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Eprile, Brendan Thabo. « Songs of Change : How Music Helped Spark the Arab Spring Revolutions in Egypt and Tunisia ». Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1495732921517124.
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Gahnoog, Yahya. « States and Revolutionary Communications, on the Role of Al Jazeera in the Tunisian Revolution of 2010-2011 ». Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/26267.
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This research examines the revolution of 2010 in Tunisia due to the paucity of empirical research on the subject and to resolve analytical problems that plague research on similar events. The research is based in both the cultural turn in social movement research and the state constructionist theory of revolutions. The methodology employed is a case study which combines a content analysis of an Al Jazeera news program called Al Hassad Al Maghrebi with data from two public opinion surveys conducted in Tunisia shortly after the revolution, and pre-existing academic research. The findings indicate that Al Jazeera did play a role in increasing mobilization against the Ben Ali regime by broadcasting the spread of protests and regime concessions. This was facilitated by the censorship practices of the Ben Ali regime which caused a popular news channel like Al Jazeera to rely purely on opposition sources for its broadcasts.
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Bond, David M. « The city will follow you : Tunis, Tunisia, and the Mediterranean ». The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1343061679.
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Garbaia, Fehmi <1986>. « The Tunisian Revolution : A revolution Shifted The Arab World ». Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/7481.
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Abstract
In this thesis I’m seeking to explain the reasons that are bihind the Tunisian revolution and how the Tunisian youths Succeeded to shift a strong political system and one of bigs dictatorship in the Arab world Leaded by Zine AlBidine Ben Ali with a peacful revolution without no leadership and no previous plan. Added to that, they opened the doors to the other Arab youths to revolt against their dictator systems like what happens in Libiya, Egypt,Yemen and Syria. So what happened in Tunisia spread quiklly among the other Arab countries and specially the youths to became a serious of revolutions that has become what we call “The Arab spring”.
My thesis is going to be diveded into two main parts. In the first part, I will folks on the social and the political reasons behind the Tunisian revolution and how a Simple protest started from simple street saler, named by Mohammed El Bouazizi, has devolopped to become a national manifestations against a strong police system that governs the country for 24 years.
While in the secound part I will analyse how does this revolution influenced the youth of the rest Arab world and make them following the steps of the Tunisian youth to revolt against their political systems. In addition to that, the second part will analysis the success and the fail of the other revolutions like the Egyption, Libyan, Syrian, yemenian and the Bahranian.
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Bouallegue, Olfa. « Analyse économique des révolutions : Cas de la révolution Tunisienne ». Thesis, Montpellier, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017MONTD020/document.
Texte intégralRésumé :
En 2011, des mouvements sociaux et révolutionnaires d’une ampleur rare ont agité certains pays du nord de l’Afrique. Cela correspond à ce qu’on a appelé le printemps arabe.Le premier de ces pays touchés par ces mouvements est la Tunisie. Cette thèse porte sur la révolution tunisienne. Elle propose une analyse théorique et empirique de cette révolution.D’un point de vue théorique, ce travail se situe dans le cadre de l’analyse économique. Nous nous situons donc dans le prolongement de la littérature économique qui, à partir des années 1970, s’est intéressée aux mouvements sociaux et plus précisément les révolutions. La théorie économique a offert un autre cadre permettant d’analyser la manière dont l’action d’un petit groupe d’individus peut provoquer des bouleversements de grande envergure. L’un des objets de cette thèse est alors de proposer une synthèse de cette littérature. Nous soulignons que cette thèse revient sur les définitions de la révolution et propose une présentation qui essaye d’être exhaustive des analyses économiques des révolutions. Quatre types de modèles sont définis : la méthode décisionnelle, la théorie des jeux, la méthode d'analyse Tobit et le modèle seuil de mobilisation. Ces modèles ont parvenu à expliquer l’émergence d’un mouvement révolutionnaire mais ne prennent pas en compte la particularité de chaque pays, nous insistons en particulier sur ce point. Il n’en est pas moins vrai que, la littérature théorique sur les révolutions a précisé ce caractère unique pour chaque révolution. Autour de cette spécificité, l’idée centrale de cette thèse a été construite : quelles sont les causes de la révolution tunisienne ? En outre, la contribution principale de cette thèse est d’ordre empirique. Bien que de nombreuses recherches aient analysé de différentes manières les causes des révolutions (Données de panel, modèles économétriques), la méthode d’analyse en composantes principales (ACP) est, à notre connaissance, la première contribution dans l’analyse des révolutions et surtout la première étude de ce type appliquée à la Tunisie. Cette méthode a pu détecter trois ramifications caractérisant le 14 janvier 2011. Trois révolutions d’ordre sociologique et sociétal semblent particulièrement importantes : une révolution démographique, une révolution de l’alphabétisation et une révolution des attentes. Premièrement, la transition démographique et ses implications économiques et sociales. Deuxièmement, les inégalités et l’élargissement de la fracture sociale entre les régions. Troisièmement, la mauvaise gestion du pays suite à l’emprise de l’économie sous Ben Ali et ses conséquences catastrophique sur l’investissement et la création d’emploisRevolution, which embodies major turns in the course of history, has for a long time been a social study subject. With the coming of the school of public choice in the 1960's, a new economic current helped to undestand revolution. Many economists such as: James M. Buchanan (1962), Gordon Tullock (1971-1974) and John E. Romer (1985) have applied economic theory to social and political science using tools developed by microeconomy. The goal of my research paper is to highlight the contribution of economic theory in the understanding of revolution. I have first drawn a line between two approaches that have studied revolution: The sociological approach which mainly explains why do people revolt when they are faced with structural imbalances. The economic approach which uses the theory of rational choice to demonstrate how people choose to be passive when they are confronted with a revolution
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Doron, Adrien. « Routes tunisiennes de l’échange marchand : géographie post-révolution d’un réseau de marchés mondialisés ». Thesis, Toulouse 2, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018TOU20039/document.
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Cette thèse s’intéresse à la fabrique des routes marchandes mondialisées en Tunisie, à partir de l’étude des approvisionnements des marchés du commerce dit « parallèle », installés aux débouchés de routes transnationales d’échange de biens banals. Elle explore d’abord le postulat d’une organisation réticulaire et labile de l’économie marchande transnationale en Tunisie. Ce réseau articule des places marchandes, notamment celles situées au centre de Tunis et à Ben Gardane, qui forment des nœuds d’échange nés de processus locaux et territorialisés. Partir de ces lieux permet de mettre en évidence les trajectoires professionnelles des commerçants, modestes à l’origine, et de démontrer comment ces derniers sont parvenus à développer leurs relations d’affaires. La thèse met ainsi à jour un réseau de marchés qui structure l’importation transnationale dans le pays, via ses ports et ses régions frontalières. La thèse examine ensuite les effets de la révolution tunisienne sur ce réseau de marchés, en particulier au niveau des dispositifs de contournement des barrières douanières que les flux de marchandises empruntent. Le changement politique survenu en 2011 agit comme un révélateur des implications du régime de l’ancien président Ben Ali dans une économie marchande pourtant présentée comme « parallèle ». Plus encore, sous l’effet de l’effondrement du régime, les relations marchandes, les activités, et les itinéraires empruntés se recomposent, montrant ainsi que le « commerce parallèle » est devenu un enjeu de gouvernance dans la Tunisie en transition. Enfin, la thèse entreprend une réflexion sur l’analyse formelle de ces réseaux. L’enjeu est alors de poser les jalons d’une géographie des réseaux sociaux et spatiaux, à travers la prise en compte des relations sociales des acteurs dans la structuration des relations commerciales, et l’identification et l’analyse de réseaux de marchésThis thesis focuses on the making of globalized trade routes in Tunisia, based on the study of the supply of marketplaces that are specialized in the so-called “parallel trade”. These marketplaces are located at the end of transnational trade routes which import everyday consumer products in the country. First, it proceeds on the basis that transnational trade economy in Tunisia is organized as a labile network. This network articulates marketplaces, including those located in Central Tunis and in Ben Gardane, two trading hubs that have emerged from local and territorialized processes. Starting from these places makes it possible to highlight the professional trajectories of their tradesmen, and to demonstrate how the latter have developed their business relationships. The thesis thus reveals a network of marketplaces that shapes transnational import into the country, through Tunisian ports and border regions. The thesis then examines the effects of the Tunisian Revolution on this markets network, more closely at the level of customs barrier bypass devices used by the flow of goods. The political change in 2011 thus reveals the participation of former President Ben Ali’s regime in trade economy, yet presented as informal economy. Moreover, with the regime’s collapse, trade relationships, commercial activities and trade routes have been reshaped, thereby pointing out that "parallel trade" has become a governance issue in Tunisia during the period of democratic transition. Finally, the thesis considers the formal analysis of these networks. It thus aims to lay the foundations for a geography of social and spatial networks by taking into account, on the one hand, the actors’ social relationships and their role into the organization of commercial relations, and on the other hand, the identification and analysis of marketplaces networks
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Samti, Farah. « Body and Gender Politics in Post-Revolution Tunisia (2010-2018) ». Thesis, University of Oregon, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/24548.
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Focusing on the context of post-uprising Tunisia and using a gender lens, I explore gender and body politics through embodied social protest. I examine the post-uprising constitutional and decision-making processes as well as discursive representations in the Constitution and the role of protesting and legitimacy in shaping institutional tools and mechanisms. I draw attention to the status of women and the LGBTQI++ community as well as vulnerable individuals and their role in social change during the country’s democratic transition by analyzing narratives and discourses around protesting and bodily rights and themes such as legibility/illegibility. I complement my analysis with three qualitative, in-depth interviews with three Tunisian activists; I also reflect on my personal experience as a former reporter and student-activist during and post uprisings. I conclude that the emergence of new forms of mobilization and discourses create unique possibilities to negotiate power and gender norms
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Romagnoli, Michela. « Avant et après la révolution en Tunisie de janvier 2011 : rôle des associations féminines ». Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018AIXM0778.
