Articles de revues sur le sujet « Resti commisti »

In Japan, adolescent school refusers often commit violence against their parents, particularly against their mothers. The authors investigated the relationship between the test-activity (sleep and wakefulness) cycle and the filial violence of one adolescent school refuser. His mother voluntarily recorded his daily life over a period of about 11 mo. This record included the rest-activity cycle, filial violence, school attendance, and other kinds of behavior. This school refuser was more likely to commit violence during the epoch of disturbed test-activity cycle. We believe that the direct manipulation of the circadian system is worth investigating as a new approach to developing a treatment of school refusal.

In the discussion of personal identity, from his Treatise of Human Nature, David Hume reaches a famous, if notorious conclusion: there is no self. We are “nothing but a bundle or collection of different perceptions” (T 252). My argument is that Hume's thesis on the self rests on a questionable rejection of a rival view that appears to commit the fallacy of equivocation. Along the way I identify a few possible problems with Hume's overall analysis of the self. My argument is that these diffi culties center around the conceptual apparatus Hume relies on to explain and analyze consciousness.

Language skill which lacks of attention is writing skill. It can be seen from the following evidence, the committe of Karang Taruna in Candirejo Village, Ponggok Sub-District, Blitar Regency has not been skilled in writing an official letter by using the systematics and the use of Indonesian language in terms of spelling application. The difficulty of writing letters is in accordance with the rules, so that they only write the letter and they do not pay attention systematics. It proved that there are many mistakes which made by the committe of Karang Taruna in Candirejo Village, Ponggok Sub-District, Blitar Regency in writing a letter, is in the systematical error and the use of Indonesian language.Kata Kunci: korespondensi, surat, karang tarunaABSTRAKKeterampilan berbahasa yang kurang mendapatkan perhatian adalah keterampilan menulis. Hal ini dapat dilihat dari bukti berikut, Pengurus Karang Taruna Desa Candirejo Kecamatan Ponggok Kabupaten Blitar belum terampil menulis surat resmi dengan menggunakan sistematika dan penggunaan bahasa Indonesia dalam hal penerapan ejaan. Kesulitan menulis surat sesuai dengan kaidah sehingga hanya asal jadi surat dan belum memeperhatikan sistematika. Hal ini terbukti masih banyak kesalahan yang dibuat oleh pengurus Karang Taruna Desa Candirejo Kecamatan Ponggok Kabupaten Blitar dalam menulis surat, yakni kesalahan sitematika dan penggunaan bahasa Indonesia.Kata Kunci: korespondensi, surat, karang taruna

Les fausses allégations d’agression sexuelle de nature incestueuse semblent se multiplier. Un cas singulier de dénonciation par un fils d’un inceste commis à son encontre par sa mère est détaillé. Les aspects juridiques et psychopathologiques de la sincérité sont étudiés et appliqués aux fausses allégations d’agression sexuelle, puis aux aveux de fausses allégations. L’inceste est un acte qui se prête aisément aux fausses allégations, même si cela reste l’exception. Mais cet aspect ne peut être rejeté sans analyse préalable, tant par les juristes que par les psychiatres. Un tel acte paraît tellement monstrueux que sa réalité peut être refusée. Au total, le problème de la sincérité dans l’inceste mère-fils est très complexe et des éléments d’analyse psychodynamique sont apportés par les auteurs.

L’homicide pathologique survient dans un contexte psychoaffectif morbide avec des motivations toujours affectives. Les impulsions au meurtre, les crimes immotivés reste un symptôme clinique de la plus haute importance. Elle évolue par accès revêtant un caractère mixte à la fois discordant et psychopathique. Entre les accès, l’existence d’un minimum de trouble et le sujet peut souvent mener une vie proche de la normale. Il s agit de deux jeunes hommes de milieu différent ayant commis chacun un homicide sans aucun motif. Leur passage à l’acte est trop complexe pour n’être qu’un signe ou qu’un symptôme. Dans notre expertise, il est question de restituer une image la plus fidèle possible de notre compréhension de ce qui se joue sur la scène de la violence intime du sujet.

Every 40 years, a person commits suicide somewhere in the world. Suicide claims the lives of over 800,000 individuals each year, accounting for about 1.4 percent of all deaths globally. In this spectrum, mental disorders are among the strongest predictors of suicide attempts with depression, substance abuse, and psychosis being the most common risk factors. Regardless of suicides being an unprecedented epidemic in the society, Malaysia is one of the few which remains the archaic law in statutes, that criminalises suicide and punishes anyone who attempts or commits any act leading to the commission of such an offence with a sentence of one year in prison, a fine, or both. The present research thus aims at highlighting the challenges of prosecuting attempted suicides in Malaysia based on the attitude of the judiciary, thus addressing the weaknesses of Section 309 of the Penal Code of which the provision for criminalising suicide rests. Employing the doctrinal research methodology, systematic means of legal reasoning based on statutory materials, conventional legal theories, and related case law pertinent to the criminalising of attempted suicide in Malaysia are produced. In dealing with issues as intricate as suicides and mental disorder, the present research argues that the focus should be to develop a regulatory framework that facilitate access to appropriate care in a professional and sensitive manner instead of punishment.

This article responds to four criticisms of the Catholic view of natural law: (1) it commits the naturalistic fallacy, (2) it makes divine revelation unnecessary, (3) it implausibly claims to establish a shared universal set of moral beliefs, and (4) it disregards the noetic effects of sin. Relying largely on the Church’s most important theologian on the natural law, St. Thomas Aquinas, the author argues that each criticism rests on a misunderstanding of the Catholic view. To accomplish this end, the author first introduces the reader to the natural law by way of an illustration he calls the “the ten (bogus) rules.” He then presents Aquinas’ primary precepts of the natural law and shows how our rejection of the ten bogus rules ultimately relies on these precepts (and inferences from them). In the second half of the article, he responds directly to each of the four criticisms.

AbstractAlthough the non-intervention rule is often defended as a guarantee of international order, rigid adherence to it cannot be morally justified when governments commit or permit atrocities within their territory. In such cases, intervention is permissible and may even be obligatory. Drawing on the ideas of Rousseau, Kant, and to a lesser extent Hegel, this article examines the grounds of the argument for humanitarian intervention, demonstrating that intervention is in principle not only permissible but obligatory when considered philosophically. Therightto intervene can be grounded on common morality, the protection of sovereignty and the coerciveness of justice. Thedutyto intervene rests on a respect for humanity and the conceptual relationship between rights and duties. Considering these two lines of argument shows that humanitarian intervention can be conceived as a duty that states can be reasonably required to perform.

ABSTRACTDoes electoral fraud stabilize authoritarian rule or undermine it? The answer to this question rests in part on how voters evaluate regime candidates who engage in fraud. Using a survey experiment conducted after the 2016 elections in Russia, the authors find that voters withdraw their support from ruling party candidates who commit electoral fraud. This effect is especially large among strong supporters of the regime. Core regime supporters are more likely to have ex ante beliefs that elections are free and fair. Revealing that fraud has occurred significantly reduces their propensity to support the regime. The authors’ findings illustrate that fraud is costly for autocrats not just because it may ignite protest, but also because it can undermine the regime’s core base of electoral support. Because many of its strongest supporters expect free and fair elections, the regime has strong incentives to conceal or otherwise limit its use of electoral fraud.

Sous analysé par les sciences sociales au Maroc, le groupe des dirigeants des entreprises publiques marocaines a subi un ensemble de transformations sous l’effet des processus de modernisation néolibérale du secteur public entamés depuis les années 80. L’objectif de cet article est de se rendre compte de ces évolutions à travers l’étude de cas de l’une des plus grandes entreprises publiques : la Caisse de Dépôt et de Gestion (CDG). En s’appuyant sur l’exploitation d’un ensemble de documents (monographies, documents officiels, articles de presse…) produits par ou sur cette institution, l’analyse du profil de ses dirigeants entre 1959 et 2009 et des entretiens semi directifs menés avec un échantillon d’actuels et d’anciens cadres, cet article montre que s’il y a eu une transformation du profil de ses dirigeants (des hauts commis de l’administration financière aux ingénieurs diplômés des grandes écoles françaises), le paradigme dominant au niveau de la gestion de la caisse est resté, en revanche, le même.

AbstractWittgenstein's Private Language Argument has had an extraordinary influence, but examination reveals it to be nothing but multi-layered confusion. Section 1 argues that it is quite unclear what exactly Wittgenstein took to be his target, but one approach clearly leads to an infinite regress. Section 2 argues that his comments on the ‘private object’ commit him to the rejection of the principle ‘like cause, like effect’, with disastrous results, and to the absurdity that, although I may be woefully inept in identifying my sensations, the relation between the private object and the public world miraculously changes in such a way that this ineptitude is never discovered. Section 3 argues that Wittgenstein has nothing remotely acceptable to say about what it is to speak of sensations. Sections 4 and 5 argue that Wittgenstein's rejection of the notion of privileged access means that he cannot distinguish between genuine manifestations of consciousness and agency and mere mechanical or computerised happenings (‘mind the gap’; ‘doors closing’), a distinction which ultimately rests on the primacy of the first-person perspective.

