents a new creative project and constitutes a. intellectual and artistic rupture with the prevailing aesthetic practices.
19
Mallat, Chibli. « The Philosophy of the Middle East Revolution, Take One : Nonviolence ». Middle East Law and Governance 3, no 1-2 (25 mars 2011) : 136–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633711x591495.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Against the sceptics, who see nonviolence as a serendipitous occurrence of the Middle East Revolution, the reality is that of a powerful, conscious determination of the revolutionaries in at least three countries where repression was immense, and where people refused to take up arms after the nonviolent precedents in Tunisia and in Egypt. In Bahrain, Yemen and Syria, the refusal to resort to violence is a conscious choice of hundreds of thousands of people. Th at clear appreciation of the power of nonviolence, in contrast to the revolutionaries in Libya, is the leitmotive of the Middle East Revolutions. Th e rebels in Libya made a mistake in taking up arms against Qaddafi , and lost Tripoli on the very day when the military front was constituted. Yet the rule remains, across the ME Revolution from the beginning of the paradigmatic shift in January 2011, in the attachment to nonviolence as the privileged means to revolutionary success.
20
Howard, Dick. « The resistance of those who desire not to be ruled ». Philosophy & ; Social Criticism 38, no 4-5 (mai 2012) : 517–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453711435647.
Texte intégralRésumé :
There are many recent historical analogies to the events that began in Tunisia and have spread across the Arab world and beyond. I consider them, and then propose a ‘Machiavellian’ reading, going back to the Florentine’s observation that humankind is made up of those who want to rule and those who desire not to be ruled. I then suggest, by means of an allusion to my recent book, The Primacy of the Political: A History of Political Thought from the Greeks to the French and American Revolutions, that the distinction between politics and anti-politics is crucial for the analysis of the next stages of these revolutions. Finally, with reference to Hannah Arendt’s considerations of civil disobedience, I suggest a means of interpreting the possibilities that are on the horizon.
21
Khiabany, Gholam. « Technologies of Liberation and/or Otherwise ». International Journal of Middle East Studies 47, no 2 (27 avril 2015) : 348–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743815000094.
Texte intégralRésumé :
A year and a half after the Iranian uprising in 2009, unprecedented popular uprisings in several Arab countries provided some of the most evocative moments of power meeting its opposite, in decisive and surprising ways. In a matter of weeks, powerful hereditary/republican regimes in the region, including in Tunisia and Egypt, crumbled under relentless pressure and opposition from highly mediated “street politics.” The uprising and revolts that shook Iran in the aftermath of the 2009 electoral coup, and the revolts in Tunisia and Egypt that toppled the governments in these countries in twenty-eight and eighteen days, respectively, had three significant similarities. First, the Arab revolutions, like the 2009 uprising in Iran, were, in the first place, revolts against dictatorship and in direct opposition to the ruling regimes. These uprisings, like many such movements against despotism, were also marked with demonstrations and the visible participation of young people. Second, all three happened at a time in which, unlike 1979 (the time of the Iranian Revolution), the world was not divided into two camps, but rather was confronted with US hegemony and globalization of financial capital. And finally, they all happened at a time when advances in communication technologies, and in particular the Internet, have allowed for a much faster circulation and dissemination of information—hence the constant association of these revolts with Twitter, Facebook, YouTube, and so forth.
22
Sakbani, Michael. « The revolutions of the Arab Spring : are democracy, development and modernity at the gates ? » Contemporary Arab Affairs 4, no 2 (1 avril 2011) : 127–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2011.575106.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The paper places in historical perspective the current Arab uprisings. It argues that the reasons behind them lie in the comprehensive political, social, economic and educational failures of the Arab regimes. It documents these failures statistically and analytically. It goes on to provide analysis of the current developments in Egypt, Tunisia, Libya, Syria, Yemen and the rest of the affected states. It concludes by drawing up the implications on the Arab future of these uprisings.
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Ufuophu-Biri, Emmanuel, et Lucky Ojoboh. « Social Media as a Tool for Political Resistance : Lessons from the Arab Spring and the Nigerian Protests ». Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 6, no 1 (28 mars 2017) : 61–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.5901/ajis.2017.v6n1p61.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract The popular revolutions that swept across North Africa and the Middle East (NAME) countries, popularly called the “Arab Spring”, removed several sit-tight regimes and threatened to remove some others. Until those revolutions, nobody in the region had the audacity to question the actions of the governments. The mass media in the region had no freedom of operation and could not be used to express opinions or ideas that contradicted government wish or stand. However, the self-immolation of Tarek al-Tayeb Mohamed Bouazizi on 17 December, 2010 in Tunisia and his subsequent death led to an unstoppable torrent of protests across the region. The social media became the tool of communication, organization and coordination during the protests. The social media thus provided the protesters with an alternative voice of expression, which they used to mobilize and organize the protests. This study therefore, examined the role of the social media in the the Arab Spring. The study which is theoretical concludes that the use of the social media was very effective in success of the revolution.The study showed that without the social media, the revolution might not have been successful or might not have taken place at all. The study thus recommends that people should continue to use the social media to protest against oppressive regimes and all forms of oppression.