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Le projet de recherche s'est concentré sur les rôles des associations féminines en Tunisie depuis l’indépendance du pays au lendemain de la révolution de janvier 2011. Sur le plan conceptuel, je reprends la notion de « agency » en tant que cadre d’analyse pour étudier l’engagement et les moyens de mobilisation des individus qui militent dans les associations féminines. Dans la mesure où ce concept de « agency » indique un engagement dans la société, cette notion se prête parfaitement aux démarches épistémologiques dans mes enquêtes auprès des personnalités des associations féminines. Cette notion de « agency » me donne un cadre pour penser à la fois les actions des femmes et des hommes qui agissent au sein des associations étudiées mais aussi au niveau de l’influence qu’elles/ils laissent dans la société de par leurs actions. J’ai cherché à comprendre si l’agency, en tant que capacité individuelle de s’imposer dans des domaines de la vie sociale, politique ou économique pour apporter des innovations et modifications, pourrait s’appliquer à un groupe et donc pourrait être utile pour comprendre un pouvoir collectif. En analysant les entretiens que j’ai conduits avec les membres des associations féminines, j'ai cherché à suivre l’histoire de ces organisations et leur impact dans la société tunisienne durant le dernier demi-siècle depuis l’indépendance de la Tunisie à nos jours, et cela dans les domaines économique, social, politique et légal afin de répondre à ma question principale : quel est le rôle des associations féminines en Tunisie postcoloniale, notamment avant et après la révolution de 2011, surtout à l’égard du processus de la démocratisation dans le pays ?The research project focused on the rôle of the feminist associations since the indipendence of Tunisia until the revolution of 2011, analyzing the context of the creation and the process, putting the accent on different women's associations which engaged themselves in order to ensure that the gained women's rights are respected and diffused in all country with the intention to improve women to became « fully citizens ».Every time I went to Tunisia, I had some interviews with the members of the organisations during the years before and after the revolution, in order to observe the evolution of their involvement in the association and in the society.The objective of this thesis is to contextualize the socio-political rôle occupied from the four associations in the history of the country, since their creation until the present day.On the conceptual plan, I included the « agency » notion, in order to analyse the involvement and the ressources of mobilisation of the people who participate in the work of the feminist associations.I tried to understand if « agency », as individual ability to impose on the domaines of the social, political and economic life to change something, it could be a collective ability, then a collective power. Analyzing the interviews with members of the associations, I attempted to track the history of the feminist tunisian organisations and their impact on the social life of the country, to answer to a final question : which is the rôle of the feminist associations in the postcolonial Tunisia, especially before an dafter the revolution of january 2011, mainly in relation to the democratic process of the country ?
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Zairi, Mouna. « L'ambiance comme enjeu politique dans l'espace public de tunis lors du processus révolutionnaire ». Thesis, Université Grenoble Alpes (ComUE), 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016GREAH028.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Cette recherche questionne le partage de l’ambiance urbaine par le biais du climat politique. Menée tout au long d’une période exceptionnelle de l’histoire de la Tunisie, elle interroge l’impact de la révolution tunisienne sur le partage du sensible dans l’espace public urbain.Ce travail repose sur l’hypothèse qu’il y a une mutation ambiantale, engendrée par le processus révolutionnaire, qui s’opère dans l’espace public urbain de Tunis et dont découle de manière sous- jacente un nouveau partage du sensible. Une question fondamentale se pose alors: Quel rôle joue la situation politique dans la définition et la caractérisation de ce nouveau partage su sensible ?Pour répondre à cette interrogation, nous avons mis en place une méthodologie pluridisciplinaire (approche sensible et qualitative in situ tel que le parcours commenté, la réactivation par l’image,… et une documentation bibliographique sous divers formats tels que les documentaires, les films, les journaux, les ouvrages,…) appliquée à des tissus urbains aux configurations spatiales et aux compositions sociales différentes, mais tous situés dans le Grand Tunis.Au terme de cette recherche, nous avons pu relever une territorialisation des comportements urbains où le facteur politique intervient directement pour définir autant le domaine du permissif que de l’interdit dans l’espace public.Ainsi, l’ambiance urbaine n’est pas seulement témoin d’un bouleversement politique, elle en est aussi le porteur et l’enjeu. En mettant au jour ce qui est possible de faire ou de ne pas faire dans l’espace public, elle devient l’objet de la lutte politique.MOTS CLES: Ambiance urbaine, Politique, Partage, Sensible, RévolutionThis research questions the sharing of urban atmosphere through the political climate. Conducted throughout an exceptional period in the history of Tunisia, it questions the impact of the Tunisian revolution on sharing of sensitivity in urban public space.This work relies on the assumption that there is a mutation in the urban atmosphere, caused by the revolutionary process taking place in the urban public space of Tunis, which follows sounder lying a new distribution of the sensitive. A fundamental question arises: What role has the political situation in the definition and the characterization of this new sharing of sensitive?To answer this question, we have set up a multidisciplinary methodology (qualitative and sensitive approach in situ as the course commented, reactivation by the image ... and bibliographic documentation in various formats such as documentaries, movies, newspapers, books, ...) applied to urban space with different features and different social compositions, but all located in the Greater Tunis.After this research, we were able to identify a regionalization of urban behavior where the political factor intervenes directly to define as the field of permissive than the forbidden in public space.Thus, the urban atmosphere is not only witnessed in political upheaval, it is also the carrier and the challenge. By uncovering what is possible to do or not to do in public space, it becomes the object of political struggle.KEY WORDS : Urban atmosphere, Politic, Sharing, Sensitive, Revolution
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Hassnaoui, Amira. « Stambeli Awakening : Cultural Revival and Musical Amalgam in Post Revolution Tunisia ». Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu149158044999529.
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Oueslati, Slaheddine. « Stratégie de communication promotionnelle d'une destination touristique. Étude de cas du produit tunisien de 1997 à la révolution ». Thesis, Paris 3, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA030167.
Texte intégralRésumé :
La Tunisie, vieille de 3000 ans et aux trésors reconnus mondialement a misé sur le tourisme depuis les premières années de son indépendance en 1956. Le nombre des établissements touristiques est passé de 85 en 1965 à 856 en 2011 et le nombre des arrivées a dépassé sept millions de touristes pour une population de 10.5 millions d’individus : un record. Les nuitées ont atteint 35.5 millions enregistrant 3.522 millions de dinars de recette. Malgré ces "performances", le produit tunisien est resté principalement balnéaire attirant majoritairement les mêmes marchés source, en l’occurrence le marché européen : les Français et les Allemands. Avec la rude concurrence dans le bassin méditerranéen, le produit tunisien a montré une certaine stagnation, voire régression. L’objet de notre recherche se concentre sur un point essentiel de la réussite ou de l’échec de tout produit touristique : la stratégie de communication promotionnelle. Quelle sont ses bases en Tunisie? Comment est-elle établie ? Comment est-elle mise en œuvre ? Où résident ses défaillances ? Et quelles sont ses remèdes ? Seulement, au moment où les autorités misent sur une évolution qui espère atteindre dix millions de touristes en 2016, une Révolution surprend le pays et le monde. Elle secoue évidemment les structures et les habitudes et fait déferler des vagues de violence dont le secteur du tourisme ne peut en être que la première victime. Les élections de l’Assemblée constituante font encore élire une majorité islamiste qui n’approuve pas forcément la même politique d’ouverture historiquement entreprise dans le pays. C’est le prix de la démocratie espéré par le peuple qui est venu chambouler le secteur du tourisme et également notre travail qui, pourtant, était sur le point de s’achever. Cela a, au contraire, rendu notre recherche intéressante et excitante. C’est le travail que nous présentons dans cette thèseTunisia, 3000 years old, with its world famous archeological treasures, has been counting on tourism since the early years of its independence in 1956. The "touristic establishments" number from 85 in 1965 to 856 in 2011, and the number of visitors exceeded 7 millions for a population of 10.5 millions. A record. The number of overnights went up to 35.5 millions dinars in takings. In spite of these performances, the Tunisian product has remained mainly in the beach and spa sector and attracted in majority the European market: the French and the Germans. When facing the severe competition of the Mediterranean Basin, the Tunisian product has shown a certain stagnation, if not a decrease. The aim of our research is to concentrate on one essential point concerning the success, or the failure, of any touristic product: that is the strategy of promotional communication. Which are its basises in Tunisia ? How are they operated ? The failures ? The remedies ? At the time when the authorities count on a positive evolution, with the hope of reaching the number of 10 millions tourists in 2016, a Revolution comes to a surprise to the country and to the world. Structures and habits were obviously shaken and waves of violence swept to the industry of tourism which was the first one to suffer from it. The elections of the Constituent Assembly will bring to power an islamist majority who does not readily agree with the policy of openess which had been historically undertaken in the country. This is the price to be paid for the democracy hoped for by the people, which did upset the sector of tourism, and also our work which was about to be completed. It has, actually, made our research the more interesting and exciting. This is the research that we submit in this thesis
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Ben, Hadj Fredj Mejdi. « Les déterminants macro-économiques et financiers de l'efficience bancaire de pays émergents : cas de la Tunisie ». Thesis, Tours, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016TOUR1005.