Il existe une certaine opacité dans les possibilités d’exercice des responsabilités des forces de paix. Devant le climat d’apparente indifférence ou d’impunité que les États de la communauté internationale semblent réserver aux infractions commises par les membres des contingents militaires des opérations de paix, il existe des faisceaux d’actions possibles, du moins théoriques, et juridiquement fondées qui puissent engager la responsabilité des coupables d’infractions au droit des conflits, aux droits nationaux et aux droits de l’homme. Cet article se propose alors de saisir les sustentations de la justiciabilité des infractions des membres militaires des opérations de paix. Cette justiciabilité s’articulera, d’une part, au prisme des linéaments de la justice pénale individuelle et par l’organisation des responsabilités des États et des organisations internationales qui restent tout à fait envisageables. D’autre part, elle s’articulera au creuset des rôles et compétences des mécanismes de mise en oeuvre de cette responsabilité. Une responsabilité qui peut être mise en oeuvre, dans une première esquisse, conformément à l’architecture normative relative à ces infractions, et, dans une seconde démarche, sous l’aile institutionnelle qui constitue la citadelle d’exercice et d’effectivité de ces responsabilités. Cependant, la matérialisation et l’effectivité de cette justiciabilité reste suspendue au bon vouloir des États de la communauté internationale. C’est bien là tout le défi.

La théorie des scripts permet une compréhension séquentielle de la criminalité sous différentes formes. Alors que traditionnellement les chercheurs se sont intéressés aux crimes contre la propriété puis aux crimes contre la personne, la présente étude vise l’analyse d’une nouvelle forme de criminalité, soit celle commise au moyen d’Internet. L’objectif de cet article est d’examiner, à partir d’une recension des écrits scientifiques, la manière dont la consommation de pornographie juvénile peut être comprise selon une perspective dynamique. Il y est avancé que le consommateur de pornographie juvénile motivé, en acquérant de nouvelles connaissances et techniques, traverse nombre d’étapes et d’obstacles le menant ultimement à l’agression sexuelle d’enfants. Il est toutefois important de noter que seule une petite partie des individus s’engageront dans les étapes subséquentes du script et que l’accent est mis sur le contexte et non sur les liens de causalité qui unissent les étapes puisque leur existence reste à démontrer. Plus précisément, les cheminements de la consommation de pornographie adulte à la pornographie juvénile, à la distribution de ce type de matériel, au leurre d’enfant et, enfin, au basculement dans le réel, soit l’agression d’enfant et la production de pornographie juvénile seront détaillés. Les limites et les implications de l’étude seront discutées.

L’auteure désire susciter la réflexion du juriste sur un aspect particulier de la nouvelle loi fédérale traitant des infractions imputées aux adolescents. Il s’agit d’une question qui, bien qu’elle revête une grande importance, a été presque complètement passée sous silence : la qualification d’une infraction, selon qu’elle est sans violence ou avec violence. C’est que le législateur a choisi de mettre de côté la définition de ces expressions, tout en décidant de continuer de s’y référer. Or, il en découle d’importantes répercussions pour les adolescents sur deux plans. D’abord, selon qu’il est déterminé que l’infraction imputée aux adolescents est comprise au sens de l’un ou l’autre de ces vocables, il est présumé que la prise de mesures extrajudiciaires sera suffisante pour faire répondre les adolescents de leurs actes délictueux ou, a contrario, qu’elle sera insuffisante. Ensuite, le tribunal pour adolescents est autorisé à imposer une peine comportant le placement sous garde de l’adolescent qui a notamment été reconnu coupable d’une infraction commise avec violence. Ainsi, la qualification de l’infraction comporte des enjeux de taille, car elle ouvre (ou non) la porte aux mesures extrajudiciaires plutôt que de recourir au tribunal et elle autorise (ou non) le placement sous garde. Inévitablement, la nouvelle loi amènera avec elle son lot d’incertitudes pour la prochaine décennie. Il reste à espérer que ce ne seront pas les adolescents qui en feront les frais.

Abstract This study tackled legal responsibility of limited liability company’s director, by explaining the nature of limited liability company, the way of appointing its director, and defining his/her duties and powers towards the company. The key problem of the study examines the extent of the civil and penal responsibility of the Director or the board of directors towards the company. For this purpose, the study adapted both descriptive and analytical approach to analyze texts of the articles. This research concluded that, on the one hand, limited liability companies are of a mixed nature, and that, on the other hand, the responsibility that rests on the director or the board of directors is not limited to civil responsibility; there is a penal responsibility as well if they commit acts that constitute a crime which is punishable. Therefore, they will be subject to the Penal Code, the Companies Law, or any other law during their work period. The study concluded with recommendations, the most important of which is that a supervisory board must be established to manage the company in case of negligence or error, which led to the company reaching a debt loss of 50% and obliging the director or the board of directors jointly to pay the company’s debts if their negligence or fraud is proven. Keywords: Limited Liability Company, Legal Liability, Partner, Company’s Manager

Principle 1 of the International Law Commission demands that any person who commits an act which constitutes a crime under international law is responsible and therefore liable to punishment. This is supported by various other international treaties, obligations, and also under customary international law. The mandate of the Special Court for Sierra Leone (The Special Court) rests with United Nations Security Council Resolution 1315(2000); to prosecute those who bear the greatest responsibility for serious international crimes committed during the country’s civil war, which lasted from 1991-2002. To be clear, there were many protagonists in the conflict. However, the Special Court, which lasted between 2002 and 2012, prosecuted only thirteen members from selected groups, who were alleged to have committed such offences. Although there was considerable evidence to have supported additional prosecutions from the other warring factions in the conflict. As it was the responsibility of the Prosecutor to select those who were to be prosecuted; was the prosecutorial discretion robust enough in the case selection of those that were prosecuted, or was it a case of selective enforcement, or was it even discriminatory whilst trying to achieve the Court’s mandate? This paper aims to evaluate the exercise of prosecutorial discretion at the Special Court, with a view to determining, whether the manner in which it was exercised may have led to the Prosecutor underachieving the Court’s mandate.

Résumé Le continent africain a vécu certains des crimes de guerre de masse, crimes contre l'humanité et crimes de génocide les plus odieux, le plus souvent perpétrés dans le contexte d'un conflit armé interne. Ces atrocités ont, pour la plupart, été commises sans que la communauté internationale n'élève la voix ou n'agisse. Face à cette situation, l'article 4 de l'Acte constitutif de l'Union africaine du 11 juillet 2000 reconnaît à l'organisation le droit d'intervenir sur le territoire d'un État membre en cas de crimes de guerre, de génocide et de crimes contre l'humanité, ainsi que le droit des États membres de solliciter une telle intervention. L'Acte constitutif de l'Union africaine est ainsi le premier traité international à énoncer un tel droit. La disposition tranche avec les notions traditionneUes du principe de non-ingérence et de non-intervention dans les affaires intérieures des États-nations. Cet article examine le droit d'intervention dans le cadre de l'Union africaine. L'auteur se penche sur l'historique de la démarche qui a abouti à l'insertion de cette disposition dans l'Acte constitutif, ainsi que sur les principaux objectifs et les raisons de cette exception majeure au principe de la souveraineté territoriale. En outre, la mise en œuvre de cette disposition ainsi que les difficultés pratiques, juridiques et procédurales prévisibles sont analysées. Les paramètres du droit d'intervention en droit international, de même que les aspects politiques influant sur le débat doctrinal, sont étudiés en vue d'évaluer le fondement juridique de l'article 4 de l'Acte constitutif. L'auteur fait valoir que, s'il est vrai que la mise en œuvre du droit d'intervention soulèvera très probablement des problèmes considérables, il n'en reste pas moins que la disposition met en évidence les valeurs fondamentales de l'Union africaine et les mesures énergiques que les États membres sont disposés à prendre pour garantir ces protections élémentaires à toute personne vivant en Afrique.

Cet article est le résultat de ma réflexion, sur moi-même, sur ma ville, sur mon pays dans cette situation politique, militaire et culturelle qui est aujourd’hui la nôtre. Comme si j’étais retournée aux années de ma jeunesse, je me suis posé et reposé les mêmes questions obsédantes et incontournables : comment cela a-t-il pu arriver, aurions-nous pu, et en particulier moi, faire quelque chose pour éviter la catastrophe ? Quand ce pays qui, semblait-il, s’était résolument engagé sur le chemin de la liberté, a-t-il commis une erreur fatale ? Qu’avons-nous fait que nous n’aurions pas dû faire et, surtout, qui est ce « nous » ? Qui est ce « moi » ? Reste-t-il un avenir à ceux qui l’ont répudié si facilement, à leur propre insu, en faveur d’un présent illusoire, ensorcelé par un passé qui lui-même a été inventé par des idéologues en chambre ? Sont-ils nombreux, ceux qui, en Russie, approuvent la guerre, et où se trouvent les sources de notre résistance ? Qu’arrive-il à la langue, à la nature humaine ? J’évoque tout ceci en artiste et en être humain qui se trouve dans une situation critique. Ces réflexions m’ont pris trois longs mois depuis les chaleurs étouffantes d’août jusqu’aux journées les plus sombres de novembre, qui a été froid en Russie. Cet article est le journal de mes observations sur les choses de ce monde, sur les morts et les vivants, sur le mystique et le banal, sur les changements qui ont affecté Moscou et ses habitants au cours des derniers mois, sur le processus au terme duquel j’ai compris qu’il y avait deux « peuples de Russie », dont la mixtion est impossible, qui étaient ontologiquement hostiles et qui se sont rencontrés aujourd’hui à un croisement de routes, alors qu’ils suivent des directions opposées.