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Alqudsi, Taghreed. « Creative use of Social Media in the Revolutions of Tunisia, Egypt & ; Libya ». International Journal of Interdisciplinary Social Sciences : Annual Review 6, no 6 (2012) : 147–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/1833-1882/cgp/v06i06/52097.
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Schwedler, Jillian. « Spatial Dynamics of the Arab Uprisings ». PS : Political Science & ; Politics 46, no 02 (28 mars 2013) : 230–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s104909651300019x.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Analyses of the spread of the Arab uprisings have been dominated by three comparative angles. Single-country studies have emerged as the most common framework, often put to use in a second comparative approach of examining variation across cases. For example, studies explore which states have had major uprisings and which have not, which uprisings were peaceful and which were violent, and so on (Amar and Prashad 2013; Haddad, Bsheer, and Abu-Rish 2012; McMurray and Ufheil-Somers 2013; Sowers and Toensing 2013). A third approach explores comparisons with other waves of popular mobilization against authoritarian regimes, for example, in Europe during the mid-nineteenth century, Eastern Europe following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1989, and so on (Patel, Bunce, and Wolchik 2013 Weyland 2012). These literatures investigate the complex processes of mobilization, revolution, and transition unfolding in parts of the Middle East since the outbreak of the uprisings in late 2010. From the literature on revolutions, for example, we know that a popularly based movement that brings about some change in political leadership does not necessarily lead to a regime change resulting in a fundamental overturning of an economic, political, or social system. From past cases we have learned that at least some old institutions and alliances almost always reemerge, and what form the new institution will take eventually is often unknown for several years—for example, think of the Iranian revolution, let alone the French revolution. As events in postrevolutionary Tunisia, Libya, Egypt, and Yemen continue to unfold—and it is questionable whether those revolutions are even over—and as the bloody civil war in Syria continues, these insights provide us with useful tools for examining how institutions, processes, and power relations are changing—and how they are not.
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Madmalil, Ehsan, et Hamed Mohagheghnia. « Role of Social Networks in the Spread of the Arabic Revolutions ». Environment Conservation Journal 16, SE (5 décembre 2015) : 309–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.36953/ecj.2015.se1636.
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Recent political developments in the Middle East and North Africa have been occurred in the globalization era. With the advent of globalization and the information revolution, human relations have been greatly altered. The impact of these developments is in such a way that the policy can be analyzed and classified into the periods of before and after the advent of the information technology. Accommodating a wide range of social and political actors in cyberspace, internet and social networks are means to advertise and promote political, social and cultural entities on the one hand and provide a source of political and social awareness on the other hand. They link the political activists to people, and finally provoke the actions of protest and mobilize protests. Hence, the role of the new social media such as the internet and social networks in the acceleration and continuity and expansion of the revolutionary developments in the Middle East and North Africa cannot be ignored. The role of the internet and new media in these revolutions has been so strong that some of them are called revolutions of Facebook and Twitter. Thus, in order to access the right results, you should understand the features and functions of social media, analyze their role in the development of revolutionary upheavals in the Middle East and North Africa. The current study is trying to explain the effect of social networks in the context of globalization on the formation and expansion of recent political developments in the Middle East and North Africa, for instance, in Tunisia, Egypt and Bahrain.
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AKKAŞ, Necmi Enes. « THE REFLECTION OF THE ARAB SPRING TO THE DEMOCRATICATION OF TUNISIA : RASHID AL GANNUSHI AND THE NAHDA MOVEMENT PARTY ». SOCIAL SCIENCE DEVELOPMENT JOURNAL 7, no 30 (15 mars 2022) : 289–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.31567/ssd.558.