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Notre objectif de ce travail est d’étudier l’efficience du marché financier tunisien avant et après la révolution de Jasmin de 2011 et de déterminer les facteurs macroéconomiques et financiers qui influencent le score d’efficience de ce marché. Notre méthodologie consiste à utiliser dans un premier temps le modèle GARCH multivarié pour estimer le coefficient de corrélation entre les rendements du marché et ceux des différentes banques et le coefficient Béta. Comme ce modèle suppose des résidus qui suivent la loi normale multivariée qui est une hypothèse non vérifiée dans la pratique, nous allons utiliser dans un deuxième temps la théorie des copules pour donner une plus grande souplesse dans la modélisation des données multivariées. Les facteurs les plus influents sont déterminés en utilisant le modèle de régression linéaire,le modèle de données de Panel et le modèle TOBIT. Les résultats empiriques montrent que le marché tunisien n’est pas efficient ni avant ni après la révolution. Beaucoup d’actions sont proposées pour améliorer le degré d’efficience de ce marchéOur objective of this work is to study the efficiency of the Tunisian financial market before and after the Jasmin revolution of 2011 and identify macro-economic and financial factors that influence the efficiency score of this market. Our methodology is to use at first multivariate GARCH model to estimate the correlation between market returns and those of individual banks and the Beta coefficient. As this model assumes the residues that follow the multivariate normal law is untested in practice, we used in a second step the copula theory to provide more flexibility in modeling multivariate data. The most influential factors are determined using the linear regression model, the panel data model and TOBIT model. The empirical results show that the Tunisian market is not efficient either before or after the revolution. Many actions are proposed to improve the degree of efficiency of this market
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Marouane, Amine. « Modélisation stock-flux de l'économie tunisienne : analyse des chocs de la crise économique et de la révolution ». Thesis, Bordeaux 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013BOR40062.
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L’objet de cette thèse est de modéliser l’économie tunisienne dans le cadre d’une approche post keynésienne stock-flux cohérente en économie ouverte afin de fournir une analyse des faits stylisés observés depuis 2001. Ce type de modélisation macro économique post keynésienne se distingue par le fait qu’il tient compte non seulement de la dimension flux mais également de la dimension stock de l’économie tunisienne. Il constitue en fait un nouveau cadre d’analyse des effets de de la crise financière et économique mondiale de 2007-2008 et des conséquences économiques issues de la récente révolution tunisienne de 2011. Notre modèle se compose de six secteurs : les entreprises, les ménages, les banques, la banque centrale, l’Etat et enfin le reste du monde. Ce dernier représente l’Union Européenne étant donnée la forte dépendance de l’économie tunisienne vis-à-vis de l’économie des pays européens. Nous avons essayé alors d’expliquer l’évolution du PIB tunisien à travers quatre types de chocs à savoir : les variations du taux de croissance de l’Europe et ce, pour prendre en compte l’impact de la crise économique mondiale, les modifications du taux d’intérêt et du taux de change issues des changements dans la politique monétaire tunisienne ainsi que la réaction de la politique budgétaire et enfin le choc de confiance et de productivité pour évaluer l’impact de la crise économique lors de la révolution tunisienne de 2011. Ces quatre chocs nous ont permis de reproduire les faits stylisés de l’économie tunisienne et de comprendre les effets des crises de la dernière décennie. Puis, nous avons envisagé trois scénarios pour l’économie tunisienne, un premier scénario optimiste, un second pessimiste et un troisième scénario intermédiaireThe purpose of this thesis is to model the Tunisian economy in a post Keynesian stock-flow consistent approach in order to provide an analysis of the observed stylized facts since 2001. This kind of post Keynesian macroeconomic model retains not only the stock dimension but also the flow dimension of the Tunisian economy. Thus it is a new framework for analyzing the effects of the financial and economic crisis of 2007-2008 and economic consequences resulting from the recent Tunisian revolution of 2011. Six sectors make our economy: households, firms, banks, central bank, government and the rest of the world. The rest of the world represents the European Union given the strong dependence of the Tunisian economy on European economies. In order to explain the trend of the Tunisian GDP, four shocks are considered namely the impact on the growth rate in European Union to take into account the global crisis, the changes in interest rate and exchange rate to explain the impact of monetary policy and the response of fiscal policy and finally the shock in the state of confidence and productivity to understand the effects of the economic crisis during the Tunisian revolution. These four shocks have allowed us to reproduce the stylized facts of the Tunisian economy and understand the effects of the crisis of the last decade. Then we consider three scenarios for the Tunisian economy: an optimistic scenario, a pessimistic scenario and intermediate scenario
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Abbas, Nabila. « Das Imaginäre und die Revolution : die Imaginäre des tunesischen Revolutionsprozesses ». Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 8, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PA080004.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Mon approche de la révolution tunisienne se concentre sur les imaginaires des acteurs tunisiens qui ont contribué à la chute du régime de Ben Ali : Quels imaginaires politiques ont-ils ? Quelles critiques formulent-ils à l’égard de ce régime ? À quelles idées, normes, valeurs font-ils référence dans leurs critiques ? J’examine les imaginaires de différents acteurs : défenseurs des droits humains, syndicalistes, féministes, citoyens, jeunes, chômeurs, cyberactivistes et islamistes. J’identifie d'abord les imaginaires qui ont contribué à l’érosion de l’ancien régime (imaginaires critiques), avant d'analyser les imaginaires figurant la construction d’une « nouvelle Tunisie » (imaginaires constructifs). Pour penser le concept d’imaginaire je m’appuie sur la pensée du philosophe Cornelius Castoriadis qui attire l’attention sur la force de l’imagination conçue comme une puissance permettant l'émergence de représentations sociales. J’en ai déduit deux hypothèses fondamentales pour mon travail. Premièrement : les imaginaires révolutionnaires des acteurs sociaux s’opposent et contredisent les récits d’État. Partant de l’idée de Foucault selon laquelle le pouvoir produit et s'exerce également à travers des discours qui se traduisent en vérités sociales, j’affirme que les imaginaires révolutionnaires en remettant en cause les récits d’États contredisent également la légitimité du régime de Ben Ali. Et deuxièmement : les processus révolutionnaires sont des processus conflictuels dans lesquels les acteurs sociaux négocient les valeurs et les institutions de la société à construire. L’imagination et les imaginaires occupent un rôle primordial dans cette négociationThe revolutionary Tunisian movement has overthrown the 23-years-long dictatorship and kleptocracy of Ben Ali and has declared the end of the deprivation of the right of political self-determination. The outbreak of the Tunisian revolution and of the revolts in the Arab world in 2011 challenged as well some western hegemonic ideas about the Arab people, states and societies. The ongoing uprisings in the Arab world seem to question the stereotype of “Arab people” as non-political and fatalistic. In my doctoral dissertation, I approach the Tunisian revolutionary process by analysing the imaginaries, that is to say the political ideas, wishes, social representations, norms and values of the main Tunisian actors that contributed to the legitimacy crisis of the Ben Ali regime in its symbolic foundation and in the end to its overthrow. These actors include trade unionists, feminists, young people, secular and Islamist human rights activists, cyber-activists, unemployed persons and “ordinary citizens”. I conducted in total 47 semi-structured, interviews with the above-mentioned actors in Tunis, Sidi Bouzid, Gafsa, Redeyef and El Guettar. I rely on the work of the philosopher and psychologist Cornelius Castoriadis on imaginaries to explain that not only reason but also imagination contributes to the construction of social institutions, representations and practices. I identify the imaginaries that served as basis of critique of the Ben Ali regime (critical imaginaries) and imaginaries concerning the “new Tunisia” (constructive imaginaries), such as imagined
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Gharsalli, Awatef. « L'art contemporain en Tunisie : les enjeux sociaux et internationaux ». Thesis, Paris 10, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA100031/document.
Texte intégralRésumé :
L’art contemporain en Tunisie est resté à la marge de l’art contemporain. Quelles sont les raisons qui ont empêché sa reconnaissance ? Voulant rompre avec toutes les représentations dites coloniales et orientalistes, les artistes de la jeune génération qui viennent après l’indépendance, cherchent à s’ouvrir sur l’international et à se moderniser tout en préservant leurs identités et leurs appartenances. Ils se sont retournés vers le patrimoine et la calligraphie pour ainsi « tunisifier » leurs peintures abstraites. L’art abstrait, au départ était une aventure libératrice. Plus tard, avec une critique presque absente, peu curieuse ou censurée, voire corrompue, une commission nationale d’achat qui sélectionne arbitrairement les œuvres et les artistes, les artistes tunisiens ont pu se réfugier dans l’art abstrait pour fuir la réalité. Sinon pour profiter du consentement de la commission d’achat. A force de répéter et de se répéter ils sont tombés dans le suivisme et l’anarchisme qui ont engendré une médiocrité de style et une stagnation picturale. Pendant que les uns tombent dans une léthargie sans fin, d’autres vont chercher à communiquer implicitement leur désarroi et leur malaise. Les enjeux sociaux ont fait que ces artistes restent à la marge d’une reconnaissance artistique nationale. À l’échelle international, il y a deux ou trois décennies il était inimaginable de porter un regard autre qu’ethnographique sur la production artistique non occidental et plus tard quand les frontières ont été aboulies, ceux qui passent à la visibilité le font à travers des règles imposés de l’extérieur. Les artistes ont été soulagés par la Révolution et ont rompu le mur du silence, de la crainte, de l’interdit et de la peur. Mais la libération de l’art qui correspond au devenir démocratique pourrait aussi s’accompagner du retour à une censure symbolique d’une nature moins démocratique. C’est sans doute le défi de l’art tunisien d’aujourd’hui. Cette thèse d’histoire de l’art aborde le sujet avec les méthodes de l’historien et le regard du critiqueContemporary art in Tunisia was seen at the margin of contemporary art. What are the reasons that hide its recognition? In order to break with all the colonial and Orientalist representations, the artists of the youth generation who come after the independence, tried to be known all over the world and stick into modernity while preserving their identities and affiliations. They turned, as a result, to the patrimony and calligraphy in order to « tunisify » their abstract paintings. At the beginning, the Abstract art was defined as a liberating adventure. Later on the absence of critique which was not curious, or even corrupted, the commission of purchase selects arbitrarily the works and artists; Tunisian artists have taken refuge in abstract art to bury its reality, or to get the consent of the buying commission. By dint of repeating and re-repeating they fell into the conformism and anarchism which generate a mediocrity of style and pictorial stagnation. While some fall into lethargy endless lethargy, others will attempt to communicate implicitly their distress and discomfort. Besides, artists remain at the margin of a national artistic recognition due to many social issues. On the international scale, two or three decades ago, it was unimaginable to look back on non-occidental artistic production with ethnographic point of view and later when the borders were abolished, those who moved to the visibility did it with rules imposed from the outside. Artists was relieved by the revolution, after breaking the wall of silence, of fear, of the forbidden. But the liberation of art as the fate of democracy could also be accompanied by a back to the symbolic censorship of a narrow democratic landscape. It is probably the challenge of Tunisian art today. This thesis discusses, then, the topic of art history through historian’s approaches and critics view
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LIOSI, MARIANNA. « Social Networks as Digital Archives : Videos of the Tunisian Revolution Post-January 14, 2011 ». Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Ferrara, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11392/2488138.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Questa tesi offre un approfondimento sul ruolo svolto dai social networks, in particolare YouTube e Facebook, in quanto archivi digitali, attraverso l’osservazione del caso empirico dei video vernacolari girati e diffusi durante la fase dei ventinove giorni della rivoluzione tunisina, nel periodo successivo al 14 gennaio 2011. Nel quadro critico della natura commerciale dei social network, esploro le questioni della conservazione e della trasmissione nel tempo di queste testimonianze visive online e offline. A questo proposito, individuo lo spettatore come agente di trasformazione nei video proposti, il quale, utilizzando lo strumento del montaggio cinematografico come modus operandi, può creare nuove narrazioni a partire dai materiali audiovisivi in questione.