Le comportement des hommes devant la mort est, sans aucun doute, l'un des aspectes les plus intéressants de l'Histoire des Mentalités. La pensée de la mort oblige à participer à un jeu que prsonne n'ose refuser, vu que tous ceux qui disposent de biens ont le même problème à l'heure de faire leur testament: la peur du châtiment divin. La fait de formuler sis dernières volontés devient donc une véritable confession des offenses et des mauvaises actions commises par l'individu, ce qui le conduit à utiliser toutes les formes d'expiation dont il dispose, dans un essai désespéré de se sauver des feux de l'enfer. Un état d'esprit s'impose ainsi dans tout le monde occidental du Moyen Age, caractérisé, sur le plan animique, par la peur de l'au-delà. Les barcelonais du début du XIV' siècle ne sont pas différents du reste de la population occidentale, tout comme nous le montrent les testaments de cette époque, lesquels deviennent ainsi une véritable source d'information pour connaitre la liturgie qui entoure la mort des testateurs. On les voit choisir soigneusement leur sépulture, disposer la célébration d'anniversaire de leur décès, réaliser toutes sortes d'oeuvres pieuses et d'aumônes -paiement de dote à des jeunes filles pauvres en âge de se marier, legs à des hôpitaux, vêtements et aliments pour les nécessiteux, etc.-, fonder des bénéfices éclésiastiques er, finalement, ils reconnaissent sincèrement leurs offenses et leurs péchés. Tout cela en vue de se réunir avec le Créateur; tandis que la société barcelonaise, qui dispose de moyens économiques er se trouve en pleine expansion commerciale, se comporte d'une façon très homogène. Seule la répartition inégale des richesses marquera des différences à l'heure d'affronter la mort et de disposer la célébration liturgique, mais les mentalités sont tellement semblades qu'elles détruisent les barrières sociales. Nobles et artisans, monarques et bourgeois, hommes et femmes, tous disent la vérité er tentent de dédommager ceux qu'ils ont maltraités ou ruinés leur vie.

India is a country of villages. The economy here is based on agriculture. The main responsibility of the country's economy rests on the farmers here. Whenever we think of a farmer, his face which is always adorned with lines of worry, comes before us. Farmer is the basic basis of the agricultural culture of India. Any analysis of Indian culture would be incomplete without the farmer, but today the farmer is again in search of his own identity, this plight of the farmers is not a new thing. Since ancient times, the farmer has been his victim and exploited, but when this suffering and exploitation becomes more than the limit, he is forced to agitate. On one hand, where Indian agriculture was considered as a way of life, today it is forcing the farmer to commit suicide. Be it the Sanyasi movement or the Neel movement or the Champaran movement or the Kheda movement or the Bardoli movement, farmers have been persecuted by the landlords in all the movements. They have been organizing and fighting for their demands against exploitation and oppression. Abstract in Hindi Language: भारत गांवों का देश है। यहां की अर्थव्यवस्था कृषि पर आधारित है। यहां के किसानों पर ही देश की अर्थव्यवस्था की प्रमुख जिम्मेदारी है। जब भी हम एक किसान के बारे में सोचते हैं उसका चेहरा जो हमेशा चिंता की लकीरों से सजी रहती है, हमारे सामने उभर कर आ जाती है। किसान भारत के कृषि संस्कृति का मूल आधार है। किसान के बिना भारतीय संस्कृति का कोई भी विश्लेषण अधूरा होगा, लेकिन आज किसान अपनी ही अस्मिता को तलाश फिर है, किसानों की यह दुर्दशा कोई नई बात नहीं है। प्राचीन काल से ही किसान अपनी पीड़ित और शोषित रहा है, लेकिन यह पीड़ा और शोषण जब हद से ज्यादा हो जाता है तो वह आंदोलन करने पर विवश हो जाता है। एक तरफ जहां भारतीय कृषि को जीवन जीने का तरीका माना जाता था, वही आज किसान को आत्महत्या तक करने पर मजबूर कर रहा है। सन्यासी आंदोलन हो या नील का आंदोलन या चंपारण आंदोलन हो या खेड़ा आंदोलन या बारदोली आंदोलन हो, सभी आंदोलनों में किसान जमींदारों द्वारा सताए जाते रहे हैं। शोषण और उत्पीड़न के खिलाफ अपनी मांगों को लेकर संगठित होते और संघर्ष करते रहे हैं। Keywords: अर्थव्यवस्था, कृषि, संस्कृति, आंदोलन, चंपारण आंदोलन

Background Universal tobacco-prevention programs targeting youths usually involve significant adults, who are assumed to be important social influences. Commitment not to use tobacco, or to quit use, as a formal contract between an adolescent and a significant adult is a preventive model that has not been widely practiced or explored and has been formally evaluated even less. In this paper, we present the rationale and protocol for the evaluation of the Swedish Tobacco-free Duo program, a multicomponent school-based program the core of which rests on a formal agreement between an adolescent and an adult. The adolescent’s commitment mainly concerns avoiding the onset of any tobacco use while the adult commits to support the adolescent in staying tobacco free, being a role model by not using tobacco themselves. Objective To assess (1) whether Tobacco-free Duo is superior to an education-only program in preventing smoking onset among adolescents and promoting cessation among their parents, (2) whether exposure to core components (adult-child agreement) entails more positive effects than exposure to other components, (3) the impact of the program on whole school tobacco use, (4) potential negative side effects, and (5) school-level factors related to fidelity of the program’s implementation. Methods A mixed-design approach was developed. First, a cluster randomized controlled trial was designed with schools randomly assigned to either the comprehensive multicomponent program or its educational component only. Primary outcome at the adolescent level was identified as not having tried tobacco during the 3-year junior high school compulsory grades (12-15 years of age). An intention-to-treat cohort-wise approach and an as-treated approach complemented with a whole school repeated cross-sectional approach was devised as analytical methods of the trial data. Second, an observational study was added in order to compare smoking incidence in the schools participating in the experiment with that of a convenience sample of schools that were not part of the experimental study. Diverse secondary outcomes at both adolescent and adult levels were also included. Results The study was approved by the Umeå Regional Ethics Review Board (registration number 2017/255-31) in 2017. Recruitment of schools started in fall 2017 and continued until June 2018. In total, 43 schools were recruited to the experimental study, and 16 schools were recruited to the observational study. Data collection started in the fall 2018, is ongoing, and is planned to be finished in spring 2021. Conclusions Methodological, ethical, and practical implications of the evaluation protocol were discussed, especially the advantage of combining several sources of data, to triangulate the study questions. The results of these studies will help revise the agenda of this program as well as those of similar programs. Trial Registration International Standard Randomized Controlled Trial Number (ISRCTN) 52858080; https://doi.org/10.1186/ISRCTN52858080 International Registered Report Identifier (IRRID) DERR1-10.2196/21100

