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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Representative government and representation – Europe, Western"
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Gaul, Jerzy. « Polska racja stanu i legalizacja przez Józefa Piłsudskiego przewrotu majowego 1926 ». Studia Historyczne 62, no 3 (247) (18 mars 2022) : 31–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/sh.62.2019.03.02.
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THE POLISH REASON OF STATE AND THE LEGALIZATION OF THE MAY 1926 COUP D’ÉTAT BY JÓZEF PIŁSUDSKI
Having unconstitutionally seized power in the military coup of May 1926, Józef Piłsudski lacked an immediate legal framework that legitimized his rule. This crisis of state not only raised the specter of civil war, but also raised doubts among the countries of Western Europe that Poland could continue as a bulwark of Western civilization and a barrier against Russia. In these circumstances, Józef Piłsudski launched a wide-ranging campaign that included high-ranking government ministers to convince the people of Poland and Western European governments of the legality of the new regime. The campaign was broadly successful. Having rejected the possibility of direct dictatorship in favor of representative government, Józef Piłsudski recognized the marshal of the Parliament, Maciej Rataj, as the interim president of Poland, rejected the idea of imposing military commissioners, and worked with Parliament to establish a new government, at the head of which sat Prime Minister Kazimierz Bartel. Józef Piłsudski himself assumed the portfolio of minister of military affairs after rejecting the National Assembly’s efforts to elect him president. All these steps convinced Polish society and many foreign governments that the regime established as a result of the coup of 1926 was legitimate.
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Morel, Laurence. « Referendums and the evolution of party government in liberal democracies ». European Review 6, no 2 (mai 1998) : 203–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700003239.
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An analysis of the motivations behind the present revival of referendum ballots in liberal democracies shows that referendums launched by governments, often politically motivated, and those launched by popular initiatives are linked to a demand for new legislation, and both illustrate the crisis of representative governments that is currently affecting these democracies. The pursuit of the increase of referendums will depend however on whether popular initiatives will or will not be introduced in the Constitutions of countries, since the great majority do not provide for it. In spite of similarities between the present political situation in Western Europe and the contexts in which popular initiatives were introduced in some countries, there is no serious ground to predict that such institutional reforms will take place in the near future. The directness of democracy is maybe more likely to increase under the effect not of referendums, but of other factors like the growing interference of polls, or the decline of intermediaries, especially parties, in the daily practice of government.
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Van Bockhaven, Vicky. « Leopard-men of the Congo in literature and popular imagination ». Tydskrif vir Letterkunde 46, no 1 (8 novembre 2017) : 79–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2309-9070/tvl.v.46i1.3465.
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The Anyoto leopard-men, a society from eastern Congo, operated between approximately 1890 and 1935. Until now the history of the leopard-men has inspired representations of Central Africa as a barbaric and disorderly place, and the idea that a secret association of men attacked innocent people and ate their limbs remains dominant in western culture. Since the early 20th century this image has been rather faithfully perpetuated in colonial ethnography and official reports and in popular representations of Africa. The Anyoto costumes in the collection of the Royal Museum for Central Africa have in particular inspired leopard-men iconography in western sources until today. There are certain striking similarities between western fictional literature on the Anyoto society and the factual sources, such as eyewitness reports from colonists and missionaries. Both share the historically rooted and culturally-specific representation of people from outside their own areas. In Europe there has been a long tradition of representing heathens and non-Europeans as being half man, half beast and behaving like animals, including eating their own species. Such cultural predispositions have stood in the way of understanding the real purposes of this society. Anyoto men’s activities were a way of maintaining local power relations, performing indigenous justice in secret and circumventing colonial government control.
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Ziller, Jacques. « National Constitutional Concepts in the New Constitution for Europe ». European Constitutional Law Review 1, no 3 (octobre 2005) : 452–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019605004529.