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The Republic of Tunisia, located in North Africa, is an Arab state that gained its independence from France on March 20, 1956 and witnessed the firsts. The official name of Tunisia, which came under the rule of the Turks in 1574, has remained as Tunisia since then. Tunisia, the country of firsts, was the first constitution made under Ahd-ül Aman in 1861 and the first non-governmental organization Tunisian Workers' Union was established in 1924. The first action that ignited the Arab Spring started when 26-year-old computer engineer Mohammed Bouazizi set himself on fire in front of the governor's office on 17 December 2010. While ethnic and sectarian turmoil led to coups d'etat and civil war in the Middle East and North African countries where the Arab Spring spread, Tunisia's weak army organization as well as the experiences of civil and political sectors in the historical process were effective in overcoming the troubles it experienced during the revolution without being dragged into civil war. One of the important factors positively affecting Tunisia's democratization process is the Ennahda Movement Party, which represents a moderate Islamist democratic politics. The name Ennahda, which is defined as the Arab awakening, the Arab resurrection, the Arab Renaissance, was given to the party led by the philosopher and politician Ghannushi. When the effects of the Arab Spring on democratization are evaluated, the Ennahda Movement Party is an important event for the development of Tunisian democracy. The study will analyze the contributions of the Ennahda Movement Party and its leader, Rashid Al-Ghannushi Gannuşi, which made significant contributions to the democratization of Tunisia, to the democratization of Tunisia. Within the scope of the study, the reflections of the Arab Spring on the Tunisian revolution and the political process will be explained.
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Ukil, Priyasha Sai. « Law and Revolution : Legitimacy and Constitutionalism After the Arab Spring by Nimer Sultany ». Jindal Journal of International Affairs 1, no 3 (1 juillet 2019) : 123–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v1i3.88.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Arab Spring brings about images of upheaval and protest along with feelings of agitation, unrest, anxiety and anticipation for change. Amid these strong emotions and uprisings, the legal aspects of revolution might appear to be comparatively unimportant and too intrinsic and technical. In his book, ‘Law and Revolution: Legitimacy and Constitutionalism After the Arab Spring’, author Nimer Sultany emphasizes that in addition to these initial impressions of the Arab Spring, the role of law is extremely significant, presenting arguments which are both, theoretical and pragmatic in nature. While his primary focus is on Egypt and Tunisia, he has comparatively analysed other Arab countries such as Bahrain, Jordan, Oman, Morocco and Algeria. Furthermore, he has scrutinized the American Revolution, French Revolution and transformations in Eastern Europe following the collapse of the Soviet Union to review the historical context of revolutions and the role of law in each of the cases. Not only has he compared constitutions and legal systems of countries during different periods of time, but he has also drawn a continuous comparison and contradiction between concepts such as ‘rupture’ and ‘continuity’, ‘reform’ and ‘revolution’ and ‘revolution’ and ‘constitution’, which may or may not be dichotomous in nature; examining them from lenses of legitimacy and the law. The book is divided into three sections, each of which discusses legitimacy, the link between revolution and legality, and the relation between revolution and constitutionalism respectively
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Hanafi, Sari. « The Arab revolutions ; the emergence of a new political subjectivity ». Contemporary Arab Affairs 5, no 2 (1 avril 2012) : 198–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2012.668303.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Since late 2010, the Arab World has witnessed regime changes in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya; and revolts by Arab citizens are still underway in Syria, Bahrain and Yemen, along with reform initiatives at different levels. These processes cannot be accurately be described by Orientalist terms such as ‘Arab Spring’, ‘Arab unrest’ or the ‘Facebook Revolution’, where such categorizations fail to account for the radical transformation in politics and values that the Arab World is undergoing and the significance that resides in the confluence of social and democratic demands. The ultimate fate of these popular uprisings remains in the balance, but it is all too clear that they have produced the most dramatic changes in the region since the mid-twentieth century which marked the end of the colonial era. This article aims to elucidate the import of term ‘the people’ and to whom it applies in the popular slogan: ‘The people want the overthrow of the regime’ (al-shaʿb yurīd isqāṭ al-niẓām). It aims to identify the actors involved in the revolution, particularly the youth and participants among the labour movement. Through this analysis the study explores the new political subjectivity ushered in by these revolutions, in the specific form of individuality, or what is termed here reflexive individualism. This individualism, which is different from the neoliberal concept, is not a straightforward one predicated on anti-patriarchal authority, anti-tribe, anti-community or anti-political party sentiments. The political subjectivity of the individuals who have taken part is formed and shaped both within and across the shadowy edges of political institutions and their production of legitimacy and knowledge.
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Abu Hatab, Wafa. « The Arab Spring : A New Era of Humor Consumption and Production ». International Journal of English Linguistics 6, no 3 (26 mai 2016) : 70. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijel.v6n3p70.