Acute physicians are confronted daily by the relentless increase in clinical demand, inadequate continuity of care, breakdown in out of hours care and a looming crisis in the medical workforce. The scale and gravity of these factors, together with changes to patient’s needs relating to the ageing demography, were detailed in the RCP report published in September 2012 ‘Hospitals on the edge’. The top concern of RCP members and fellows was the lack of continuity of care, ahead of financial pressures and clinical staff shortages. Worryingly one in ten physicians stated they would not recommend their hospital to a family member, and a further 25% were ambivalent on this question. Concern about the provision of acute medical care is not confined to consultants and specialist registrars. Another RCP report, ‘Hospital workforce, fit for the future?’ (2013) highlighted that 37% of FT2s and CMTs considered the workload of the medical registrar on call ‘unmanageable’. The outcome of the Mid Staffs independent inquiry in February 2013 provided critical context for the launch of the Future Hospital Commission (FHC) report, which was launched seven months later in September. The report was met with an extremely positive response from patients, carers, NHS staff, healthcare leaders and politicians. Lancet Editor Richard Horton said that the Commission had ‘produced the most important statement about the future of British medicine for a generation.’ Secretary of State for Health Jeremy Hunt praised the report and its ‘buck stops here’ approach. The Daily Mirror even noted that the report was one of the few areas on which the government and the opposition could agree! ‘Future Hospital: caring for medical patients’ places the patient at the centre of healthcare. Organising healthcare delivery around the needs of the patient is at its heart and features extensively in the core principles and 50 recommendations. A series of unequivocal commitments were made to patients, on issues generating considerable patient concern: moving beds in hospital, quality of communication and arrangements to leave hospital. Patients and carers were represented in each of the Commission’s five work streams, led on the recommendations relating to building a culture of compassion and respect, and participated in launch of the report to the media. The primary focus of the FHC report is on the acute care of medical patients and the views of acute physicians were key to articulating these recommendations. However the report is clear that the solution to current acute pressures on hospitals and specifically in-patient pathways, lie across the whole health and social care system. Care must be delivered in the setting in which the patient’s clinical, care and support needs can best be met and not merely delegated to the acute hospital site. This inevitably means 7 day services in the community as well as in hospital and a consistent new level of “joined up care” with integration, collaboration and information sharing across hospital and all healthcare settings. In keeping with this the report highlights the urgent need to establish alternatives to hospital admission including the extensive use of ambulatory emergency care (AEC), the provision of secondary care services in the community and an expansion of intermediate care rehabilitation services. Many of the report’s recommendations arose from clinical staff devising innovative solutions to improve the quality of care and ameliorate clinical demand. The report showcased a range of case studies describing service developments and new patterns of care, innovations that would not have been possible without the leadership and sheer determination of physicians and their teams. Dr Jack Hawkins, Acute Physician in Nottingham Queen’s Medical Centre, described how analysis of performance data showing that 50% of acute medical patients were discharged within 15 hours, led to the starting vision for their new AEC service as “everyone is ambulatory until proven otherwise”. The case studies highlight the resources needed to implement service change and the supportive staff relationships and changes to working practices that underpin their success. The report describes the “acute care hub” as the focus of acute medical services, comprising colocation of the AMU, short stay wards, enhanced care beds and the AEC. Much of this echoes the front door configuration described by the acute medicine task force report in 2007 ‘Acute medical care: The right person, in the right setting, first time’. What the FHC adds are recommendations to co-locate AEC and a clinical co-ordination centre to provide clinicians with real time data on capacity in community-based services (rehabilitation and social services), and link to rapid access specialist clinics or community services to support pathways out of AEC and AMU. Recommendations to structure acute services to maximise continuity of care is a major theme. There should be sufficient capacity in the acute care hub to accommodate admitted patients who do not require a specialist care pathway and are likely to be discharged within 48 hours. This is supported by recommended changes to working practices of consultant led teams where they commit to two or more successive days working in the hub. This allows the consultant led team who first assess the patient in AMU to continue to manage them on the short stay ward through to their discharge – an approach familiar to acute physicians but which may be novel to GIM physicians assigned a single on call day. Striving to deliver continuity by a stable clinical team should also simplify handover, improve training, feedback and the quality and safety of the care delivered. The commission recommends designating enhanced care (level 1) and high dependency (level 2) beds in the acute care hub to improve the care of acutely ill patients requiring an increased intensity of monitoring and treatment. The RCP acute medicine taskforce made the same recommendation in 2007 but acute trusts have been slow to embed level 2 beds in particular, on AMUs. In the future hospital every effort should be made to enhance rapid access to specialist pathways that benefit patients, including entry to pathways for acute coronary disease or stroke or the frail elderly direct from the community or emergency department. Here the report is clear that the responsibility for continuity of care rests with the specialty consultant, who should review the patient on the day of admission. Patient experience should be valued as much as clinical effectiveness. Patients want “joined up care” that is tailored to their acute illness, comorbidities and requirements for social support. From a patient’s perspective, failures of information sharing between primary and secondary care, or specialist services within the same or neighbouring Trusts, are incomprehensible. The report highlights that this informatics disconnect undermines accurate clinical assessment at the time of presentation with an acute illness, when patients are most vulnerable, and this deficit will impact on patient experience, timely access to specialist staff, patient outcome and resource use. Robert Francis, in commenting on the report of the Mid Staffordshire public enquiry highlighted that the subject was ‘too important to suffer the same fate as other previous enquiries .. where after initial courtesy of welcome, implementation was slow or non existent’. The RCP shares this urgency and having accepted the recommendations of the FHC as a comprehensive ‘treatment’ for the care of patients in the future hospital, is determined that the FHC report itself will not sit on a shelf, gathering dust. The RCP is now embarking on a future hospital implementation programme. This programme gathers momentum this month with the appointment of future hospital officers and staff and the immediate priority is to identify partners to set up national development sites. The RCP is seeking enthusiastic clinical teams to investigate changes to a range of hospital and community based medical services in line with the FHC principles and to evaluate the impact on patient care. Over the next 3 years it is envisaged that the programme will also include research and new approaches to commissioning, workforce deployment, healthcare facility design and integrated working across the health economy. The evaluation of these projects, in relation to the quality and safety of patient care and patient experience, will be crucial and will be shared through the RCP and its partners. In addition, from April the RCP will publish a Future Hospital journal to help share the learning from the implementation programme and welcomes submissions of innovative best practice in acute care. The challenge now is to convert the goodwill generated by publication of the FHC principles, into an implementation programme nationally, that helps build an effective evidence base to support new ways of providing high quality, safe, patient care. Acute physicians are crucial partners in meeting this challenge.

Badan Kesehatan Dunia (WHO) secara resmi menyatakan bahwa COVID-19 menjadi pandemi global. Hal ini berdampak terhadap sektor kesehatan terutama tenaga kesehatan profesional seperti perawat. Banyak tenaga perawat mengalami kelelahan kerja pada saat menangani pasien COVID-19. Penelitian ini adalah penelitian analisis deskriptif dengan pendekatan cross sectional. Untuk responden penelitian adalah perawat di RSUD dr. H.M. ANSARI SALEH. Jumlah responden adalah sebanyak 109 orang. Dan untuk mengetahui kelelahan kerja pada perawat, peneliti menggunakan kuesioner Subjective Self Rating Test dari Industrial Fatigue Research Commite (IFRC). Hasil penelitian menunjukkan Perawat yang merasakan kelelahan kerja yang paling banyak adalah pada kategori kelelahan kerja rendah sebanyak 62 orang (56,88%). Untuk perawat yang merasakan kelelahan kerja sedang sebanyak 44 orang (40,36%) dan paling sedikit adalah perawat dengan kelelahan kerja tinggi sebanyak 3 orang (2,75%).Kata Kunci: COVID-19, pandemi, perawat, kelelahan kerja.

Nakba denialism – that is, denying Zionist culpability for the mass expulsions of Palestinian Arabs from their homeland in 1948 – has long been a feature of US discourse on Palestine. Through a content analysis of Leon Uris’ 1958 novel, Exodus, I argue that Nakba denialism rests on three anti-Arab racist tropes. The first trope presents Palestinian Arabs as lacking religious attachment to Palestine, the second trope claims they lack modern feelings of national identity, and the third trope claims they are easily induced to commit acts of violence by their ruthless leaders. Through the deployment of these tropes, the Exodus narrative popularized key elements of Nakba denialism in US discourse by blaming the victims of settler colonial violence for the expulsions they faced. More broadly, this article shows how the imbrication of race and settler colonialism functions to epistemologically erase the very acts of settler colonial violence that produce racialized Others.

Ante los tribunales episcopales de la España moderna pasó una variada gama de causas civiles y criminales que iluminan aspectos inéditos de la cultura popular, los comportamientos y mentalidades de la época. El Archivo Diocesano de Toledo guarda innumerables procesos, todavía sin catalogar, relativos a conductas de religiosos y seglares que causaban escándalo público pero que no eran competencia de la Inquisición por no atentar contra los principios de la fe. Un caso insólito, al menos en relación con el resto de las causas, sobre unas violaciones colectivas cometidas en 1625 por los mozos solteros del pueblecito toledano de La Estrella, jurisdicción de Talavera de la Reina, sirve al autor para reflexionar sobre el uso de la violencia sexual y las formas juveniles de sociabilidad y diversión en la España rural del Antiguo Régimen.The episcopal tribunals of 17th century Spain have witnessed a wide range of civil and criminal cases which highiight unpublished aspects of thíe popular culture, behavioural pattems and mentality typical of the times. Innumerable triáis may still be found uncategorized in ttie Diocesan Archives in Toledo, triáis which relate to the conduct oflaymen as well as churchmen who causad public outcry but were not placed under the jurisdiction of the Inquisition so as not to commit any outrage against the principies of the faith. The writer highiights one unusual case, at least compared to the rest, which deals with a couple of collective rapes commited in 1625, by unmarried youths in the Toledan village of La Estrella, in the territory of Talavera de la Reina, in order to reflect upon the use of sexual violence and the forms of sociability and amusement employed by young people in rural Spain from the 16th to the 18th centuries.

Background The twenty first- century marked the exponential growth in the use of intelligent robots and artificial intelligent in nursing compared to the previous decades. To the best of our knowledge, this article is first in responding to question, “Can nurses in clinical practice ascribe responsibility to intelligent robots and artificial intelligence when they commit errors?”. Purpose The objective of this article is to present two worldviews (anthropocentrism and biocentrism) in responding to the question at hand chosen based on the roles of the entities involved in the use of intelligent robots and artificial intelligence in nursing. Methods The development of this article was motivated by the immense discoveries, the current landscape, and nurses’ role in relation to advanced technologies in healthcare. The paper begins the discussion by situating the use of intelligent robots and artificial intelligence in nursing and healthcare and presenting its ethical and moral implications. Then, we presented the two worldviews: anthropocentrism and biocentrism which are used to respond to the task at hand. Results Anthropocentrism puts humans in the center in terms of moral standing and thus responsibility rests on them alone. Biocentrism declares that all creations deserve moral consideration and thus responsibility is equally allocated to all entities. Within these two worldviews, consensus development was offered to resolve these issues. Consensus provides clarity and democracy between and among the societies. Conclusions The findings of this article can be basis in (1) instituting mechanisms of robust peer review and a rigorous series of simulation before adopting or implementing intelligent robots and artificial intelligence in clinical practice; (2) education and training of highly specialized nurse practitioners who can be focal persons in responding to ethical and moral issues with regard to these advanced technologies; and (3) harmonization of robotics research, manufacturing, and clinical practice.