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Precedents in European Union member states for the negative referenda in France and The Netherlands on the Constitution for Europe. Evolution of the investiture of the Commission: parallel with France under Third and Fourth Republic. Double headed executive (President of the European Council and President of the Commission) and ‘double hats’ (Union Minister for Foreign Affairs) in line of the European constitutional tradition. The unborn ‘Legislative Council’ and its Austrian and German counterparts. The aborted ‘Congress of the Peoples of Europe’: forum for ‘State of the Union’ speech, not a electoral body. Protection of minority rights in the Constitution for Europe due to insistence of the Hungarian government; foreign to the dominant Western constitutional concepts. Representative democracy and the formal concept of law: European Laws and Framework Laws as ‘Acts of Parliament’. Strict limits on the possibility to delegate legislation: German, Italian, French roots. European Laws and Regulations: unachieved hierarchy and French precedent. Judiciary as a relative minor branch of government as in the British and French traditions. No German Verfassungsbeschwerde or Spanish recurso de amparo, but probably more annulment procedures and preliminary questions on legality and constitutionality than before. Parallels with German federal concepts: Union Law über Alles; no rigid Kompetenzkatolog and joint competences; distribution of competences not limited to law-making. More than lip service to decentralisation. Constitutional ping-pong and intertwined constitutionalism: territories d'outre- mer and outermost regions.
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Kuzio, Taras. « U.S. support for Ukraine’s liberation during the Cold War : A study of Prolog Research and Publishing Corporation ». Communist and Post-Communist Studies 45, no 1-2 (mars 2012) : 51–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2012.02.007.
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The US government established contact in Western Europe with anti-Communist refugees following World War II and covertly supported a variety of groups. Initially in the 1940s cooperation between the OSS/CIA and émigré groups provided support for the parachuting of couriers to contact underground organizations in ethnic homelands and over the next four decades until the late 1980s through support for non-violent methods against Soviet power. One of the organisations supported by the US government was Prolog Research and Publishing Corporation that existed from 1952 to 1992. Prolog was established by zpUHVR (external representation of the Ukrainian Supreme Liberation Council), the political umbrella of Ukrainian nationalist, anti-Soviet partisans who fought a guerrilla war against the Soviet state until the early 1950s. US government support facilitated a democratic alternative to nationalist émigrés who dominated the Ukrainian diaspora as well as a different strategy towards the pursuit of the liberation of Ukraine. Prolog proved to be more successful in its liberation strategy of providing large volumes of technical, publishing and financial support to dissidents and opposition currents within the Communist Party of Ukraine. The alternative nationalist strategy of building underground structures in Soviet Ukraine routinely came under threat from infiltration by the KGB. US government support enabled Prolog to publish books and journals, including the only Russian-language journal published by a Ukrainian émigré organization, across the political spectrum and to closely work with opposition movements in central-eastern Europe, especially Poland.
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MacDONALD, ALAN R. « Ecclesiastical Representation in Parliament in Post-Reformation Scotland : The Two Kingdoms Theory in Practice ». Journal of Ecclesiastical History 50, no 1 (janvier 1999) : 38–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046998008458.
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Jean Calvin, in his Institutes of the Christian religion, wrote that ‘there is a twofold government of man; one aspect is spiritual…the second is political…. There are in man, so to speak, two worlds, over which different kings and different laws have authority’. He emphasised this further by stating that ‘we must keep in mind that distinction which we previously laid down so that we do not (as commonly happens) unwisely mingle these two, which have a completely different nature’. The idea of the separation of spiritual and temporal jurisdictions was, of course, no post-Reformation innovation but had been a theme over centuries of conflict between popes and secular princes throughout Europe. With the fragmentation of western Christendom in the sixteenth century, the issue came to prominence within individual states, not least Scotland. As early as 1559, during the civil war which led to the Reformation, a letter to the regent, Mary of Guise, from ‘the professouris of Christis ewangell’ mentioned two ‘kingdomes’. It asserted that there was ‘ane kingdome temporall’ and ‘Christis kingdome’, the Kirk, and that the former ought to be ruled by ‘mortell men’ and the latter by Christ alone. The regent was described as ‘ane servand and na quein havand na preheminence nor authoritie above the kyrk’.
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Shin, Doh Chull. « Democratic Consolidation in Korea : A Trend Analysis of Public Opinion Surveys, 1997–2001 ». Japanese Journal of Political Science 2, no 2 (novembre 2001) : 177–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109901000226.
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The Republic of Korea (Korea hereinafter) has been widely regarded as one of the most vigorous and analytically interesting third-wave democracies (Diamond and Shin, 2000: 1). During the first decade of democratic rule, Korea has successfully carried out a large number of electoral and other reforms to transform the institutions and procedures of military-authoritarian rule into those of a representative democracy. Unlike many of its counterparts in Latin America and elsewhere, Korea has fully restored civilian rule by extricating the military from power. As is the case in established democracies of North America and Western Europe, free and competitive elections have been regularly held at all the different levels of the government. In the most recent presidential election, held in December 1997, Korea also established itself as a mature electoral democracy by elevating an opposition party to political power. In Korea today, there is general agreement that electoral politics has become the only possible political game in town.