Texte intégralRésumé :
<p>The 26-year-old Tunisian street vendor, Mohammad Bouazizi set himself ablaze, sparking demonstrations and revolutions in more than one country in the Arab world. Protestors utilized all possible forms of expression to give an outlet for the long suppressed feelings, attitudes and thoughts. A new social discourse emerged where freedom of expression was imposed. Tunisia led the move and was followed by Egypt, Libya, Yemen and Syria. Though these revolting countries have many things in common, each has its own touch to the mosaic portrait of the new social discourse. Political satire has its place in this discourse where political humor has witnessed a tremendous boom. The present study was based on data obtained from cartoons, slogans, digital discourse and jokes. It investigated the use of humor by protesters in the Arab Spring countries, the linguistic devices employed and the role of intertextuality. The study revealed that humor was used in the Arab Spring countries to denigrate the presidents. Sources for intertextuality included proverbs, songs, poetry and commercials. Humor made use of some linguistic devices such as puns, synonyms, antonyms, lexical ambiguity and rhyme.</p>
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Fuchs, Christian. « Some Reflections on Manuel Castells’ Book "Networks of Outrage and Hope. Social Movements in the Internet Age". » tripleC : Communication, Capitalism & ; Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 10, no 2 (9 décembre 2012) : 775–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v10i2.459.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper provides critical reflections on Manuel Castells’ (2012) book Networks of Outrage and Hope. Social Movements in the Internet Age that analyses the “nature and perspectives of networked social movements” (p. 4) and gives special focus to the role of “social media” in movements that emerged in 2011 in Tunisia, Iceland, Egypt, Spain and the United States. I situate Castells’ book in an intellectual discourse that focuses on the political implications of social media and that has involved Clay Shirky, Malcolm Gladwell and Evgeny Morozov. The article also discusses the role of social theory and empirical research in Castells’ book, presents as an alternative a theoretical model of the relationship between social movements and the media, discusses the implications that some empirical data that focus on social media in the Egyptian revolution and the Occupy Wall Street movement have for Castells’ approach, discusses how Castells positions himself towards capitalism and compares his explanation of the crisis and his political views to David Harvey’s approach. Section overview: 1. Introduction 2. Social Media and Politics: A Controversy between Clay Shirky, Malcolm Gladwell and Evgeny Morozov 3. Castells on Social Media in the Context of Protests and Revolutions: The Dimension of Social Theory 4. Social Theory Recovered: A Model of the Relationship between Social Movements and the Media 5. Castells on Social Media in the Context of Protests and Revolutions: The Dimension of Empirical Research 6. Manuel Castells and David Harvey: The Question of Political Struggle - For or against Capitalism? 7. Conclusion
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Sallam, Hesham. « The Egyptian Revolution and the Politics of Histories ». PS : Political Science & ; Politics 46, no 02 (28 mars 2013) : 248–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096513000231.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Arab “revolutions” and the events surrounding them have posed a variety of theoretical challenges to political scientists. Popular uprisings have resulted in the ouster of long-standing autocrats in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and Yemen, and are seriously threatening the survival of incumbent authoritarian rulers in a region that once seemed immune to democratic change (Brumberg 2002; Fish 2002; Heydemann 2007; Posusney and Angrist 2005; Salamé 1994; Schlumberger 2007). These unforeseen developments pushed scholars of politics back to the drawing board to revisit dominant theoretical understandings of the drivers of regime change and stability (Albrecht and Bishara 2011; Bellin 2012; Blaydes and Lo 2012; Brownlee and Stacher 2011; Droz-Vincent 2011; Gause 2011; Goldstone 2011; Hoffman and Jamal 2012, Lynch 2011; Masoud 2011; Stacher 2012).
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Parveen, Ashiya. « Book Review : Ibrahim Fraihat (2016). Unfinished Revolutions : Yemen, Libya, and Tunisia after the Arab Spring ». Contemporary Review of the Middle East 5, no 1 (6 février 2018) : 87–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347798917744300.
Texte intégral
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Munck, Gerardo L. « Democratic Theory afterTransitions from Authoritarian Rule ». Perspectives on Politics 9, no 2 (juin 2011) : 333–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592711000600.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Recent events across the globe make clear the complexities of the politics of “democratization” and the importance of developing nuanced and compelling understandings of these complexities. In Eurasia, “Color Revolutions” have given way to democratic disappointments and “authoritarian regimes.” In north Africa, an unanticipated upsurge of democratic movements has felled autocrats in Tunisia and Egypt, but the political outcomes of these “transitions” are very much in doubt. Contemporary political science has developed an elaborate vocabulary for understanding such processes. And this vocabulary owes a great deal to a small group of scholars—Juan Linz, Guillermo O'Donnell, Philippe Schmitter, Alfred Stepan and Adam Przeworksi—who helped to lay the theoretical foundations of our current understanding of politics around the globe.