SummaryAs a teenaged soldier in World War I, Wilhelm Röpke was a horrified witness to the barbarity of that fratricidal European conflict. The experience moved him to commit his life thenceforward to the discovery and proclamation of the economic, social, and moral truths that might serve to prevent a recurrence of the catastrophe.The galloping inflation of the 1920s left an indelible impression on the young economist and provoked him to a battle against inflation which was to continue for the rest of his life. Still, exhibiting even then unusual realism and balance, Röpke opposed the deflationary policies of the Brüning government to which he attributed the rapidly rising unemployment in Germany. He was thus a Keynesian five years before Keynes published his General Theory in 1936. In the end, Röpke’s advice was disregarded, a fateful decision which may have facilitated the seizure of power by Hitler.Anti-totalitarian to the core, Röpke was bound to come into conflict with the tribunes of the Third Reich. Following a series of speeches and articles in which he attacked the Nazis he was forced to flee, first to Istanbul and subsequently to Geneva, where he remained until his death in 1966. In his years in Geneva, Röpke continued his crusade against totalitarianism, whether of the right or the left. In numerous articles and books, he set forth his recipes for a free society and economy based on the market mechanism. The market economy for which Röpke pleaded, however, differed fundamentally from the “capitalism” of the 19th and early 20th centuries which he believed had perished of its own inadequacies and degeneracies. As early as the 1930s, he advocated a “third way” between the extremes of a paleo-capitalism based on laissez-faire on the one hand, and a socialist planned economy on the other. While Röpke was an unbending opponent of the omnipotent state, and of the bloated modern welfare state in particular, he was equally opposed to reducing the role of government in the economy to that of a mere nightwatchman. He contended that, on the contrary, a viable market economy requires an effective and energetic government committed to providing essential infrastructures and to establishing and maintaining a stable monetary and fiscal system as well as securing competition and restraining monopoly, whether of capital or labor. The “social market economy” that was installed in West Germany after the war under the aegis of Röpke’s friend, Ludwig Erhard, and to which Röpke had made decisive contributions, represented a deliberate attempt to divorce the market idea from historical capitalism. Germany’s so-called “economic miracle” of the postwar years provided dramatic proof that the market can yield a quite different result within a different institutional framework.In his seminal works Röpke carried this concept further, pointing out that the wellbeing of any society rests upon much more than its purely economic arrangements.Indeed, it extends far beyond the merely economic, the merely sociological, the merely political, to the very bedrock of the human condition, to the moral and spiritual, and, indeed, to the religious foundations of human existence.

Si le but premier de l'anthropologie est de faire de notre monde un endroit sans danger pour les différences humaines, tel que l’affirma Ruth Benedict, le génocide, qui a pour but ultime l'élimination systématique de la différence, pose un problème urgent pour la discipline. Au cours des dernières décennies, le rôle et les responsabilités éthiques de l'anthropologue vis-à-vis des groupes auprès desquels il mène ses recherches ont fait l’objet de nombreux débats –dont entre autres ceux conduits par Scheper-Hughes (1995), qui plaide pour un engagement militant des chercheurs au nom d’une responsabilité morale, et d’Andrade (1995), qui argue pour leur neutralité afin de préserver leur objectivité. Toutefois, dans le contexte du génocide, de tels débats n’ont pas leur place, l'anthropologue ne pouvant en être un observateur détaché. L’anthropologie du génocide n’est apparue que vers la fin des années 1990, avec la publication d’Annihilating Difference (2002) de Laban Hinton. Plus généralement, les anthropologues ne s'intéressèrent pas à la violence étatique avant leur intérêt croissant pour le discours et la défense des droits humains, à partir des années 1980. Dès lors, ils s’éloignèrent de l'étude à petite échelle de communautés relativement stables, pour se concentrer sur des objets de plus grande échelle comme l’État, les institutions ou les mouvements transnationaux. Ce changement d’approche eut pour effet de dé-essentialiser le concept de culture, complexifiant du même coup l’analyse des différences humaines et de leur construction et leur réification pour fins d’annihilation. Les approches anthropologiques du génocide en historicisent et contextualisent le concept, en en faisant remonter les origines aux lendemains de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, lorsque les atrocités commises par l'Allemagne nazie furent décrites par Winston Churchill comme « crime sans nom ». Raphael Lemkin, un juriste polonais-juif, inventa le néologisme en combinant genos, le préfixe grec pour « gens », avec cide, le suffixe latin pour « meurtre » (Power 2002). Il fut adopté par le droit international en 1948, via la Convention des Nations Unies sur la prévention et la répression du génocide, qui le définit comme une série d'actes « commis dans l’intention de détruire, ou tout ou en partie, un groupe national, ethnique, racial ou religieux, comme tel ». Bien que les anthropologues n’abordassent pas directement le génocide nazi, beaucoup furent impliqués dans ce dernier. L’anthropologue Germaine Tillion, qui fut internée dans le camp de concentration de Ravensbrück après avoir été capturée comme membre de la résistance française, en publia même une étude ([1945] 2015). Le mouvement d’autocritique de la discipline a amené nombre d’anthropologues à relire, au travers du prisme du génocide, la complicité de leurs prédécesseurs avec les projets coloniaux de l’époque. L'« ethnologie de sauvetage », par exemple, a été dénoncée comme ayant problématiquement eu pour prémisse la disparition inévitable et rapide des peuples autochtones. Nancy Scheper-Hughes (2001) a à ce titre analysé la relation ambivalente qu’eut Alfred L. Kroeber avec Ishi, alors présumé dernier survivant d’un peuple décimé. L'anthropologie biologique et physique a pour sa part été accusée d’avoir accordé une crédibilité scientifique à des idéologies racistes ayant légitimé des génocides, comme ce fut le cas en Allemagne nazie. Plus insidieux est le fait que des théories anthropologiques aient pu être appropriées par des promoteurs de discours de différenciation et d’haine raciale, comme par exemple les théories hamitiques, inspirées des études linguistiques et mythologiques de l’indo-européen, qui furent plus tard mobilisées pour justifier le génocide rwandais. La plupart des études anthropologiques contemporaines sur le génocide en examinent l’après. Les anthropologues se concentrent notamment sur la manière dont les génocides sont remémorés et commémorés, en particulier en termes de construction de « la vérité » dans le contexte de projets dits de « justice transitionnelle », ou en relation avec le legs à plus long terme de cette violence, qui peut toucher plusieurs générations. Ce type d’études se centre généralement sur l’expérience des victimes. Quelques travaux, néanmoins, étudient les origines des génocides, et portent alors leur regard sur leurs auteurs –comme ceux de Taylor (1999) sur le Rwanda, ou de Schirmer (1998) sur le Guatemala– et se penchent sur la question du passage à l’acte et de la responsabilité individuelle (Terestchenko 2005 ; Kilani 2014). Ce type d’études prend ce faisant très au sérieux le problème éthique de la représentation du génocide, tel que le décria Adorno, quand il qualifia de barbare l’écriture de poésie après Auschwitz. Si représenter le génocide se présente comme une injonction morale, demeure le danger de le mystifier ou de le normaliser. C’est pourquoi la plupart des anthropologues qui analysent ce phénomène essaient d’être fidèles à l’appel de Taussig (1984) d’« écrire contre le terrorisme ». Ils reconnaissent toutefois les limites de toute approche compréhensive de ce phénomène, le témoin idéal du génocide, comme l’ont souligné Levi (1989) et Agamben (1999), étant celui qui ne peut plus parler. La définition du génocide continue de faire l’objet de débats importants parmi ses spécialistes, dont les anthropologues. Si les cibles d’un génocide sont généralement perçues comme constituant un groupe ethnique ou religieux aux yeux de ses protagonistes, Lemkin avait initialement prévu d'y inclure les groupes politiques. Or ces derniers furent exclus de la définition de la Convention en raison d'objections soulevées notamment par l'Union soviétique, à l'époque engagée dans l’élimination des présumés opposants politiques au régime stalinien. De nombreux chercheurs continuent de plaider pour que la définition du génocide ne fasse référence qu’à la seule intention d'éliminer des personnes sur la base de leur présumée différence raciale. D'autres, cependant, s’opposent à cette restriction de la définition, suggérant au contraire de l’élargir afin d'y inclure les catastrophes écologiques, par exemple, ou la destruction systématique d'identités culturelles, telle que le projetât le système des pensionnats indiens au Canada (Woolford 2009). Si élargir le sens du génocide risque de diluer sa spécificité au point de le banaliser, reste qu’une définition trop stricte du phénomène peut faciliter la contestation d’allégations de génocide pour quantité de meurtres de masse –et dès lors entraver sa prévention ou punition. C’est pourquoi Scheper-Hughes (2002), par exemple, plaide plutôt pour la reconnaissance de « continuums génocidaires ». Selon elle, démontrer le potentiel génocidaire des formes de violence quotidienne et symbolique par le biais desquelles les vies de certains groupes en viennent à être dévaluées, peut contribuer à la prévention de ce type de violence de masse. Un autre sujet de controverse concerne le particularisme de l'Holocauste, tantôt conçu comme un événement historique singulier qui défie toute comparaison, ou comme un phénomène d’extermination de masse parmi d’autres ayant eu pour précurseurs des génocides antérieurs, comme le génocide arménien. Une autre question est de savoir si un génocide ne peut se produire que dans un contexte où ses victimes sont sans défense, ce qui rendrait dès lors l’utilisation de ce concept inadmissible dans des situations où les victimes ont eu recours à la violence pour se défendre. De nombreux travaux anthropologiques ont d’ailleurs remis en cause la nature exclusive des catégories de victime, d’auteur ou de spectateur dans des situations de violence extrême, et ce étant donnée la « zone grise » identifiée par Levi (1989) et discutée par Agamben (1999) –soit ce matériau réfractaire, dans des situations de violence de masse, à tout établissement d'une responsabilité morale ou légale, l’opprimé pouvant devenir l’oppresseur, et le bourreau, une victime. Ce faisant, la plupart rejettent une conceptualisation purement relativiste du génocide, et dénoncent la mobilisation de ce concept pour justifier des programmes politiques racistes ou anti-immigration – comme c’est aujourd’hui le cas en Amérique du Nord et en Europe, où certains groupes fascistes d’extrême droite revendiquent être les victimes d’un « génocide blanc » pour légitimer des politiques xénophobes. La question de qui a l’autorité de qualifier des actes de violence comme constituant un génocide, et au nom de qui, demeure –tel que le démontre Mamdani (2009) dans sa critique du mouvement « Sauver le Darfour ». Qualifier tout phénomène de violence de masse de « génocide » n'est pas qu’un acte de description. Il constitue d’abord et avant tout une action politique qui implique un jugement éthique.