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Golovinov, Alexander, et Yulia Golovinova. « The Principle of Gender Equality in the Texts of the Constitutions of Western European Countries ». Legal Linguistics, no 20(31) (1 juillet 2021) : 5–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.14258/leglin(2021)2001.
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The article analyzes the provisions of regulatory legal acts that ensure the enforcement of women's rights in Germany, Italy, Spain, Sweden, Finland, Iceland, etc. The paper shows the effectiveness of the Northern European approach to overcoming obstacles to gender equality through the establishment of special state agencies and government authorities. As generally recognized leaders in the field of women's rights this group of states effectively implements national mechanisms of gender equality. It is worth remembering that progress in achieving gender equality in Western countries is due to the intensity of the women's movement itself and the growth of women's representation in governments, parliaments and public organizations. Besides we should mention a broad anti-discrimination legislative framework and a system of state agencies implementing gender equality strategies in Europe. The systematic development of the concepts of equal opportunities has allowed women in these countries to take a secure place in the labor market on equal terms with men. The article shows that gender equality can be defined to a certain extent as a kind of "sameness" of men and women. However, this sameness should not be equated with identity. Alas, it is impossible to equate a woman and a man, at least the reason for this is mental and physiological differences, plus the obvious difference in their biological functions. It has proved that despite numerous benefits, women continue to face various forms of discrimination. Finally, as the experience of Western countries shows, to achieve equality de facto it is necessary to significantly increase the activity of women themselves, civil society institutions, to strengthen the role of state authorities in the implementation of true gender equality.
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YASHLAVSKII, A. E. « Europe’s Anti-immigrant Parties : False Start or Second Wind ? » Outlines of global transformations : politics, economics, law 11, no 3 (17 août 2018) : 230–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2018-11-3-230-244.
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The article makes focus on the rise of Western Europe’s far-right parties which act with anti-immigrant agenda amid 2010s European migrant crisis. Massive influxes of refugees and migrants have accumulated huge political significance and triggered off a wide range of conflicts (both on international and national levels). The migrant crisis has indicated many social-political challenges for European countries. The crisis has been synchronous with a rise of popularity of right populist political movements (old ones as well as new ones), which promote restrictions of immigration etc. At the same time it cannot be ignored that West European right-wing populist political movements achieved some success in previous decades, well ahead of the current migrant crisis. Immigration issue has been a centerpiece of political discourses of West European right-wing parties (National Front in France, for instance) since late 1970s – early 1980s. But it is quite obvious that the 2010s migrant crisis became a trigger for revitalization of the far-right movements which are outspoken critics of the European Union as “a supra- national body” dictating its conditions to the member countries. Besides, the crisis gave a boost to a rise of new populist movements (for example, “Alternative for Germany”). In 2017 the populist right-wing parties in Europe won the largest support over the three past decades. Recently the right populist forces appeared in elections in a number of European countries (Germany, Austria, France etc.) as tough competitor of traditional mainstream political parties and won parliamentary representation and/or representation in the government coalitions. Furthermore, these movements demonstrate attempts to change their image to shift to political mainstream. However, in the foreseeable future, any cardinal breakthrough and far-right anti- immigrant parties’ coming to the power in Western Europe’s coutrnies is hardly possible.
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Liu, James H., Petar Milojev, Homero Gil de Zúñiga et Robert Jiqi Zhang. « The Global Trust Inventory as a “Proxy Measure” for Social Capital : Measurement and Impact in 11 Democratic Societies ». Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology 49, no 5 (13 avril 2018) : 789–810. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022022118766619.
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The Global Trust Inventory (GTI), conceptually assessing trust in others ranging from close interpersonal relationships to relationships with government and financial institutions as a whole, was administered to representative online samples in 11 democratic states ( N = 11,917 from Europe, the Americas, and New Zealand). A seven-factor solution had configural, metric, and reasonable scalar invariance in multi-group confirmatory factor analysis. Using latent profile analysis, individual-level measures of trust were derived that complement existing measures of social capital in their impact and implications. Western societies had proportionately more people with high propensity to trust, Catholic/European intermediate, and Latin American societies the least. A High Trust Profile had virtues associated with social capital: greater participation in political discussion, greater elaboration of political thinking, more community engagement, less prejudice, and greater participation in elections. A Low Trust Profile exhibited opposite tendencies. Demographically, high trust was associated with higher self-reported social status, home ownership, older age, and political conservatism. A more complex set of relationships differentiated two intermediate profiles, dubbed Moderate and Low Institutional Trust. Conceptually, the GTI operationalizes a holistic view of trust as a “synthetic force” that holds various aspects of society together, ranging from interpersonal to institutionalized relationships.