I risultati della mia ricerca suggeriscono che, laddove la circolazione dei filmati online diminuisce dopo il 14 gennaio 2011, YouTube sembra proporsi come un archivio time-based che può essere utilizzato retrospettivamente dagli utenti/spettatori per recuperare nel tempo i video amatoriali online, e ricombinarli. Questo, grazie specialmente alle caratteristiche infrastrutturali di YouTube, come la ricercabilità e l'iperaccessibilità dei contenuti. Lo spettatore emerge, dunque, come il soggetto in grado di utilizzare i social media come archivi, forzando il funzionamento dell'algoritmo. Inoltre, partendo dai contenuti dei social networks, gli spettatori producono altre forme di archivio online e offline, che veicolano la diffusione dei video nel tempo, ma che al contempo, possono creare gerarchie tra oggetti digitali della stessa natura. Post-14 gennaio 2011, i video si affermano, inoltre, come modelli estetici consolidati di attendibilità. Essi costituiscono, però, anche un'eredità visuale da cui emanciparsi per generare nuove rappresentazioni in grado di raccontare un paese in transizione come la Tunisia. In alternativa, tali materiali audiovisivi vengono attualizzati in altre narrative, che fanno luce sulle attuali controverse questioni politiche e sociali dello stato nordafricano.
A questo proposito, la memoria individuale dei video è uno degli ambiti osservati, da cui possono generarsi nuove storie. Oltre ai momenti specifici della fase dei ventinove giorni di rivoluzione che i soggetti intervistati e i partecipanti del focus group ricordano, dalle memorie emerge la percezione di un antagonismo tra le esperienze digitali e quelle fisicamente mediate. Infatti, l'insieme dei fenomeni emotivi legati al processo della memoria mostra dei rapporti individuali controversi con i video della rivoluzione, nel presente. I ricordi emersi mostrano anche il peso ambivalente che tali audiovisivi, in quanto oggetti di memoria connettiva, hanno nella creazione della memoria individuale e collettiva.
Il mio materiale illustra, attraverso contraddizioni e limiti, la rilevanza dei social networks come archivi della rivoluzione tunisina, post 14 gennaio 2011. Questo, nonostante la natura commerciale di tali piattaforme. La tesi sottolinea, inoltre, anche il ruolo fondamentale degli spettatori all'interno del processo di archiviazione. Essi sono i soggetti che, in ultima analisi, rendono possibile nel tempo la conservazione dei video attraverso la memoria, la creazione di ulteriori modi di raccontare, e nuove narrazioni relative alla fase dei ventinove giorni della rivoluzione tunisina.This dissertation offers an overview on the role played by social networks, especially YouTube and Facebook, as digital archives. The focus of my research is on the empirical case study of the vernacular videos shot and circulated during the twenty-nine-day phase of the Tunisian revolution, in the post-January 14, 2011 period. I explore questions of the preservation and transmission of these visual testimonies over time in virtual and offline domains within a critical framework of the commercial and highly-capitalistic nature of social networks. In this respect, I point at the spectator as an agent of transformation in the proposed videos by using the tool of cinematic montage as a modus operandi to create new narratives out of the clips. The findings suggest that, whereas the circulation of footage online decreases in post- January 14, 2011, YouTube turns into a time-based archive that can be used retrospectively by users/spectators to retrieve vernacular videos and recombine them, thanks to infrastructural features, such as searchability and the hyperaccessibility of contents. The spectator emerges as the character who performs social media as archives by forcing the functioning of the algorithm. Spectators create other forms of repositories online and offline, which diffuse the clips, while they create hierarchies among digital objects of the same nature. The clips turn into established aesthetic models of trustworthiness. They constitute a legacy from which to liberate in order to create new representations for a country in transition. Alternatively, they enter fictional narratives that shed light on current controversial political and social issues in the country. The exploration of individual memory also produces a set of narratives. Aside from specific scenes, the interviewed subjects and participants of the focus group perceive an antagonism between digital and physically mediated experiences. Indeed, the whole set of emotional phenomena related to the process of recollection shows this controversial relationship with the clips of the revolution in the present time. These recollections also show the ambivalent weight that the so-called connective memory objects have in the creation of individual and collective memory. My material illustrates, through contradictions and limits, the relevance of social networks as repositories of the Tunisian revolution, post-January 14, 2011. This is despite the commercial nature of these internet products. My material also stresses the role of the spectator within the process of archiving as the character that, ultimately over time, makes preservation possible by means of memory and the creation of additional narratives and storytelling of the twenty-nine-day phase of the revolution.
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Boukadi, Samira. « Teachers' perceptions about the future of English language teaching and learning in Tunisia after the 2011 Revolution ». Thesis, University of Exeter, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/14688.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Since 1994, various policies and guidelines, pertaining to modifying the language policy in Tunisia have been disseminated. All of these policies highlighted the importance of English as a global language. Despite all these policies and guidelines, the English language is still experiencing problems within schools and society alike. These problems prevent the language from developing and functioning accurately in the country. The actual requirements of English language learning are still not integrated into the general considerations of the political agenda. In order to determine what factors teachers perceive as important with regard to the situation of the English language in Tunisia, a combination of qualitative and quantitative research approaches were conducted. The data was gathered by means of an intensive literature study, as well as utilisation of surveys and interviews. After analysing the data, specific conclusions were reached. The findings of my research indicate certain trends, for instance the discrepancy between policy makers’ practises and the teachers’ expectations of change. Additionally, the research highlighted teachers’ needs and desires for a better future. Certain recommendations in this regard have been made. Recommendations on how a clear vision could assist with the attainment of the best linguistic situation in Tunisia have also been made. The recommendations with regard to the study could be utilised to support the national educational reform post revolution in Tunisia in order to promote English language teaching and cope with globalization across the world.
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Skhiri, Yasmine Naila. « Demokratisering och jämställdhet : En fallstudie av Tunisien efter revolutionen 2011 ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-323544.
Texte intégral
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Meseguer, Mañá David. « Anàlisi de la cobertura mediàtica de la revolució tunisiana : enquadraments, agendes i discurs de la premsa internacional durant l'aixecament popular que va canviar el món àrab ». Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/399586.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Anàlisi de la cobertura informativa que set dels principals mitjans de comunicació del món –les versions online d’Al Jazeera English, CNN, BBC i France 24 English, així com els diaris Le Monde, The Guardian i l’International Herald Tribune¬– van realitzar durant un esdeveniment de la transcendència històrica i social com la revolució tunisiana de 2010. A partir de l’estudi dels enquadraments, les agendes, el discurs dels diferents mitjans i la realització d’entrevistes en profunditat a professionals que van cobrir la revolució tunisiana, la recerca permet conèixer els diferents factors que van influir en els processos de producció de la informació. L’estudi demostra com Al Jazeera English, France 24 English i Le Monde van fixar l’agenda intermèdia i com la selecció dels temes, atributs i fonts per part d’aquests mitjans van condicionar la cobertura que la resta de mitjans va realitzar de l’aixecament popular tunisià.We analysed the coverage that seven of the main media in the world –online versions of Al Jazeera English, CNN, BBC, France 24 English and Le Monde, The Guardian and the International Herald Tribune newspapers– made during an historical and socially important event, the Tunisian revolution in 2010. Studying frames, agendas and media speech, and conducting interviews with professionals who covered the Tunisian revolution, the research reveals the main factors which influence the production information processes. The study shows how Al Jazeera English, France 24 English and Le Monde fixed the media agenda and how such topics, attributes and sources selected by these media conditioned the coverage that other media made during the Tunisian uprising.