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Lebedev, S. V. « The resilience of monarchies in the Greater Middle East : The lightning rod effect, crackdown on protest, and patrimonial links ». Humanities and Social Sciences. Bulletin of the Financial University 12, no 6 (25 février 2023) : 103–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.26794/2226-7867-2022-12-6-103-108.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The paper examines the factors that allowed the Greater Middle East monarchies to survive the protests known as the “Arab Spring”. The author considers the popular argument in scientific and media-political discourse about the culturally conditioned legitimacy of the Middle Eastern monarchies, and also presents several cases of successful anti-monarchist revolutions in the region (Egypt, Tunisia, Iraq, Iran, Libya and Yemen). In addition, the work develops the idea that it can conditionally divide all the monarchies of the Greater Middle East into two types: individualistic and clan. The paper shows that patrimonial ties, which have been carefully built over several decades, are an important element in the stability of monarchies.
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Tagma, Halit Mustafa, Elif Kalaycioglu et Emel Akcali. « ‘Taming’ Arab social movements : Exporting neoliberal governmentality ». Security Dialogue 44, no 5-6 (octobre 2013) : 375–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010613500512.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In the wake of the recent Arab revolutions, the European Union (EU) has sought to provide genuine and substantial support to a range of Arab social movements in the region’s emerging polities. Yet the EU’s recent democracy-promotion efforts represent a puzzle for earlier critical approaches to the relationship between Europe and the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), which argue for the existence of hegemonic patronage linkages. We argue, however, that the EU’s attempts at democracy promotion in the MENA region may be understood through a governmentality framework, despite the limitations of such an approach. Specifically, the EU is actively promoting neoliberal policies in the aftermath of the Arab Spring in order to foster a mode of subjectivity that is conducive to the EU’s own norms and interests. What we observe are not just innocent attempts at democracy promotion, but a form of politics and economics that seeks to subject the agency on the ‘Arab street’ to EU standards. We conclude by going over the radical plurality of the Arab street, and show how it was in fact earlier neoliberal reforms by their former regimes that created the conditions of possibility for the recent revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt.
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Zheltov, Viktor V. « REVOLUTION OF DIGNITY IN THE WORLD OF ISLAM : NOTION AND POLITICAL EXPRESSION ». Society and Security Insights 5, no 1 (31 mars 2022) : 91–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.14258/ssi(2022)1-07.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article uncovers the content of the notion of "revolution of dignity", that actively showed itself in the Arab world, namely on the example of the specific Tunisian revolution. The notions of "revolution" and "revolutionary politics" in the Muslim world, designed to uphold the Divine law and ensure the subordination of citizens to the authorities, are characterized. The content of the formulas "people want" and "people wish" as phenomena of political subjectivity is revealed. The place and role of Islam in the revolutionary transformations of the country are defined. The concept of "dignity", its role and place in the Tunisian revolution, as well as in the mass protests of today, are characterized. It is found that the popular nature of the protests in Tunisia with the active participation of believers who took the path of democracy and freedoms as a prerequisite for the implementation of everything related to the human dignity of Tunisians in practice in the country's politics. This dignity was reaffirmed and legally enshrined in the Tunisian Constitution of 2014, which ushered in a new era of constitutionalism in the Arab world.
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Naser-Najjab, Nadia. « Palestinian youth and the Arab Spring. Learning to think critically : a case study ». Contemporary Arab Affairs 5, no 2 (1 avril 2012) : 279–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2012.672000.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The subject of this paper is a case study based on evidence gathered informally through delivery of a course at Birzeit University entitled ‘Modern and Contemporary European Civilization’ and from end-of-semester evaluations that asked students to reflect on the impact of the course on their lives. The author is, naturally, aware of the limitation of the methodology used in this study, and does not claim that its findings can be generalized authoritatively to a wider group of people in the Arab world. What is clear, however, if one considers reviews of internet blogs and media programme debates, is that extrapolations from this evidence have wider reference, revealing commonalities and similarities between Palestinians living in the Occupied Territories and Arab youth involved in the Arab Spring on the subject of political reform. The discussions engaged in by my students actually parallel the debates generated by traditionalists and secularists in post-revolution Egypt and Tunisia. These debates revolve around what it means to live in a civil, democratic state that grants social justice and freedoms, and crucially, at present led by scholars and politicians, address the possibility of reconciling the concept of modernity with Islam and the legislative framework of Islamic law (sharīʿah). It could be argued that the data collected are specific to this one case study, since Palestinians living under Israeli occupation form a unique group in the Arab world and probably are more concerned with basic issues of daily life and more sensitive to Western concepts of modernity. The significance of this data is, however, that gathered during the Arab Spring, they were based on reactions to material covered in a class which related to issues raised by the Arab revolutions, such as democracy, liberalism and revolution. Furthermore, these tentative findings suggest that more research is needed into issues such as the role of education, gender, tolerance and the reconciliation of Islam with modernity – areas of interest which are of particular importance at a time when Islamic groups are winning elections and debates on concepts of authority, democracy and liberalism occupy the foreground of media programmes in countries such as Egypt and Tunisia.