Thèses sur le sujet "Representative government and representation – Europe, Western"
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Kopas, Paul Sheldon. « Self-government in Europe and Canada : a comparison of selected cases ». Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28093.
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Efforts to clarify aboriginal rights in Canada have centered around the demand by aboriginal people for a constitutionally entrenched right to self-government but the substance and character of that form of government are not defined.
Comparative political studies have sought to identify possible features of self-government from other political systems. This study observes that in several European countries there are regions with high degrees of local autonomy then compares them to existing Canadian developments, endeavoring to see what might be learned. From Denmark, the Faroe Islands, and from the British Isles, the Isle of Man and Guernsey, are compared with the James Bay Cree (Quebec) and the Sechelt Band (British Columbia) self-governments and the proposed Territory of Nunavut in Canada.
Material was gathered from the literature, from telephone interviews with administrators in the three European jurisdictions, and from personal interviews in Canada.
The nascent Canadian experience with self-government includes many of the features of self-government in the European cases and leads to some optimism. Important issues in Canada such as the multitude of cases and the paucity of resources in some aboriginal communities require further study.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Howe, Philip J. « Well-tempered discontent : nationalism, ethnic group politics, electoral institutions and parliamentary behavior in the western half of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, 1867-1914 / ». Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3069226.
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BEDOCK, Camille. « Reforming democracy : institutional engineering in Western Europe, 1990-2010 ». Doctoral thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/32129.
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Defence date: 29 April 2014Examining Board: Professor Sven Steinmo, European University Institute (Supervisor), for Professor Peter Mair (†), EUI Professor Nicolas Sauger, Sciences Po Paris (External Co-supervisor) Professor Stefano Bartolini, European University Institute Professor Jean-Benoit Pilet, Université Libre de Bruxelles.
First made available online 27 May 2019
The modification of the formal rules regulating the functioning of democracy has become an increasingly important field of research in political science, all the more so in a context of decline of political support in consolidated democracies. This thesis focuses on reforms of the core democratic rules in Western European democracies during the two last decades, adopting an expansive focus in order to adopt a multidimensional and longitudinal approach to institutional engineering. It investigates the occurrence of reform, successively examining the description and the characterisation of reforms, their contextual determinants and the mechanisms of change, articulating mixed-methods including large-N statistical analyses and case studies. The main theoretical innovation of the thesis is the concept of bundle of reform, defined as institutional reforms linked to each other and relating to several dimensions of the institutional architecture. In the first part of the thesis, thanks to an original database including 6 categories of reform, it is demonstrated that institutional reforms in the last few decades have been frequent, have happened in bundles, and have been moving towards more inclusive institutions. When studying the long- and short-term determinants of the number of reforms, certain long-term factors foster a favourable structural environment for the occurrence of institutional reforms, in particular a lack of political support from citizens for their institutions, but also the disproportional electoral systems in majoritarian democracies. In the short-term, institutional reforms in a given legislature tend to be more numerous after political alternation, and in contexts of rising electoral uncertainty. The thesis also evidences the fact that neither constitutional rigidity nor the number of partisan veto players can be considered to be the main explanation, or even relevant at all in some cases. The second part of the thesis focuses on understanding why, in favourable contexts, some reforms succeed and others fail, investigating case studies of three bundles of reforms in France, Ireland and Italy. The main finding evidences that the final outcomes of reforms are dependent on the combination of the nature of the reforms at stake (divisive or consensual) and the process used to adopt them (majoritarian, supermajoritarian or externalised). Divisive reforms tend to obey a self-interested logic, and their success depends on the ability to build an agreement in relation to a package deal of reforms. During the processes of consensual reform, credit-claiming logics prevail. When the majority chooses to exclude opposition parties and interest groups from the elaboration of reforms in order to claim sole credit, the fate of such reforms depends on the attitude of the opposition, who may choose to oppose the reform in order to symbolically defeat the government.