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Kebaili, Selima. « Le genre de la justice transitionnelle : les effets d'un label international sur des femmes (victimes) en Tunisie (2011-2018) ». Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2021. http://www.theses.fr/2021EHES0012.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Dans le contexte post-révolutionnaire tunisien, la justice transitionnelle, ensemble de dispositifs visant à pacifier et démocratiser des sociétés par la reconnaissance des victimes, a été le sujet de la mobilisation de divers groupes politiques. Des associations de femmes se sont notamment organisées pour mettre en lumière des types de répression spécifiques aux femmes en faisant usage de diverses figures victimaires, parfois antagonistes. L’inclusion des femmes au sein du processus a aussi fait l’objet de mesures institutionnelles qui se sont concrétisées par la création d’une sous-commission de vérité réservée aux femmes, ainsi que la mise en place d’une « approche genre » de la justice transitionnelle par des organisations internationales, parmi lesquelles l’ONU. La figure de femme victime de la dictature est appropriée par divers acteurs et cristallise les enjeux du processus. Alors que la justice transitionnelle est conçue par ses acteurs institutionnels et ses théoriciens comme un processus technique et neutre, cette thèse interroge les effets de politisation produits par la mise en place du processus. La plupart des recherches portant sur la justice transitionnelle ont adopté des perspectives institutionnelles et ont analysé le programme a posteriori. Cette recherche déplace l’analyse vers la réception de la justice transitionnelle par les acteurs locaux et leur socialisation à cette dernière. Au croisement de la sociologie du droit, de l’anthropologie du développement, de la sociologie des mouvements sociaux et de la sociologie du genre, cette thèse s’appuie sur l’observation ethnographique et sur des entretiens avec des acteurs internationaux et locaux de la justice transitionnelle et les femmes victimes. Elle comporte trois axes. D’une part, elle s’intéresse à la manière dont des femmes enviennent à déposer un dossier de victime auprès de la commission de vérité. D’autre part, elle explore les effets du soutien offert aux associations de femmes victimes par les organisations internationales, sur leurs identités collectives et leurs trajectoires militantes. Enfin, elle questionne les appropriations et valorisations différentielles des catégories victimaires et leurs impacts sur la construction des subjectivités politiques des victimes qui s’impliquent dans la justice transitionnelleTransitional justice, a set of instruments intended to bring peace to and democratizesocieties through the recognition of victims, was the subject of considerable mobilization by various political groups in post-revolutionary Tunisia. Tunisian associations joined forces to shed light on the forms of repression specific to women, using multiple – and sometimes antagonists – victim figures for that purpose. The inclusion of female victims in the process was also addressed by institutional measures, which lead to the implementation of a Truth Sub-commission specifically for women, and the implementation of a “gender approach” by international organizations, such as the United Nations. Whereas institutional actors and theorists have conceived of transitional justice as a technical and neutral process, this thesis questions the politicization and effects produced by the implementation of the program. Most research work on transitional justice has adopted institutional perspectives and analyzed the program a posteriori. This research shifts the analysis towards local actors’ reception of and socialization vis-a-vis the process of transitional justice.Using the sociology of social movements, the sociology of law, the anthropology ofdevelopment, and the sociologie of gender, this thesis draws on ethnographic observation and interviews with international and local actors in transitional justice and with women victims. This research examines three axes. First, it addresses how women come to file a victim's report with the Truth Commission. Secondly, it explores how the support offered to associations of women victims by international organizations influences both their collective identities and their militant paths.Lastly, this study questions the differential appropriations of victim categories and their impact on the construction of the political subjectivities of female victims involved in transitional justice
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Jedrom, Malin. « Democracy in an era of liberalism : An analysis of the democratization process in Tunisia after the Jasmin Revolution ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-294981.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Jasmin Revolution in Tunisia began at the end of 2010. Mohamed Bouazizi set himself on fire in protest against the corrupt police officials that had forced him to pay bribes in order to run his business. His protest became the symbol for the revolution that followed. A combination of political instabilities along with an economic downturn that lead to unemployment created dissatisfaction among the people in Tunisia. The Protest grew into a revolution that demanded action against the widespread unemployment, lack of democracy and human rights. A democratization process started after the revolution because of the protests. The purpose of this thesis is to analyse how Tunisia developed a democratic system of governance, if the notion of human rights has changed since the democratization process started and to analyse the relationship between human rights and democracy within the case of Tunisia. Three democratization theories, are applied to this case on Tunisia in order to answer these questions. The theorists are Robert A. Dahl with a theory of constitutionalism and institutionalism, Chantal Mouffe with a theory of agonistic pluralism and Seyla Benhabib with a theory of deliberative democracy. The three theorists have different opinions regarding democracy and democratization processes but they all agree that the modern notion of democracy is of liberal character and that inclusion and that equality is important for a democracy. This thesis shows that the democratization of Tunisia’s governance could arise because the process had a relatively liberal agenda, which is perceived through the theories as the modern concept of democracy. The three theories require inclusion and equality for a transition to be democratic. Tunisia has included the citizens in the work of establishing a better relationship between the state and citizens but also when drafting the new constitution after the revolution. The actions taken by Tunisia are compatible with the theories, and maybe an explanation to the democratization process. The relationship between democracy and human rights is important when discussing the democratization of Tunisia. The revolution demanded democracy and human rights, something that the state could not deny. In order to honour the revolution and its demands the government in Tunisia tried to incorporate human rights into the democratic work, linking the relationship between democracy and human rights. Therefore, it can be viewed as a liberal democratization process. This thesis proves that Tunisia is not a democracy, but the process after the revolution is still remarkable and one day I can only hope that the process will be complete.
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Mahlouly, Dounia. « Alienation of the revolution : how connectivity affects the sustainability of counter-discourse in post-revolutionary Tunisia and Egypt ». Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2015. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/7244/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Early research investigating digital activism in relation to the 2011 Arab uprisings intended to determine whether digital media played a significant role in consolidating the revolutionary opposition. As a result, this literature essentially focuses on the exact moment of the January 2011 protests and often fails at considering the evolution of digital activism and social media consumption over time. Alternatively, this work goes beyond the context of the January 2011 events and investigates how participative media have been used over the course of the political crisis that led the 2011 Egyptian and Tunisian revolutions to the 2013 military coup d’état. By doing so, it elaborates the debate on digital activism and assesses how social media has affected public deliberation over the long run and as political leaders attempted to regain legitimacy in the aftermath of the uprisings. In doing so, this research contributes to the evaluation of what extent these emerging forms of political action, which Bennett and Segerberg conceptualise as connective action (2012) are sustainable and likely to materialise into institutional politics. In order to map the post-revolutionary debate across a range of digital media, this study draws on a large data set extracted from different social platforms, including blogs, search engines and e-consultation project. Data visualisation tools and traditional discourse analysis are jointly applied to analyse this data set and identify how various political actors, such as party leaders, bloggers or random social media users debated online over the course of the 2011-2013 political crisis. In addition, this work includes a set of face-toface interviews conducted on the field with Egyptian journalists and political activists actively engaged in the post-revolutionary debate. By analysing the long-term effects of digital activism in Tunisia and Egypt, this research proposes to challenge the assumption, according to which digital media, as a manifestation of technological development acts as a factor of democratisation.
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Amor, Cyrine. « Social media after the revolution : new political realities and everyday network practices in the context of Tunisia (2011-2013) ». Thesis, Goldsmiths College (University of London), 2016. http://research.gold.ac.uk/19469/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This research examines issues raised by social media's depiction, over recent years, as source of civic empowerment and radical socio-political change. The intensely publicized role of social networking sites at the onset of the 2011 Arab uprisings has served to support at times overly linear perspectives on the relationship between new media technologies and socio-political change. Debates in the field have been limited by an over-emphasis on strategic and instrumental use of social media by political and cyber-activists to achieve pre-determined political outcomes. Less is currently known about the perspectives, experiences and motivations of more ordinary users as they learn to navigate politicised online spaces and to participate in the production, mediation and dissemination of content on social media. This research revisits Tunisia, the country where the Arab uprisings first started, to provide an inter-disciplinary exploration and contextualization of these questions, and of how everyday social media practices may relate to users' knowledge of, engagement with, and participation in a shared public and political world. The study focuses on developments in the country between January 2011 and December 2013, with specific focus on the social networking site Facebook, as it dominates social media use in Tunisia during this transitional period. By juxtaposing qualitative analysis, quantitative elements, and a chronological dimension, research findings highlight the complexity of social media's rapidly evolving role, from perceived source of civic empowerment, to contributor to social tensions and political polarization in the country. The research argues that the communicative conditions provided by social media, in this context, facilitates civic encounters and political communication, but equally that, by making individual and collective socio-political identities and positions more publicly visible and fixed, social media use also reinforces differences and undermines sociality, engendering complex negotiation processes and adaptive participative practices over time.
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Korpe, Tilia. « Artivism in Tunis - Music and Art as tools of creative resistance & ; the cultural re : mixing of a revolution ». Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21621.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This Thesis explores artistic activism or artivism in the context of youth in post- revolution Tunisia. During and after the Arab Uprisings, the MENA region has experienced a tendency, wherein resistance is undertaken by artivists through in situ art interventions, music, and performances that create ‘new cultural spaces’, in which cultural hybridism through the mix of urban youth subculture, communication and traditional culture, creates new contexts of authenticity. It further investigates how art and activism is used in Tunis as a tool to mirror, provoke or communicate messages that directly or indirectly deal with post-revolution themes, and which mechanisms exist in limitations of artistic freedom of expression.It utilizes concepts of cultural resistance through theorists Stephen Duncombe and discusses the concept artivism as a hybrid term, through Aldo Milohnic. It then delineates subculture, authenticity and hybridization through various theorists and examines Artistic Freedom of Expression through the standpoint of international conventions and reports. The Thesis also analyzes artistic activism, commodification and globalization through a re-contextualization of Theodor Adorno and Walter Benjamin.Guiding this analysis are interrelated points of redefining Arab youth subcultures, through interviews conducted with five young Tunisian artists who combine artistic expression with political commentary and activism. I argue that a new dynamic discourse is shaped in the MENA region through the re-mixing of a cultural narrative which becomes re-contextualized locally, and therefore becomes authentic in a ‘glocal’ context. The Thesis offers analytical contribution to the field of cultural production in a Tunisian political context and adds to the research field of artistic activism.
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Kyzivát, Jan. « Arabské jaro 2011 - změny režimů. Případová studie Tunisko, Egypt, Sýrie ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-124820.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The diploma thesis deals with the regime change in the context of the Arab Spring 2011 with focus on Tunisia, Egypt and Syria. The aim of the thesis is to determine factors causing different progress towards political reforms in each country. Theoretical framework is provided by characteristics of undemocratic regimes, transitions to democracy and democracy itself. Each country is introduced from the historical point of view with focus on the 20th century, especially current methods of the governance. Several conclusions are made based on analytical -- synthetical method of reviewing historical, political and socioeconomical factors determining the domestic situation in compared countries and explaining their influence on different transition progress towards the new political system.