La réconciliation est une préoccupation contemporaine qui oriente les politiques et les actions des institutions et des individus dans certains contextes nationaux et internationaux. Les politiques de réconciliation se déploient à la suite d’épisodes traumatiques dans le but de rebâtir des relations de confiance et de respect entre des États et des individus ou des groupes brimés. Elles se développent également dans les démocraties modernes dans le but de réparer la relation entre certains groupes et engager les pays dans des processus de démocratisation et d’inclusion des différents groupes culturels, ethniques et sociaux. Souvent édictées comme des politiques nationales, elles s’implantent à travers des mesures concrètes dans les différents niveaux institutionnels de la société et orientent les discours dominants. La question de la réconciliation a reçu l’attention des chercheurs en sciences sociales, en droit, en science politique, en philosophie morale, mais également en littérature ou en théologie. Il s’agit d’un objet dont l’anthropologie s’est emparé récemment en montrant la diversité des contextes dans lesquels il se déploie, les rapports de pouvoir sous-jacents et les significations variées que les différents groupes sociaux lui assignent. La réconciliation, comme projet politique national, est souvent mise en place à la suite des travaux d’une Commission de vérité et réconciliation (CVR) visant à éclairer certains troubles politiques et restaurer la justice sociale ou un nouvel ordre démocratique dans une optique de justice réparatrice. La Commission nationale d’Argentine sur la disparition des personnes (1983) est considérée comme la première d’une longue série de commissions qui ont enquêté sur des situations de troubles politiques, de guerres civiles, de répressions politiques, de génocide. Plus d’une quarantaine de commissions ont été dénombrées depuis cette date (Richards et Wilson 2017 : 2), principalement en Afrique (Tunisie, Burundi, Côte d’Ivoire, Togo, etc.), dans les Amériques (Canada, Pérou, Brésil) ou encore en Asie (Timor oriental, Népal, etc.). Parmi les plus importantes, on compte la Commission nationale de vérité et de réconciliation du Chili (1990-1991) qui a documenté les circonstances des milliers de disparitions et de morts sous la dictature d’Augusto Pinochet et préparé le pays vers une transition démocratique. La Commission de vérité et de réconciliation d’Afrique du Sud (1996-1998) visait quant à elle à recenser toutes les violations des droits de l’homme commises dans le pays au cours des décennies précédentes et à mettre fin à l’apartheid. La plupart du temps, ces commissions sont le résultat de pressions exercées par des groupes d’activistes au sein d’un État, ou, comme c’est de plus en plus souvent le cas, de pressions exercées au niveau international par les organisations non gouvernementales ou d’autres mouvements politiques. Elles constituent des organismes indépendants des appareils judiciaires et leur objectif premier est d’enquêter sur les coupables et les victimes et d’émettre des recommandations en vue de restaurer la paix (Richards et Wilson 2017 : 2). Ces Commissions de vérité et réconciliation s’appuient sur des principes de droit international, mais certains auteurs y voient aussi la résurgence d’une éthique religieuse à travers l’importance donnée au concept de pardon, central dans plusieurs religions du Livre, comme l’Ancien Testament, le Nouveau Testament ou encore le Coran (Courtois 2005 : 2). Les anthropologues ont montré qu’en fonction des méthodologies utilisées lors des enquêtes, les discours sur la vérité peuvent varier. Ainsi, certaines histoires ou expériences sont rendues visibles tandis que d’autres sont oubliées (Buur 2000, Wilson 2003, Ross 2002). Au fil du temps, les CVR ont eu des mandats, des prérogatives et des applications différents. En témoigne la CVR du Canada qui avait pour but, non pas d’assurer la transition d’un pays autocratique vers une démocratie, mais de lever le voile sur les expériences de déracinement et de violence vécues par les peuples autochtones au sein des pensionnats. À l’image du travail de Susan Slyomovics (2005) sur la Commission du Maroc, les anthropologues ont analysé les programmes de réparation et de restitution mis en place par certaines commissions. Ils ont aussi montré que certains groupes sociaux restaient marginalisés, comme les femmes (Ross 2002). Theidon (2013), dans son travail sur la commission de vérité et réconciliation du Pérou, a montré de son côté que les CVR oublient souvent d’inclure des enquêtes ou des discussions sur la façon dont les violences politiques détruisent les relations familiales, les structures sociales ou les capacités de production économique de certains groupes. Les anthropologues permettent ainsi de mieux comprendre les perspectives des survivants face au travail et aux recommandations de ces commissions en documentant la diversité de leurs voies et de leurs expériences. Ils montrent que la réconciliation est avant tout un projet construit politiquement, socialement et culturellement. La réconciliation est un objectif central à la plupart des CVR, mais elle est un objectif qui la dépasse car elle est la plupart du temps mise en place une fois que la CVR a achevé ses travaux et émis ses recommandations. Les CVR ont en effet rarement l’autorité de mettre en place les recommandations qu’elles édictent. Les anthropologues Richards et Wilson (2017) présentent deux versions de la réconciliation en fonction des contextes nationaux : une version allégée (thin version) à travers laquelle les politiques nationales encouragent la coexistence pacifique entre des parties anciennement opposées ; et une version plus forte (thick version) lorsque des demandes de pardon sont exigées à ceux qui ont commis des crimes. Si la réconciliation suppose qu’un équilibre puisse être restauré, il n’en reste pas moins qu’elle se base sur une interprétation spécifique de l’histoire (Gade 2013) et qu’elle participe à la construction d’une mémoire individuelle, collective et nationale. Cette notion permet donc d’offrir un cadre souple aux élites qui prennent en charge le pouvoir après les périodes de troubles pour que celles-ci puissent (re)légitimer leur position et les institutions politiques, souvent héritières de ce passé qu’on cherche à dépasser (Richards et Wilson 2017 : 7). Ce discours sur la réconciliation vise ainsi à instiller des valeurs morales publiques et construire une nouvelle image commune de la nation. Selon Wilson, les CVR seraient des modèles promus par les élites politiques pour construire une nouvelle harmonie qui permettrait d’occuper la conscience populaire et la détourner des questions de rétribution et de compensation financière. Le nouvel ordre politique est présenté comme étant purifié, décontaminé et déconnecté avec l’ancien ordre autoritaire, une façon de construire une nouvelle vision de la communauté en inscrivant l’individu dans un nouveau discours national (Wilson 2003 : 370). La réconciliation, comme projet politique national, ne fait en effet pas toujours l’unanimité. Par exemple, elle est devenue une véritable préoccupation collective au Canada depuis la remise du rapport de la Commission de vérité et réconciliation du Canada en 2015, mais le sens donné à celle-ci varie. Même si le rapport de la CVRC prévient qu’il n’y a pas une vérité ou une vision de la réconciliation (CVRC 2015 : 14) et que pour les Autochtones, la réconciliation exige aussi une réconciliation avec le monde naturel (CVRC 2015 : 15), ce processus national est vivement critiqué par certains intellectuels autochtones, comme Taiaiake Alfred (2016), pour qui la réconciliation est un processus de « re-colonisation » qui occulte la dynamique coloniale encore à l’œuvre (Alfred 2011 : 8). Cette critique se retrouve dans d’autres contextes postcoloniaux, comme en Nouvelle-Zélande ou en Australie, où les excuses proférées par les gouvernements concernant les différentes formes d’injustice subies par les peuples autochtones oblitèrent les enjeux les plus cruciaux, à savoir la nécessité d’abolir les politiques coloniales et de faire avancer les projets d’autonomie politique des Autochtones (Johnson 2011 : 189). La réconciliation est constitutive de toute relation sociale et en ce sens elle peut être instrumentalisée au sein de discours visant à faire ou défaire les liens sociaux (Kingsolver 2013). C’est donc aussi là que se situe l’enjeu de la réconciliation, sur la capacité à s’entendre sur ce qu’est une bonne relation. Borneman définit la réconciliation comme un au-delà de la violence (departure from violence), c’est-à-dire comme un processus intersubjectif à travers lequel deux personnes ou deux groupes tentent de créer une nouvelle relation d’affinité, non plus marquée par la violence cyclique, mais par la confiance et l’attention réciproques ; cela étant possible seulement si les États instaurent des politiques de réparation et que la diversité des points de vue des personnes concernées par ces politiques est prise en compte (Borneman 2002 : 282, 300-301). En ce sens, une lecture anthropologique au sujet de la réconciliation permet de développer une réflexion critique sur la réconciliation en la considérant avant tout comme une préoccupation politique contemporaine dont il s’agit de saisir le contexte d’émergence et les articulations et comme un processus à travers lequel les individus tentent, à partir de leurs points de vue respectifs, de redéfinir les termes d’une nouvelle relation. La discipline anthropologique est en effet à même de mettre au jour les rapports de pouvoir inhérents aux processus de réconciliation, de révéler les significations culturelles sous-jacentes que les différents acteurs sociaux attribuent au pardon, à la réconciliation ou encore à ce qui constitue les bases d’une relation harmonieuse. L’anthropologie peut enfin lever le voile sur les dynamiques de réciprocité et de don/contre-don qui se déploient au travers de ces processus et ainsi décrypter les multiples dimensions qui participent à la fabrique des sociétés.