Livres sur le sujet "Representative government and representation – Europe, Western"
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1949-, Laver Michael, et Mair Peter, dir. Representative government in Western Europe. New York : McGraw-Hill, 1992.
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Immigrant politics : Race and representation in Western Europe. Boulder, Colo : Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2012.
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1924-, Miller Warren E., dir. Policy representation in Western democracies. Oxford : Oxford University Press, 1999.
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Deutschland, der Westen und der europäische Parlamentarismus. Hildesheim : Olms, 2012.
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1949-, Laver Michael, et Mair Peter, dir. Representative government in modern Europe. 4e éd. Boston : McGraw-Hill, 2006.
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1949-, Laver Michael, Mair Peter et Gallagher Michael Ph D, dir. Representative government in modern Europe. 2e éd. New York : McGraw-Hill, 1995.
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1949-, Laver Michael, et Mair Peter, dir. Representative government in modern Europe. 3e éd. Boston : McGraw Hill, 2001.
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1959-, Rao Nirmala, dir. Representation and community in Western democracies. New York : St. Martin's Press, 2000.
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The history of the origins of representative government in Europe. Indianapolis, IN : Liberty Fund, 2002.
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Daniel, Pécaut, Sorj Bernardo et Almeida, Maria Hermínia Tavares de., dir. Métamorphoses de la représentation politique au Brésil et en Europe. Paris : Editions du Centre national de la recherche scientifique, 1991.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Representative government and representation – Europe, Western"
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Conway, Martin. « A Democratic Age ». Dans Western Europe's Democratic Age, 1–27. Princeton University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691203485.003.0001.
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This introductory chapter explores French political philosopher Raymond Aron's thesis of a democratic stabilization of Western Europe, which he believed had occurred since the Second World War. Compared with the destructive struggles of ideology, class, and ethnicity that had marked the first half of the twentieth century in Europe, Aron argued that a new form of industrial society had emerged in the fifteen years since the war, characterized by representative democratic institutions and guarantees of personal freedom. Stability was not, of course, guaranteed. And yet what Aron termed the démocraties stabilisées or pacifiées that had taken root in Western Europe since the Second World War were more than the by-product of the political immobilism imposed on Europe, west and east, by the Cold War. In Aron's view, they marked the coming of age of a new model of Western European government and society, which had not so much resolved the divisions of the past as rendered them obsolete through a combination of economic prosperity, effective governmental action, and social compromise. The book then studies the nature and development of democracy, as well as its limitations, in Europe between the end of the Second World War and the political and social upheavals of the later 1960s and early 1970s.
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Mestyan, Adam. « The European Aesthetics of Khedivial Power ». Dans Arab Patriotism. Princeton University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691172644.003.0004.
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This chapter focuses on the creation of spaces which brought a new political aesthetics—the European political aesthetics. Strikingly different from Muslim patriotism, images of Ismail Pasha as a sovereign ruler were created according to western European styles of representation. This representation system was a tool to fabricate the sovereign image of the khedive, to obscure his Ottomanness. The government production of a history of “independence” started at this moment with the instrumentalization of European art. The chapter then looks at the life of Paul Draneht Bey, who helped to fabricate this “internal Europe” and directed the theaters between 1869 and 1878. It concludes with an exploration of the “portrait of the pasha” and the main product of early khedivial culture: Giuseppe Verdi's opera, Aida (1871).
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Trachtenberg, Marc. « The United States and Eastern Europe in 1945 : A Reassessment ». Dans The Cold War and After. Princeton University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691152028.003.0003.
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This chapter examines the policies pursued by the American government to deal with the problem of Eastern Europe in 1945. At the end of World War II, the Soviet Union, it was said, sought to communize eastern Europe; the western powers, and especially the United States, were deeply opposed to that policy; and the clash that developed played the key role in triggering the Cold War. But historians in recent years have been moving away from that sort of interpretation. American policy is also being seen in a new light by many historians. Increasingly the argument seems to be that U.S. leaders in 1945 did not really care much about eastern Europe—that their commitment to representative government in that region was surprisingly thin and that by the end of 1945 they had more or less come to the conclusion that the sort of political system the Soviets were setting up in that part of the world was something the United States could live with.
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Stasavage, David. « Representative Assemblies in Europe, 1250–1750 ». Dans States of Credit. Princeton University Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691140575.003.0003.