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Alaadrah, Najwa. « L’évolution du système de vulgarisation agricole face aux nouveaux défis de l’agriculture et aux enjeux de l’agroécologie dans les pays du Sud et de l’Est de la Méditerranée : le cas de la Syrie et de la Tunisie ». Thesis, Bourgogne Franche-Comté, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018UBFCG002/document.
Texte intégralRésumé :
L’objet de cette thèse est d’analyser l’évolution du système de vulgarisation agricole en contexte méditerranéen, en termes d’organisation, de dimensions du conseil et de méthodes d’intervention à partir d’une analyse régionale des systèmes syrien et tunisien. Cette évolution répond à des changements profonds du modèle de production agricole, basé historiquement sur les principes de la Révolution verte, qui s’oriente vers des modèles agro-écologiques. Nous nous situons dans le mouvement dit de la « transition agroécologique », qui propose un cadre de développement associant les dimensions socioéconomiques et environnementales. Elle permet d'envisager une meilleure intégration de l'agriculture et de ses enjeux dans le projet de développement territorial. Concevoir et mettre en œuvre cette approche nécessite de changer profondément la gestion des systèmes de production. Pour assurer ces changements, les agriculteurs ont besoin de nouveaux dispositifs d’accompagnement. L’analyse de l’évolution des systèmes de vulgarisation est conduite à partir d’un cadre théorique et méthodologique construit en référence aux théories du développement, notamment évolutionniste, pour tenir compte des forces générales qui déterminent les actions locales, et historiciste, pour donner place aux trajectoires de développement et aux combinaisons territoriales singulières. Ce cadre suppose que le développement ne dépend pas de producteurs prêts à adopter des innovations exogènes mais plutôt à participer à son élaboration. Cette participation répond à deux besoins : i) l’adaptation de l’innovation à la particularité des situations comme la transition agroécologique le préconise, ii) la décentralisation de la gestion des biens socio-environnementaux, vers des formes de communs. Face à ces enjeux de transformation des systèmes agricoles, on peut s’attendre à ce que l’organisation de la vulgarisation agricole s’est adaptée par le passage d’un système piloté principalement par un dispositif public, basé sur une seule dimension de conseil technique et sur des méthodes diffusionnistes de vulgarisation de masse, à un système composite proposant plusieurs dimensions de conseil et de méthodes d’intervention individuelles ou communes basées sur la co-construction du conseil. L’analyse est conduite en prenant appui sur un travail empirique adapté à la situation des deux pays d’étude, circonscrit sur la région d’Al Ghâb en Syrie et de Nabeul en Tunisie. Les résultats sont assez proches dans les deux pays où l’évolution du secteur agricole se réalise par petites touches qui tiennent plus de la substitution de pratiques plus économes et plus respectueuses du milieu que les précédentes, mais elle n’a pas été accompagnée par une évolution marquante du système de vulgarisation agricole. Le dispositif étatique occupe toujours une position de monopole en Al Ghâb, et dominante à Nabeul. L’évolution organisationnelle de ce système se borne, dans les deux régions, à la déconcentration des services, avec une timide privatisation sur le terrain de Nabeul. Dans les deux régions d’études, le dispositif étatique utilise classiquement des méthodes collectives de conseil basées sur le modèle « Training and Visit » et se limite à une dimension technique basée principalement sur les recettes de la Révolution verte ; leur contribution à l’évolution des pratiques agricoles vers l’agroécologie n’est pas notableThe aim of this dissertation is to analyze the evolution of the agricultural extension system in a Mediterranean context, in terms of organization, types of advice and methods of intervention drawn from a regional analysis of Syrian and Tunisian systems. This evolution responds to profound changes in the agricultural production model, historically based on the principles of the Green Revolution, which is evolving towards agro-ecological models. We situate this work in the movement known as the "agro-ecological transition", which proposes a framework of development associating socio-economic and environmental dimensions. This movement allows us to envision a better integration of agriculture and its stakes in the territorial development project. To design and implement the agro-ecological approach requires a profound change in the management of production systems. To ensure these changes, farmers need new support schemes. The analysis of the evolution of the extension systems is conducted from a theoretical and methodological framework constructed with reference to development theories, notably especially evolutionist, which take into account the general forces that determine local actions, and historicist, which give pace to development trajectories and singular territorial combinations. This framework assumes that the development does not depend on producers willing to adopt exogenous innovations but rather to participate in its elaboration. This participation meets two needs: i) the adaptation of innovation to the particularity of situations as the agroecological transition advocates ii) the decentralization of the management of socio-environmental goods, towards common forms. To deal with these challenges of transforming agricultural systems, we can be expected that the organization of agricultural extension has adapted by the passage of a system driven primarily by a public device, based on a single type of technical advice and on diffusionist methods of mass of extension, to a composite system offering several types of advice and individual or joint intervention methods based on the co-construction of the advice. Our analysis is based on an empirical work adapted to the situation of the two countries under study, circumscribed to the regions of Al Ghâb in Syria and Nabeul in Tunisia. The results are quite similar in both countries where the evolution of the agricultural sector occurs through small changes that rely more on the substitution of practices more economical and more respectful of the environment than previous practices, but these changes have not been accompanied by a significant evolution of the agricultural extension system. The state apparatus still occupies a monopoly position in Al Ghâb, and dominant in Nabeul. The organizational evolution of this system is limited, in both regions, to the deconcentration of services, with a timid privatization on the site of Nabeul. In both regions of study, the state apparatus uses classically collective counseling methods of advice based on the "Training and Visit" model, and is limited to a technical dimension based mainly on the proceeds of the Green Revolution, their contribution to the evolution of agricultural practices towards agroecology is not notable
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Tlili, Ameni. « Anomie et culture écrite. Enquête d'ethnographie linguistique sur le rapport entre la Révolution de 2011 en Tunisie et le dire-écrire des jeunes Tunisiens sur Facebook ». Thesis, Normandie, 2021. http://www.theses.fr/2021NORMR004.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Ce travail d’investigation est une enquête d’ethnographie linguistique pour penser et concevoir la relation entre deux notions : celle de la Révolution, cette mutation politique qui a eu lieu en Tunisie en 2011 (nous sommes là en face d’un problème extralinguistique) et celle de la culture écrite ou du parler-écrire des jeunes Tunisiens sur Facebook qui est un phénomène purement linguistique. Tout notre travail consiste à étudier les transformations et les métamorphoses mais aussi le maintien et la conservation de tel ou tel aspect de ce dire-écrire des jeunes dans une situation exceptionnelle, une situation d’anomie, de subversion et d’hérésie. Autrement dit, il s'agit d'étudier les inventions mais aussi les ritualisations et les mises en scènes ainsi que les différences et les inégalités entre les jeunes face à la culture écriteThis work is a linguistic ethnography survey to think and conceive the relation between two notions : the Revolution in Tunisia, this political mutation which took place in 2011 (this is an extra-linguistic problem) and the written culture of young Tunisians on Facebook which is a purely linguistic phenomenon. All our work consists of studying the transformations and metamorphoses but also the maintenance and conservation of the different aspects of this speaking / writing of young people in such an exceptional situation combining anomie, subversion and heresy. In other words, it is necessary to examine the inventions but also the ritualizations and the presentation of self in everyday life as well as the differences and the inequalities between the young people facing the written culture
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Nizarki, Galiar. « Arabiska våren : Framställningen av revolutionen i Mellanöstern/Nordafrika i mainstreammedia ». Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Sektionen för hälsa och samhälle (HOS), 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-18049.
Texte intégralRésumé :
”Arabiska våren – framställningen av revolutionen i Mellanöstern/Nordafrika i mainstreammedia” är titeln på denna studie som har syftet att studera hur mainstreamkanalerna Al Jazeera och BBC rapporterat kring revolutionerna i Tunisien och Syrien för att på så sätt kunna uttala om den ”Arabiska vårens” framställning. Syftet har också varit att jämföra mediekanalernas konstruktion av revolutionerna med varandra för att belysa eventuella likheter och skillnader i rapporteringarna. Med utgångspunkt av tidigare forskning kring identitetsteori, diskursanalys som teori, andrafiering och postkolonialism har mediekanalernas rapporteringar analyserat med hjälp av den kritisk diskursanalytiska metoden. Resultaten och slutsatserna som kan tas i denna studie är kortfattat att Al Jazeera konstruerar diskursen om revolutionen genom att underminera postkoloniala strukturer. Al Jazeera tar en ställning mot väst och dess intressen, samt aktörer förknippade med väst där de västallierade andrafieras som ”De onda Andra”. BBC andrafierar revolutionen där konstruktionen av diskursen om revolutionerna uttrycks i postkoloniala diskurser. BBC andrafierar aktörer i revolution i dimensionerna ”De goda Andra” och ”De onda Andra”, där de förstnämnda tillämpas på västallierade och den andra förknippas med aktörer som väst inte har goda politiska relationer med.
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Labiadh, Ines. « La Tunisie à l'épreuve de la territorialisation : réalités et perspectives du modèle de développement territorial ». Thesis, Université Grenoble Alpes (ComUE), 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017GREAH007/document.