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Kakhovska, Olena, Eleonora Skyba, Diana Popova et Iryna Tyshchenkova. « Demythologization of the «controlled chaos» as a tool for geopolitical war : economic and sociocultural markers ». Economic Annals-ХХI 184, no 7-8 (10 septembre 2020) : 94–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.21003/ea.v184-09.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Through the example of ten countries of Asia, Africa and the former Soviet Union, where the so-called «color revolutions», coups d’etat and civil wars occurred in the past decades, the inconsistency of particular foundations of the theory of «controlled chaos» have been ascertained. The reasons for prolonged social turbulence in these countries are, in the first instance, intrinsically conditioned. They are related to existing fundamental social and economic problems within these countries. The role of the external interference in the matters of sovereign states in the contemporary political discourse is grossly exaggerated. A particular interest for our research presented a «decade of revolutions» - a time of growth, culmination and decline in the social tension. Chronologically, the revolutionary «outbursts» are arranged as follows: Ukraine - 2004, 2014; Armenia - 2018; Georgia - 2003; Kyrgyzstan - 2005, 2010; Lebanon - 2005; Syria - 2011; Egypt - 2011-2013; Tunisia - 2010-2011; Myanmar - 2007; Vietnam - 2018. «Controlled chaos» is an exquisite yet paradoxical and utopian in its substance metaphor which disguises a natural human striving to put the blame for their misfortunes on anyone else except themselves. A search for an external enemy, which represents a historically well-proven political technology, averts the public attention of the country, which remains in a turbulent condition, from real issues and allows corrupt elites to continue satisfying their materialistic aspirations thus plunging the country into the state of decline.
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Guetat, Meriem, et Meriem Agrebi. « From Democratic Exception to State of Exception : Covid-19 in the Context of Tunisia’s State of Law ». Middle East Law and Governance 14, no 1 (26 octobre 2021) : 128–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-13040002.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract Through an analysis of the early legal and institutional response to Covid-19 in Tunisia, this article demonstrates that the narrative of Tunisia’s democratic exceptionalism following the 2011 revolution is not translated into a liberal legal practice but is instead upheld by an authoritarian rationale that serves the role of a formal channel that legitimizes power discourse. Specifically, this article focuses on what the state of exception, which was declared during the ongoing state of emergency, reveals about the various uses of law in Tunisia. It argues that the state of emergency has become the norm to the Tunisian way of governance post-2011, allowing for the survival of past authoritarian practices where the legal apparatus is used and deployed as a tool of policing and control.
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Jerad†, Nabiha. « The Tunisian Revolution : From Universal Slogans for Democracy to the Power of Language ». Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 6, no 2 (2013) : 232–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18739865-00602006.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article, published posthumously, focuses on the use of language in the Tunisian revolution. It argues that language during the revolution and in the context of the Arab spring more widely was a performative political act by people from diverse backgrounds who united around the common cause of democracy and dignity. It examines the diversity of enunciations during the revolution, verbal as well as written (in the form of graffiti and protest banners), and relates them to the social history of Tunisia. The article then turns to the linguistic faultlines in the wake of the Tunisian revolution between secular and ‘Islamist’ camps in Tunisia, and the linguistic dimension of political debate in the country and its relationship to social history.
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Hummel, Daniel. « Islam and the Constitutions in Newly Reformed Countries in the Middle East ». American Journal of Islam and Society 29, no 3 (1 juillet 2012) : 158–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v29i3.1198.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The revolutions that started in Tunisia and spread to other countries in the Middle East have been dubbed the “Arab Spring.” Many countries in theMiddle East have been under the thumb of an oppressive dictator. After several decades of this oppression, the people in these countries have resistedthe continuance of this rule.As the smoke clears, the task of rebuilding and reforming the institutionsof government is the most important task ahead for those who demandedchange. The most important aspect of this change is the country’s constitution. The constitution of these countries must play the same role as the constitution in the United States. These constitutions must embody the change the reformers desire and be as inclusive as possible to be legitimate.One of the concerns of some international observers is the rise of theprominence of Islamic conservative parties. Another concern is the inclusionin the articles of the proposed new constitutions of these countriesarticles that declare Islam and Islamic law as the foundation of the constitutions ...