In my article, "A New Sound; a New Sensation: A Cultural and Literary Reconsideration of the Motorcar in Modernity" (Ryder), I propose that "a range of semiotic engines" may be mobilised "to argue that, in the first quarter of the twentieth century, the motorcar is received as relatum profundis of freedom". In that 2019 article I further argue that, as Roland Barthes has indirectly proposed, the automobile fits into a "highway code" and into a broader "car system" in which its attributes—including its architectural details—are received as signs of liberation (Barthes Elements, 10, 29). While extending that argument, with near exclusive focus on F. Scott Fitzgerald’s The Great Gatsby (1925) and with special reference to the hero’s Rolls Royce, I argue here that the automobile is offered as a sign of both conquest and destruction; as both dream machine and vehicle of nightmare. This is not to suggest that the motorcar was, prior to 1925, seen in absolutely idealistic terms. Nor is it to suggest that by the end of the first quarter of the twentieth century the automobile had been unequivocally condemned. As observed in my 2019 article for the Southern Semiotic Review, while The Wind in the Willows (1908) is the first novel written in English to deal with the deleterious effects of the motorcar, "it is [nonetheless] impossible to find a literary text from the early part of the twentieth century that flatly condemns the machine". So, from Gatsby’s emblematic "circus wagon" to narrator Nick Carraway’s equally symbolic "Dodge", I argue that the motorcar is represented by Fitzgerald as an emblem of both dreams and wreckage.The first motorcar noted in The Great Gatsby is the "old Dodge" belonging to Nick Carraway—the novel’s narrator and greatest dodger (Fitzgerald Great Gatsby, 17). Dreaming of success, and having declared himself restless, Nick claims to have come East to try his luck in the bond business (16). But, reflecting a propensity to dishonesty, the unreliable narrator (Abrams, 168) eventually reveals that at least one of the reasons for his migration East is to escape his emotional responsibilities to a girl "out West" (Fitzgerald Great Gatsby, 30); a girl to whom he continues to write letters signed "Love, Nick" (61). While these notions of being dodgy and dodging—and their connection to Carraway’s car—seem to have escaped the attention of commentators, several have nonetheless observed that the make suits its owner for another reason: a work-a-day mass-produced machine, the vehicle is surely a sign of the narrator’s conservatism. Tad Burness, for instance, notes that in the early twentieth century the Dodge was a make that particularly appealed to conservative and careful drivers (91). Certainly, the Dodge brothers’ advertising of the nineteen-twenties, which steadfastly emphasised staunchness and stability, reinforces this conclusion. The make, therefore, is entirely appropriate to Nick: a man who evades the vicissitudes of romance; who shuns excitement, who aligns himself with mainstream Midwestern values, who identifies more with the mechanical than with the human, and who, until the very end, fails to commit to the extraordinary. Apropos, in reviewing the manuscript of Gatsby, Keath Fraser records an exchange between Jordan Baker and Nick Carraway that was finally, and perhaps unfortunately, excised: "You appeal to me,” she said suddenly as we strolled away.“You’re sort of slow and steady ... you’ve got everything adjusted just right.” (Qtd. in Bloom, 67)To have been included at the end of the third chapter, Jordan’s assessment of Nick suggests that the narrator has over-tuned the cognitive machinery necessary to navigation through a social milieu to which he does not belong. While Fitzgerald may have felt this to be too blunt a narrative tool, the ‘slow and steady’ approach to life attributed to Nick in the finished novel clearly suggests that the narrator lives life by the manual.It may be argued, then, that while ostensibly facilitating a new start and an associated desire for upward social mobility, Nick’s old Dodge symbolises a perfunctory approach to the business of living, a shabby escape from a "tangle back home", and an escape from self (Fitzgerald Great Gatsby, 61). Certainly, it represents no "on the road" conquest. Indeed, Nick’s clinical and mechanical approach to life comes close to ruining him. Short of his identification with Gatsby at the end—and the subsequent telling of a tragic tale—Nick is an archetypal loser. While claiming to identify with the "racy, adventurous" feel of New York (59), his instinct is to fall back on "interior rules that act as brakes on [his] desires" (61). He therefore fails to connect with Jordan Baker—his racy and attractive would-be lover, herself named after the Jordan Playboy automobile: the "first car to be marketed on emotional appeal alone" (Heimann and Patton, 14). So, it turns out that Nick is one of life’s "rotten drivers" (Fitzgerald Great Gatsby, 60)—an accusation he ironically levels at Jordan Baker who eventually tackles him on this point:"You said a bad driver was only safe until she met another bad driver? Well, I met another bad driver, didn’t I? I mean it was careless of me to make such a wrong guess. I thought you were rather an honest, straightforward person." (154)As Fraser has pointed out, the mechanical and shifty Nick is far from honest (Bloom, 68). Rather than achieving any sort of emotional consummation, his already muted desires idle, misfire, or stall. Declaring himself to be "one of the few honest people that [he has] ever known" (Fitzgerald Great Gatsby, 154), Nick’s self-deception is, from the outset, complete. Left without the stimulus of the hero, one wonders if perhaps Nick might become a George B. Wilson.Despite his dream of pecuniary success (something shared with Nick Carraway), garage proprietor George B. Wilson is impoverished by the automobile. A dissolute dealer in second-hand machines, this once-handsome but "spiritless man" (Fitzgerald Great Gatsby, 33) has worked for years on scant margins. James Flink notes that dealers in used automobiles had a particularly hard time in the mid to late 1920s when profits on sales were very slight (144). The fact that Wilson is a second-hand car dealer also reinforces that everything else in his life is second-hand: built on the enterprise of others, his dream is second hand; his premises are second-hand; even his wife is second-hand. And, of course, he himself is used. Fitzgerald, then, is at pains to highlight the cultural meaning of the common or inferior car. Indeed, in the dark recesses of Wilson’s garage—which itself rests precariously on the edge of a wasteland under the faded and failed eyes of Doctor T. J. Eckleburg—sits a "dust-covered wreck of a Ford" (Fitzgerald Great Gatsby, 33). Emblematic of the garage proprietor’s broken dreams, Wilson’s psychic paralysis is variously foregrounded—principally by the broken car. Here we have nothing less than Heidegger’s das Gestell: the mechanised consciousness as discussed in his essay "The Question Concerning Technology" (in Krell, 227). Significantly, only automobiles elicit a spark of interest from Wilson—but the irony, as suggested above, is that these are signs of the technical spirit to which he has so utterly acquiesced.It is often, if not always, the case in Gatsby that automobiles signpost derailed agency and, therefore, broken dreams. After all, Gatsby’s own death and funeral are foreshadowed through the automobile. In the first chapter, for example, Nick tells his cousin Daisy that "all the cars in Chicago have the left rear wheel painted black as a mourning wreath" for her (Fitzgerald Great Gatsby, 22). More portentously, during Nick and Gatsby’s drive to Astoria, "a dead man" passes the hero’s Rolls-Royce "in a hearse heaped with blooms" (68). While Myrtle’s death and Gatsby’s murder are contemporaneously suggested, in this emblematic tableau Gatsby’s Rolls-Royce is also overtaken by a limousine—and so the final chapter’s depressing "procession of three cars" is subtly anticipated (153). A "horribly black and wet" motor hearse bears Gatsby’s corpse to the cemetery while the narrator arrives with Gatsby’s father and the minister in a limousine. Then come the servants and the postman in Gatsby’s yellow station wagon. That the yellow and black cars are so incongruously and so tragically juxtaposed is a structurally and semantically significant feature of the text. The yellow car that once bore cheerful guests to Gatsby’s parties now follows the black hearse—the novel’s ultimate and, arguably, most awful death car. Thus, Fitzgerald presents us with one last reminder that, corrupted by our materialistic drives, our dreams wither and die; that there is, in the end, no magic.As Robert Long points out, however, the manuscript of Gatsby confirms that Fitzgerald had originally intended such foreshadowing to be much more obvious. For instance, in the manuscript, when Gatsby drives Nick to New York he declares his car to be "the handsomest in New York" and that he "wouldn’t want to ride around in a big hearse like some of those fellas do" (Long, 193). Further confirmation of Fitzgerald’s determination to mute the novel’s funereal symbolism is provided in chapter two when, along with the word "sepulchrally", the phrase "reeks of death" is crossed out (Long, 194). As published, then, the automobile travels much more subtly in The Great Gatsby. While a ghostly machine turns up to the hero’s house shortly after the funeral, the end of the road for Nick is suggested when he sells his plain old Dodge to a plain old grocer (Fitzgerald Great Gatsby, 157-158).The counterpoint to Nick’s old Dodge is, of course, Gatsby’s magnificent Rolls Royce: literature’s ultimate dream car. C.S. Rolls knew very well that his automobile was the new haute couture of the privileged. In his famous article on motorcars in the 1911 edition of Encyclopaedia Britannica, he declares the upmarket machine to be "the private carriage of the wealthier classes to be used on all occasions" (223). To set it apart from competitors, the Rolls Royce