Texte intégralRésumé :
En Tunisie, le développement a toujours été une affaire de l’Etat. A travers ses organismes déconcentrés, il veille à l’application de ses programmes aux différentes échelles infranationales. Depuis l’indépendance, ces programmes pour la plupart héritiers des stratégies et politiques nordistes se sont soldés par un échec, en particulier dans les zones difficiles à fortes contraintes naturelles et socio-économiques. La marginalisation longue et profonde couplée à l’incapacité des pouvoirs publics à résoudre les problèmes dans ces zones ont conduit à une révolte populaire dans les zones défavorisées, où les marges de manœuvre et les possibilités de prise de décision par les acteurs locaux sont les plus rétrécies. La révolution reflète la saturation des politiques publiques et la nécessité de laisser libre cours au dynamisme des territoires et des collectivités locales pour penser leur propre développement. Certaines dynamiques territoriales ont, d’ailleurs, réussi à faire leur preuve à travers des mécanismes consensuels de valorisation et de construction des ressources et des richesses. Ainsi, Cette thèse analyse l’émergence des expériences de développement territorial en Tunisie et questionne leurs éléments de force et de faiblesse. Elle permet aussi de réfléchir sur le statut d’aujourd’hui et de demain des territoires et sur le rôle qu’ils devraient jouer dans la réinvention de la pratique du développement. Ce travail propose à cet égard, d’aborder la révolution comme un moment historique et le processus de transition démocratique tel une opportunité à saisir par les territoires pour mettre au service de leurs populations la richesse de leur capital humain et de leurs patrimoines et ressources. L’analyse de terrain, des pratiques des acteurs et des apports de la révolution nous permet d’examiner tous ces aspectsIn Tunisia, the development was always a State affair. Through his devolved public bodies, he watches the application of his programs in the various infranationals scales. Since the independence, these programs for the greater part heirs of the strategies and northern policies, failed, in particular in the difficult areas with strong natural and socioeconomic constraints. The long and deep marginalization coupled with the incapacity of public authorities to solve the problems in these areas led to a popular revolt in the disadvantaged zones where the margins of operation and the possibilities of decision-making by the local actors were the most limited. The revolution expresses the saturation of public policies and the necessity of giving free rein to the dynamism of territories and local authorities to think of their own development. Especially that number of territorial dynamics prove their benefit by consensual mechanisms of valuation and construction of the resources and wealth. So, This thesis analyzes the emergence of the experiences of territorial development in Tunisia and questions their elements of strength and weakness. She also allows to reflect about the today and tomorrow’s status of territories and on the role which they should play in the reinvention of the development practice. This work proposes in this regard, to approach the revolution as a historic moment and the democratic transition process like a opportunity to be seized by territories to put in the service of their populations the wealth of their human resources and their heritages and resources. The analysis of terrain, practices of the actors and the contributions of the revolution allows us to examine all these aspects
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Petrelius, Ausi, et Charlotte Årling. « Revolutionen är en man : Genus, nationalitet och nyhetsvärdering i de svenska mediernas rapportering om den arabiska våren ». Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för mediestudier, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-89355.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In this study we examine four Swedish newspapers’ visual coverage of the Tunisian and Egyptian uprisings in 2010 and 2011 – commonly known as the “Arab Spring Revolution”, the “Jasmine revolution” and in Sweden also the “Women’s revolution” – focusing on three main perspectives: news values and framing, postcolonialism, and gender. By means of a comprehensive content analysis and an in-depth semiotic analysis, the purpose of this study is to investigate how Swedish written media frames the revolution and its initiators and partakers through news photographs, headlines, lead paragraphs and photograph bylines, and to determine whether or not it reproduces earlier trends of media coverage and framing of non-Westerners and non-Western societies. The purpose of the extensive content analysis is to attain data for empirical research of the visual portrayal of the uprisings’ first twelve weeks in Sweden’s four largest newspapers Dagens Nyheter, Svenska Dagbladet, Aftonbladet and Expressen. The analysis reveals that episodic framing is regularly used in all four newspapers, and that media demonizes Tunisians and Egyptians by constructing them as a brutal, uncivilized and threatening group which almost exclusively consists of men, and whose members are neither quoted nor named. It also shows that women are symbolically annihilated by media and that the very few women who do occur are gender stereotyped in accordance with established media conventions and postcolonial tradition, with the interesting exception of women being quoted to a larger extent than men. The analysis furthermore confirms the low occurrence of female journalists in Swedish foreign reporting, as well as demonstrates that the gender of the journalists does not influence what types of stories are written or how they are framed. The variable frequencies obtained from the content analysis provide indicators which are subsequently explored in the semiotic analysis of four news photographs. The qualitative study establishes that the North African uprisings are represented and framed as being conducted by a group of angry, uncontrolled and unstoppable men. In conclusion, the results of this study indicates that Sweden’s four largest newspapers use a colonial discourse which threatens to establish and reproduce the idea of Tunisians and Egyptians as the Arabic “Others”.
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Ben, Rejeb Khalil. « Le retour du refoulé religieux dans le contexte tunisien : radicalisme et djihadisme chez les jeunes adultes après la révolution tunisienne de 2010-2011 ». Thesis, Angers, 2022. http://www.theses.fr/2022ANGE0021.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Ce travail de thèse nous a permis de réfléchir sur les conditions et le contexte dans lesquels il y a eu embrigadement, recrutement puis formation de sujets radicalistes religieux, communément appelés « djihadistes » dans le contexte spécifique à la réalité tunisienne. Nous avons cherché à comprendre les raisons qui ont pu expliquer le phénomène de radicalisation rapide et massive des jeunes tunisiens et le fait que la Tunisie ait été l’un des principaux pourvoyeurs mondiaux de djihadistes. Notre hypothèse est que le recours au religieux de façon radicale et dogmatique chez les jeunes depuis la révolution tunisienne (décembre 2010 - janvier 2011), plus particulièrement à partir de la seconde moitié de 2011, est l’expression d’une forme violente de retour du refoulé. Il s’agit d’un comportement de révolte religieuse qui s’inscrit dans le cadre d’une quête identitaire collective dans un pays marqué par un mouvement de sécularisation mené par Bourguiba, premier président de la Tunisie depuis l’indépendance du pays en 1956. L’investigation clinique de six détenus au moyen d’un entretien clinique, d’une grille de recueil d’information et du test du Rorschach a montré que l’engagement radicaliste et djihadiste s’est développé plus particulièrement chez des jeunes sur un terrain marqué par la fragilité psychologique et des situations de précarité, d’isolement et de carence (affective, spirituelle, économique, de niveau intellectuel, etc.) C’est comme si ces jeunes cherchaient à réparer inconsciemment une opération de déliaison et de cassure réalisée au niveau des liens symboliques inter et intragénérationnelsThis thesis work allowed us to reflect on the conditions and the context in which there was regimentation, recruitment and training of religious radical subjects, commonly called “jihadists”, in the specific context of the Tunisian reality. We sought to understand the reasons that may have explained the phenomenon of rapid and massive radicalization of young Tunisians and the fact that Tunisia has been one of the world’s main suppliers of jihadists. Our hypothesis is that the use of religion in a radical and dogmatic way among young people since the Tunisian revolution (December 2010 –January 2011), more particularly from the second half of 2011, is the expression of a violent form of return of the repressed.This is a behavior of religious revolt that is part of a collective quest for identity in a country marked by a secularization movement led by Bourguiba, Tunisia’s first president since the country’s independence in 1956. The investigation of six detainees by means of a clinical interview, an information collection grid and the Rorschach test showed that radicalist and jihadist engagement has developed more particularly among young people in a field marked by psychological fragility and situations of precariousness, isolation et deficiency (emotional, spiritual, economic, intellectual level, etc.). It is as if these young people were unconsciously seeking to repair an operation of disconnection and break carried out at the level of inter and intra-generational symbolic links
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Fuhrer, Robert. « The Arab Spring in North Africa : Key Comparative Factors and Actors ». Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2013. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/5633.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study analyzed the revolutions in Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya (North Africa) beginning in late 2010. The first part of the study focused on variables that the North African revolutions shared. These variables were “personalistic-style of dictatorship”, “sizable percentage of youth in population”, and “economic context”. These factors were then discussed as major descriptive variables that caused the revolutionary events in North Africa. The second part of the study assessed why each North African revolution resulted in varying levels of violence. Concluding thoughts were made regarding the similarities and differences between the 2009 Iranian Green Revolution, events in other North African Arab-majority states such as Algeria and Morocco, and the on-going Syrian Revolution to the North African RevolutionsM.A.
Masters
Political Science
Sciences
Political Science; International Studies
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Guillaumet, Anne. « La place de la nature dans la société tunisienne post-révolution entre politiques de protection et exploitation touristique : Représentations, approches institutionnelles et pratiques sociales ». Thesis, Avignon, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019AVIG1196.
Texte intégralRésumé :
En Tunisie, au lendemain de la Révolution de 2011, de nombreuses aires de nature protégées comme les parcs nationaux et les parcs urbains subissent de graves dégradations et actes de vandalisme. Parallèlement, en 2014, la nature devient un droit constitutionnel, et au même moment, dans le secteur du tourisme, s’affirme l’émergence d’une offre touristique plus proche des espaces naturels. Que nous disent ces comportements si contradictoires des relations homme/nature de la société tunisienne post-révolution ? C’est au travers de l’analyse des représentations sociales de la nature que notre recherche se concentre, en s’intéressant en particulier, aux images « iconiques », anciennes et récentes, de la nature (partie 1), aux ambitions des politiques publiques en matière de protection de l’environnement qui se sont succédées depuis l’Indépendance, aux thématiques environnementales portées par les acteurs du débat public post-révolution (politique, associatif, médias) (partie 2), ainsi qu’aux tendances récentes du tourisme tunisien et aux nouvelles pratiques de pleine nature des Tunisiens (partie 3)In Tunisia, in the aftermath of the 2011 Revolution, many protected natural areas such as national and urban parks were severely degraded and vandalized. In parallel, in 2014, nature became a constitutional right and at the same time in the tourism sector, touristic offers more attuned to natural areas emerged. What do these contradictory behaviours tell us about Mankind/Nature relations in post-revolution Tunisian society? Our research focuses on the analysis of the social representations of nature, in particular "iconic" images, old and new, of nature (Part 1), the ambitions of public policies in terms of environmental protection that have followed one another since Independence, the environmental themes promoted by the actors of the post- revolution public debate (political, associative, media) (Part 2), as well as recent trends in Tunisian tourism and the new outdoor activities of the Tunisian people (Part 3)
En Túnez, después de la Révolution de 2011, muchas áreas de naturaleza protegida como los parques nacionales y los parques urbanos enfrentan graves degradaciones y actos de vandalismo. En paralelo, en 2014, la naturaleza se vuelve un derecho constitucional, y al mismo tiempo, en el sector del turismo, se nota la aparición de una oferta turística más cerca de los espacios naturales. ¿ Que nos enseñan estos comportamientos tan contradictorios de las relaciones entre humano/naturaleza en la sociedad tunecina post-revolución ? Es a través del estudio de las representaciones sociales que nuestra investigación se centra, prestando más interés, a las imágenes « icónicas », antiguas y recientes, de la naturaleza (parte 1), a las ambiciones de las políticas públicas en el sector de la protección del medio ambiente que se produjeron desde la independencia, a las temáticas ambientales apoyadas por los actores del debate público post-revolución (político, asociativo, prensa) (parte 2), así como las recientes tendencias del turismo tunecino y las nuevas prácticas en plena naturaleza de los tunecinos (parte 3)
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Lin, Ya-Ying, et 林疋愔. « Symbolic Construction in Democratic Revolutions –As the Cases of Jasmine Revolution in Tunisia and Egypt ». Thesis, 2012. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/31890762139099018315.