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SAIDIN, MOHD IRWAN SYAZLI, et NUR AMIRA ALFITRI. « ‘State Feminism' dan Perjuangan Wanita di Tunisia Pasca Arab Spring 2011 ». International Journal of Islamic Thought 12, no 1 (1 décembre 2020) : 54–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.24035/ijit.18.2020.181.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Over the last decade, the Arab Spring phenomenon in the Middle East and North Africa has brought significant transformation towards Tunisia’s political landscape. During the 14 days of street protest, Tunisian women have played critical roles in assisting their male counterparts in securing the ultime goal of the revolution – regime change. This article argues that after the 2011 revolution, the new Tunisian government has gradually adopted the principal idea of state feminism, which emphasizes on the role of ruling government via affirmative action in supporting the agenda of women’s rights. In so doing, this article examines the connection between state feminism and the plight of women’s struggles in Tunisia after the 2011 revolution and, looks into the impact of top down polices, and government approaches towards improving the status of women. This article concludes that women in the post revolutionary era have experienced a new trajectory in political and social freedom,the country has recorded a spike increase in the number of active female lawmakers, government executives, politicians, electoral candidates and the emergence of human right groups, gender activists and feminist movements. All these ‘women’s actors’ have directly involved in the process of drafting the new Tunisian constitution, which resulted in the acknowlegdement of women’s rights protection via article 46 in 2014 and the Nobel Peace Price Award in 2015.
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Bel’Kiry, Leila Najeh. « A Historical Account of Linguistic Imperialism and Educational Policy in Tunisia : From the independence to the ‘Jasmine Revolution’ ». Indonesian TESOL Journal 3, no 1 (30 mars 2021) : 32–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.24256/itj.v3i1.1742.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article is about foreign languages hegemony in Tunisia. It describes the linguistic situation at the macro and micro levels, the Tunisian and the international linguistic communities, the status of English and French languages throughout the world, and their effects on the Tunisian educational policy. The prevalence of French in Tunisia as the language of science and technology between 1956 and 1987, the way the value of English is promoted in the Tunisian educational system between 1987 and 2011 though Tunisia is a French colonized country, and the tendency to linguistic isolationism since 2011, prove the intrinsic link between language and politics. Political changes at international and local levels shape the local linguistic communities.
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Ahn, So Yeon. « The Rise of Populism and Crisis of Democracy : The Case of Tunisia ». Institute of Middle Eastern Affairs 21, no 3 (31 décembre 2022) : 29–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.52891/jmea.2022.21.3.29.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Initially igniting the Arab Spring, Tunisia is the sole participating country that managed to transition toward democracy. However, during the period of political transition since then, the economic crisis has increased. Under the mounting political grievance of Tunisian citizens, populism has risen, which usually emerges when democracy is in crisis. The Tunisian citizens elected current president Kais Saied as an alternative to established politics. However, as the president attempts to decrease the power of political parties, the future of democracy in Tunisia has become more fragile. This study examines the process of transitioning politically to democracy in Tunisia over the past 11 years and explores the current crisis through the lens of populism and democracy. The result confirms that Tunisian citizens’ political grievance stems from the economic crisis and not the transition to democracy. With this reasoning, if the current president cannot address citizens’ political frustration, conditions might enable a second Jasmine Revolution in Tunisia.
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Grami, Amel. « The debate on religion, law and gender in post-revolution Tunisia ». Philosophy & ; Social Criticism 40, no 4-5 (27 mars 2014) : 391–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453714526405.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In a society transitioning to democracy from an authoritarian regime, drafting a new constitution is an important step in the establishment of a civil and democratic state. Indeed, the demand of Tunisians to write a new constitution reflects their ambitions, aspirations and hopes; but reality shows a huge gap between the expectations of the majority of Tunisians and the result of the drafting process. The Tunisian transition is characterized by a fierce debate between the secular and the religious forces. This unfolding confrontation forms the backdrop to the process of drafting a new constitution, amid anxiety surrounding the place of Islam in the new political system. However, fears of the resurrection of a new theocratic dictatorship are mitigated by a dynamic civil society in which voices that were silenced or misused by the former regime of Zine Al-Abidine Ben Ali are becoming distinctly vocal. Their action has become increasingly visible, evolving around the place of religion, law and gender in the new constitutional framework. This article focuses on the debate on religion, law and gender in post-revolution Tunisia.
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Shehata, Mostafa. « Supportive, transformative and reverse effects of media on Tunisian diaspora’s political identity ». Journal of Arab & ; Muslim Media Research 13, no 1 (1 avril 2020) : 85–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jammr_00012_1.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Tunisian diaspora in Europe has gained significant research interest due to the fundamental changes recently triggered by the Tunisian Revolution with which the diaspora strongly interacted. This article investigates the potential effects of media use on the political identity of Tunisian diasporic communities in Europe, from a sociopolitical communication perspective. Based on 45 interviews conducted with Tunisians living in Denmark, Sweden and France, a special focus has been set on the patterns of media use in relation to components of political identity (homeland orientation, religion and ideology), considering the combined influences of both country of origin and country of residence. The analysis shows that media exerted supportive effects on the diaspora’s homeland orientations – a process that likely depended on participants’ previous connection with Tunisia. The media also exerted short-term transformative effects on the political ideology and a reverse effect on religious orientations – a process that mainly depended on life in both country of origin and country of residence. This article proposes that this Tunisian diaspora is more likely to construct a hybrid identity, supported by media channels that facilitate the adoption of sociopolitical principles derived from both country of origin and country of residence.