not only offered an extraordinarily robust and responsive chassis, but boasted bodywork hand-crafted by a range of highly skilled artisans. W.A. Robotham writes that "one of the more fascinating aspects of Rolls-Royce car production in the twenties was the manufacture of the body at the many coachbuilding establishments that existed in London, the provinces, and Paris" (14). Once an order for a chassis was placed, an appointed carrossier would prescribe and detail coachwork and agonise over every internal appointment. With its "interior of glittering plate glass and rich morocco", the unnamed machine that so hopelessly besots the Toad in the third chapter of The Wind in the Willows is undoubtedly the result of such a special order—and seems likely to have goaded Fitzgerald into a fit of imitation (Grahame, 30). Apposite to a novel that contrasts dream and reality and pertinent to the near nonchalant agency of its wraithlike, almost ethereal, hero, Gatsby’s car is a cream-yellow Rolls Royce: a Silver Ghost. When C.S. Rolls conceived the model, he wrote: "the motion of the car must be absolutely silent. The car must be free from the objectionable rattling and buzzing and inconvenience of chains. ... The engine must be smokeless and odourless" (Robson, 27). Reflecting its whisper-quiet locomotion and its extensive use of silver, nickel, and aluminium plating, Rolls’s partner Claude Johnson gave the model its perfect name. Manufactured between 1906 and 1925, the Silver Ghost was the automobile of choice for F. Scott Fitzgerald himself. In 1922, the year in which Gatsby is set, Scott and his wife Zelda owned a second-hand Silver Ghost which they drove, with much joy, between Great Neck and New York. Here, then, lies one of those rare and fortuitous connections between one’s personal drives and one’s work; really, the hero of Fitzgerald’s third novel could have no other motorcar.Like the machine he drives, and in keeping with Roland Barthes’ idea that automobiles are somehow "magical" (Mythologies, 88), Gatsby would appear to have arrived from the heavens. Ghost-like, he glides in and out of the narrative and is, moreover, ineluctably associated with silver. He has pursued silver for much of his life and is, on numerous occasions, specifically identified with this powerful symbol of privilege and betrayal. While Nick finds him "regarding the silver pepper of the stars" (Fitzgerald Great Gatsby, 31), later the "pale", wraithlike hero wears a "silver shirt" (80). So much the object of Gatsby’s yearnings, along with Jordan Baker, Daisy Buchanan is likened to a "silver idol" (105), has a "voice full of money", and wears a hat of "metallic cloth" (109). A trophy held in hopeless memory, Daisy may be said to be one of an extensive collection of enchanted objects beheld and worshipped by an all-too-flawed hero—but while Fitzgerald’s numerous references to silver undoubtedly highlight a double-edged significance, it is nonetheless suggestions of glamour that first strike us. Early in the novel, then, aside from the portentous foreshadowing of disasters to come, Gatsby’s car emerges as a powerful archetype: an image coupled with enormous emotive significance (Jung, 87); a sign of uncompromised and near-miraculous opulence. Terraced with windshields and sporting a green leather interior, his magnificent cream-yellow Rolls Royce is "bright with nickel" (a very expensive plating used for Rolls Royce radiators) and is "swollen here and there in its monstrous length with triumphant hat-boxes and supper boxes and tool boxes" (Fitzgerald Great Gatsby, 64). Fitzgerald’s parataxis here seems to encourage breathless awe at the near obscene luxury of the vehicle, yet the depiction is historically accurate.In an Autocar article of 1921 there appears a closely-annotated plan of a two-seater Rolls Royce. Numerous fittings are noted: food lockers, tool cupboards, hot-and-cold water-locker, wash-basin compartment, spares cupboard, kodak photography compartment, cooking utensil compartment, suit and dressing cases, spare accumulator compartment, and recess for spare petroleum tins (Garnier and Allport, 50). Like Toad’s, Gatsby’s chimerical car is undoubtedly the creation of a carrossier. Its standard of appointment, moreover, suggests royal status. Since the Rolls-Royce is an English car, its presence in America, where it was manufactured under licence for a time, also points to a desire to recapture something left behind. This, as all readers of Fitzgerald will know, is a major thematic thread in Gatsby. To be explored in a forthcoming article, the relationship between this theme of "backing up" (that is, recapturing the past) and representations of the motorcar in the novel is profound, but for the moment I focus on the Silver Ghost as a sign of Gatsby’s outrageous aristocratic pretensions. Perhaps an expression of Fitzgerald’s own fantasy that he wasn’t the son of his parents at all, but the child of a world-ruling king, Gatsby claims to have lived "like a young rajah in all the capitals of Europe" (Fitzgerald Great Gatsby, 65). If not actually a Rolls-Royce-loving rajah, Gatsby certainly lives like a king and even signs himself "in a majestic hand" (47). Indeed, in these senses and more, the hero is "circus master" and performer par excellence.As a letter from Fitzgerald to Maxwell Perkins tells us, Petronius’s Satyrica furnished one of several alternative titles for Gatsby (Fitzgerald Letters, 169). Pointing to a delight in comedic hedonism, "Trimalchio in West Egg" was one of several titular options entertained by Fitzgerald (Gatsby is actually referred to as Trimalchio at the start of the novel’s seventh chapter) and so it is fitting that Brian Way declares Gatsby’s Rolls Royce to be "not so much a means of transport as a theatrical gesture"—one commensurate with the hero’s "non-stop theatrical performance" (Way in Bloom, 102). Similarly, in their 2019 article "Comfortably Cocooned: Onboard Media and Sydney’s Ongoing Gridlock", Richardson and Ryder argue that the automobile is far greater than the sum of its collective parts. In a similar vein, Leo Marx writes that Gatsby has about him a "gratifying sense of a dream about to be consummated" and argues that the hero’s dream car is one of many objects in the novel that speak to Gatsby’s attempt to locate, in the real world, the stuff of unutterable visions (Marx, 77). As "circus wagon" (Fitzgerald Great Gatsby, 109), the machine also makes a substantial contribution to Fitzgerald’s comedy of the excess: cars driven by clowns at circuses stereotypically seem to operate according to a set of physical laws distinct from those governing the real world. However, with its "fenders spread like wings" (67), the hero’s car seems destined to fly. But, like Daisy’s white roadster, a machine that ironically bespeaks innocence and purity while sitting portentously "under … dripping bare lilac-trees" (81), Gatsby’s machine—one of the most heavenly automobiles in literature—is also literature’s most famous death car. While, in the end, the make of the killing machine is not spelled out for us, we may nonetheless be sure that it is Gatsby’s ever-so-aptly owned Silver Ghost. After the dreadful accident in the seventh chapter, the fender of the hero’s carefully hidden open car is in need of repair. That the death car is an open one is highlighted for us before the accident, when Gatsby feels the pleated leather seats of the machine that will mow Myrtle down. The point is reinforced in chapter eight, after the accident, when Gatsby orders that his open car not be taken out. Moreover, while automobile upholstery specification varied in the nineteen-twenties, open cars generally had pleated leather seat cushions while mohair or broadcloth featured in closed tourers. This, too, narrows down the options confronting readers. Finally, the focus on the Rolls Royce’s great fenders (these are referred to at least three times before Myrtle is killed) also establishes a clear connection between the calamity and Gatsby’s "winged" Rolls. And, finally, there is the crucial matter of the ambiguous paintwork.Nick tells us that Gatsby’s Rolls-Royce is a "rich cream colour" (64) while Mavro Michaelis claims that the death car is "light green" (123). Another witness to the accident claims that the vehicle involved is "a yellow car"; "a big yellow car" (125). In fact, they are all right. Like Gatsby himself, his motorcar suggests one thing at one time and another at another. From about the mid-nineteen-tens, Rolls-Royce painted a good many Silver Ghosts a rather uncertain cream-yellow and, in fading light, the lacquer betrays a greenish hue. We remember that the party drives "towards death through the cooling twilight" (122); that Myrtle runs out "into the dusk"; and that the death car comes "out of gathering darkness" (123). While an earlier 1914 model, there is an excellent example of this ambiguous colour used on a Silver Ghost in Turin’s Museo dell’automobile. Finally, of course, the many references to ‘ghosts’ and to ‘silver’ connected with both the hero and Daisy Buchanan cannot be considered accidental. In one of modern literature’s greatest novels, then, behind the dream of the automobile falls the depressingly foul dust of betrayal and death.ReferencesAbrams, Meyer H. A Glossary of Literary Terms. Fort Worth: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1957/1993.Barthes, Roland. Elements of Semiology. Trans. A. Lavers. NY: Hill and Wang, 1964/1977.———. Mythologies. Trans. A. Lavers. NY: Hill & Wang, 1957/1974.Bloom, Harold, ed. F. Scott Fitzgerald’s The Great Gatsby: Modern Critical Interpretations. NY: Chelsea House, 1986.Burness, Tad. Cars of the Early Twenties. NY: Galahad, 1968.Fitzgerald, F. Scott. The Great Gatsby. London: The Folio Society, 1926/1968.———. The Letters of F. Scott Fitzgerald. Ed. A. Turnbull. London: The Bodley Head, 1964.Flink, James. The Car Culture. Mass.: MIT Press, 1975.Garnier, Peter, and Warren Allport. Rolls Royce: From the Archives of Autocar. London: Hamlyn, 1978.Grahame, Kenneth. The Wind in the Willows. 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