Texte intégralRésumé :
碩士國防大學政治作戰學院
政治研究所
100
The result of “Jasmine Revolution” in Tunisia and Egypt let people have a new understanding to the catalytic power of symbols spread. Never before has popular protest brought down an authoritarian regime in the Arab world. And never had anyone anticipated the speed with such deeply entrenched regimes might be overthrown. Because of the rapid spread of revolutionary iconic signs, the revolutionary consciousnesses of majority were agglomerated successfully and then overthrow the dictatorial regime. Jasmine Revolution in Tunisia and Egypt raised a contagious wave of revolution might soon usher in democratic transition throughout the Middle East. The most important difference between the past and modern revolutions is that modern use distinct ideology and words as a political goal. This paper will integrate the revolutionary theory of several scholars and combine the “Semiotics” which interpret the communication law in the context of symbols, people and socio-cultural to explore the enormous effect when revolutionary symbols spread by new media. By the way, Let the bullets fly, using a large number various of referential symbols, criticizes the corruption under the communist regime and resonates by interacting with symbols in the film and the recipient. The symbolic imagery of Jasmine Revolution combines with symbols of the film. Therefore, The ideology of majority were agglomerated. The purpose of study is to use the result of Tunisia and Egypt’s revolution to explore the meaning of Let the bullets fly and Jasmine Revolution by the semiotics view；moreover, tries to link what Jasmine Revolution bring to the CCP and its response to analyze the possibility of Jasmine Revolution in China.
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NETTERSTRØM, Kasper Ly. « Essays on the revolution in Tunisia ». Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/47307.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 10 July 2017Examining Board: Professor Olivier Roy, European University Institute (supervisor); Professor Hanspeter Kriesi, European University Institute; Professor Malika Zeghal, Harvard University; Associate professor Nadia Marzouki, EHESS
The Tunisian Revolution and constitutional process constitute the first successful indigenous democratization process in the Arab World. In this article based thesis the historic event is analysed and discussed in relation to the established theories of democratization. The thesis contains four different articles. The first focuses on why the Tunisian Islamists accepted the country’s new constitution despite the fact that it contained principles that were in opposition to some of their previous Islamist beliefs. The second centres on the role of the Tunisian General Labor Union. It seeks to explain why the union could play such a crucial role in the revolution and constitutional process despite the fact that its leadership had close connections to the previous regime. The third article looks into how the Tunisian religious sphere changed as a result of the revolution. The fourth article tries to answer why the revolution came to be understood as a conflict between 'Islamists' and 'secularists' through an analysis of the conflict between the Islamists and the Tunisian General Labor Union. Finally, in the last chapter the state of comparative politics is discussed in relation to the conclusions of the different articles.
Chapter 4 ‘The Tunisian revolution and governance of religion' of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as an article 'The Tunisian revolution and governance of religion' (2017) in the journal ‘Middle East critique’
Chapter 2 ‘The Islamists’ compromise in Tunisia' of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as an article 'The Islamists’ compromise in Tunisia' (2015) in the journal ‘Journal of democracy'
Chapter 3 ‘The Tunisian General Labor Union and the advent of democracy' of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as an article 'The Tunisian General Labor Union and the advent of democracy' (2016) in the journal ‘The Middle East journal’
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Shehabat, Ahmad. « Arab 2.0 revolutions : investigating social media networks during waves of the Egyptian political uprisings that occur between 2011, 2012 and 2013 ». Thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.7/uws:34196.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Social media networks were at the centre of the dramatic events in 2011 events widely referred to as ‘the Arab Spring’ uprising or revolution. This thesis investigates the role of social media networks (such as Facebook, Twitter and YouTube) in facilitating political mobilisation and the creation of a new Arab public sphere. The thesis asks whether the Arab Spring revolutions would have even happened in the absence of social media networks. The analysis will focus specifically on Egypt and how these networks acted as a catalyst and tool for mobilisation and how they shifted the balance of power between civilian activists and the authoritarian regime in the uprisings that occurred in 2011, 2012 and 2013. The primary research data reveals that social media networks have gone through four distinct phases: outrage and hope, instability and distrust, disinformation and criticism, and antagonism and hate. As these phases have been enacted during the three waves of social unrest in Egypt, networks have become a key player in generating and shifting power. This thesis draws on network theories of communication such as ‘the strength of weak ties’ (Granovetter 1973) and ‘communication power’ (Castells 2009). Castells proposes that social networks can be sites of ‘outrage and hope’ (2012) but in this thesis I argue that social media has developed into ‘networks of antagonism and hate’. This argument is made after an empirical analysis of the Facebook data sets of the liberals and Islamists which shows they have become sites of clashing ideologies. This thesis will also highlight the role other media played in the uprisings, such as Arab satellite channels such as Aljazeera, Hacktivists groups such as Anonymous and Telecomix and the whistle-blower website, WikiLeaks. The primary analysis of Facebook data sets identifies complex power dynamic between Islamists and liberals, who have both played dominant roles in the battle over information dissemination in their attempts to control society.
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Hu, Chih-Sheng, et 胡志聖. « Jasmine Revolution and EU''s Foreign Policy towards Tunisia ». Thesis, 2015. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/43740742793888138001.
Texte intégralRésumé :
碩士國立中興大學
國際政治研究所
103
By the enlargement of the EU, the future goals of the EU and its neighboring countries tend to merge and converge in order not to divide into two groups: members and non-members, which deepen the idea of self and others. Therefore, the EU induces neighboring countries to concert with its core values by offering aids and incentives. With European Neighborhood Policy, the EU gradually input the European core values such as democracy, freedom, equality and human right to neighboring countries. In the meantime, promoting the concept of democracy is one of the most important objectives in the EU-Tunisia’s action plan. Moreover, the EU rewards neighboring countries depending on how much they are willing to comply with EU’s foreign policy. In order to attain EU’s incentives, the partner countries will try to meet EU’s expectation on foreign policy as well as domestic governing etc. This study aims to explore the process of Jasmine revolution and explains its occurrence. Furthermore, this study also e the EU’s incentives that influence on the Tunisia’s progress of democracy and human rights. After all, the core values stand for an important role when it comes to the EU’s foreign policy; therefore, the EU’s foreign policy towards Tunisia may transform Tunisia imperceptibly.
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« The Revolution Will Be Framed : How Organizers and Participants Used Communication Media During the Arab Spring Revolution in Tunisia ». Doctoral diss., 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2286/R.I.51777.
Texte intégralRésumé :
abstract: The Arab Spring revolutions of 2010-11 raised important questions about how social-movement actors use new communication technologies, such as social media, for communication and organizing during episodes of contentious politics. This dissertation examines how organizers of and participants in Tunisia’s Arab Spring revolution used communication technologies such as Facebook, blogs, news websites, email, television, radio, newspapers, telephones, and interpersonal communication. The dissertation approaches the topic through the communication paradigm of framing, which the author uses to tie together theories of social movements, neo-patrimonialism, and revolution. The author traveled to Tunisia and conducted 44 interviews with organizers and participants about their uses of communication media, the frames they constructed and deployed, their framing strategies, their organizing activities, and their experiences of the revolution. The most common frames were those of the regime’s corruption, economic issues, and the security forces’ brutality. Interviewees deployed a hybrid network of media to disseminate these frames; Facebook represented a single node in the network, though many interviewees used it more than any other node. To explain the framing process and the resonance of the frames deployed by revolutionaries, the dissertation creates the concept of the alternative narrative, which describes how revolutionaries used a hybrid network to successfully construct an alternative to the narrative constructed by the regime. The dissertation also creates the concept of authoritarian weakening, to explain how citizens can potentially weaken neo-patrimonial regimes under conditions concerning corruption, poverty, and the introduction of civil society and of new communication technologies.Dissertation/Thesis
Doctoral Dissertation Journalism and Mass Communication 2018
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Tanev, Stefan Latchezarov. « Means to an End : Arab Spring ». Master's thesis, 2016. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-350592.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The thesis discusses the progress or lack thereof of in the Middle East, specifically Egypt to achieve "democracy". It will critically explore the reasons why the Arab Spring happened, what were the factors and what changed in Egypt during those times until the present. I will show how it was before the revolution in Egypt which toppled ex-president Mubarak, examine the transition phase when ex-president Morsi was in power, and at the end the second revolution or coup d'état by current president El-Sisi. With that said Egypt will be compared with the other countries in the region; Tunisia, Libya and Syria, and we will see what are some of the similarities in the revolutions as well as some of the differences.