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Abdel-Samad, Mounah. « Legislators’ Need for Civil Society Expertise : Tunisian Civil Society Legislative Advocacy Opportunity ». Nonprofit Policy Forum 8, no 3 (20 décembre 2017) : 299–319. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/npf-2016-0027.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractThe primacy of the Tunisian revolution and the country’s successful democratic transition (Stepan 2012, “Tunisia’s Transition and the Twin Tolerations.”Journal of Democracy23:89–103) make Tunisia an exemplar for analyzing legislators’ demand for advocacy by civil society organizations or CSOs. Several researchers (Cavatorta 2012, “Arab Spring: The Awakening of Civil Society. A General Overview.”http://www.iemed.org/observatori-es/arees-danalisi/arxius-adjunts/anuari/med.2012/Cavatorta_en.pdf, Benoit 2011, “The Counter-Power of Civil Society and the Emergence of a New Political Imaginary in the Arab World.”Constellations: an International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory18:271–283. doi:10.1111/j.1467-8675.2011.00650.x, Kubba 2000, “Arabs and Democracy: The Awakening of Civil Society.”Journal of Democracy11:84–90) have explored the role of Tunisian civil society in the democratic transition; however, no study examined legislators’ demand for CSOs’ legislative advocacy in Tunisia. By exploring factors influencing legislators and their demand and need for legislative advocacy, this study sheds light on the inner works of policy makers and ways to influence them. This study finds that, contrary to the idea that governments in developing countries do not want civil society participation in politics, Tunisian legislators are open to and eager for legislative advocacy. Based on 40 survey conducted face to face with Tunisian legislators in the National Constituent Assembly, and archival analysis of the National Constituents Assembly sessions’ minutes from 2011 until 2014, this study finds that Tunisian legislators have a high level of trust in CSOs, want their expertise, and are influenced by them when voting in parliament. These results have several potential impacts on understanding of the relationship between CSOs and government and more specifically legislature.
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Maffi, Irene. « Family Life in Tunisia after the Revolution of 2011 ». Anthropology of the Middle East 12, no 2 (1 décembre 2017) : 60–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ame.2016.120205.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract Postcolonial Tunisia has gone through substantial transformations of its legal and socio-economic structures. Habib Bourguiba began the work of social and juridical engineering aimed to make the independent state a modern country, contributing to profound changes in family structures. In this article, I intend to investigate the family life of two women and two men with whom I established friendships during the fieldwork I carried out in Tunisia between 2013 and 2014. Examining the relationships of my interlocutors with their family members, I will depict an ethnographic portrait of a few Tunisian families. While they are not representative of Tunisian society, they nevertheless allow insight into a specific sector of it and help understand the effects of the revolution of 2011 on family structures.
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Khaddar, M. Moncef. « Oligarchic transitions within the Tunisian ‘autocratic/authoritarian’ system and the struggle for ‘democratic transformations’ ». Journal of Contemporary Iraq & ; the Arab World 16, no 3 (1 septembre 2022) : 169–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jciaw_00090_1.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This work focuses on a contextualized understanding of ‘autocratic authoritarianism’ in Tunisia without approaching its peculiarities in reference to the ideal type of capitalist-liberal democracy and teleological democratization assumptions but instead on its own merits as a Tunisian civilian dictatorship (1957–2010). This latter is reminiscent of French colonial authoritarianism (1881–1956) and traditional beylic monarchic absolutism (1705–1957). For more than half a century, the Tunisian autocratic political system functioned as state-manufactured nationalist-populist authoritarianism associated with a presidential hegemonic ruling party, two successive autocratic presidents and their subservient oppressive elites. The diachronic survey of Tunisia’s political system encompasses the early years of autocracy, under the autocratic rule of the first president of the Republic Bourguiba, 1957–87, as well as the various stages of its consolidation into a police-security state with the second autocrat-President, Ben Ali, 1987–2011. This study also explores the reasons behind the durability of the ruling authoritarian-autocratic elites who played a decisive role in shaping state-society relations under the first and second president and left an indelible mark on the Tunisian polity beyond the 2010 ‘popular uprisings’. Therefore, the question is how, throughout the 2010 ‘Jasmine Revolution’, anti-democratic forces mutated in Tunisian politics in such a way that the end of ‘autocracy’, brought about by people’s uprisings, did not translate into social transformations, economic gains and ‘popular sovereignty’? Put more bluntly, why does the ‘revolution’ remain ‘unfinished’ and the transition ‘endless’ or ‘blocked’?