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This chapter examines the evolution of representative assemblies in Europe during the period 1250–1750. Numerous historical sources provide evidence of a clear distinction between the financial roles played by representative bodies in city-states and by those in territorial states. Within city-states, representative bodies met frequently, they played a direct role in controlling government finance. Within territorial states, representative assemblies were sometimes an obstacle to a government's efforts to obtain credit. The chapter first provides an overview of the origins of representative assemblies before discussing the prerogatives of representative assemblies in city-states and territorial states. The evidence relates to long-standing historical arguments about the emergence and evolution of political representation. The chapter also highlights the pronounced difference in the activities of representative assemblies in city-states and territorial states.
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Chouliaraki, Lilie, et Myria Georgiou. « Subaltern Voice and Digital Resistance ». Dans The Digital Border, 148–70. NYU Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479844319.003.0007.
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Chapter 6 moves across the temporality of “crisis” and post-“crisis,” 2015–20, to examine the representation of migrants no longer as silent figures but as speaking subjects that use digital spaces of publicity to connect with their own communities as well as with western audiences. Through an analysis of four Europe-wide institutional and grassroots online initiative, the chapter illustrates the potential of migrants as “subaltern” actors to unsettle, at least briefly, the symbolic border and its binaries of inside/outside and to tell their own stories of suffering and defiance and civic participation. As these network diversify over time, the chapter further reveals how migrant subalterity is mobilized in different and sometimes competing projects of voice: subordinating this voice to official discourse and so denying recognition to migrants (in governmental sites) or enabling it to speak in its own terms and so claiming an autonomous identity (in grassroots ones).
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Weinberg, David H. « Return, Relief, and Rehabilitation ». Dans Recovering a Voice, 22–72. Liverpool University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781906764104.003.0002.
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This chapter discusses the start of the relief effort for the Jews of post-war France, Belgium, and the Netherlands after the Second World War. The initial strategy devised by the American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee (JDC) and other international Jewish organizations in 1945 in France, Belgium, and the Netherlands was to leave relief efforts to others. While working to secure Jewish representation on local aid committees that had been created by Christian charities, the Red Cross, and individual political parties, they would piggyback on the numerous relief efforts that Jewish communities in the three countries had themselves established during the war or had initiated at the time of liberation. Where possible, they would also demand that national governments assist Jewish survivors. In the absence of support from private aid groups and despite their weakened condition, a variety of local Jewish community agencies did what they could to aid survivors. Ultimately, in the first two decades after the war, American and other international organizations would be only partially successful in restructuring the Jewish communities of western Europe.
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Charlton-Stevens, Uther. « The End of Anglo-India ? » Dans Anglo-India and the End of Empire, 233–86. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197669983.003.0006.
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Abstract During the Quit India movement of 1942, pressure on all Indian communities to abandon British/Western clothing in the spirit of sartorial nationalism reached fever pitch. Anglo-Indians remained attached to markers of their European ancestry, especially the topi. Dress was but one of several perceived threats to Anglo-Indians' hybridized identity. In this climate and with Indian independence imminent, Frank Anthony sought to reorient Anglo-Indians through his communal nationalist formula "Anglo-Indian by community, Indian by nationality". Despite Anthony promising the preservation of Anglo-Indians' English mother tongue and westernized culture, a significant pro-British faction opposed his prescription. After unavailing pleas to the incoming Labour government in London and their Cabinet Mission of 1946 for representation in the Constituent Assembly of India, Anthony met with Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru, and Vallabhbhai Patel, who generously conceded three seats on the constitution-making body, enabling Anthony to achieve almost unique constitutional recognition. In Pakistan, a rival leader, Cecil Edward Gibbon, sought to rebrand Anglo-Indians as Anglo-Muslims (though Anglo-Pakistanis or "Anglos" remained more common). Some sought to register as British as an insurance against deterioration in their position whilst remaining in India and Pakistan. Others proposed colonization schemes or emigrated, principally to Anglosphere countries, resulting in a global diaspora.
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Stasavage, David. « Implications for State Formation and Development ». Dans States of Credit. Princeton University Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691140575.003.0008.
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This concluding chapter recaps on what the book has investigated: the development of a representative form of government and the establishment of a system of public credit in Europe. It has also explored the constraining effects of representative assemblies and the idea that geographic scale hindered the ability to sustain an intensive form of political representation. The chapter examines the implications of the book's findings for three broad debates concerning the role of war in the process of state formation, the possibility of using institutional change to solve commitment problems, and the sources of early modern growth. In particular, it considers the political determinants of economic development within European city-states. The chapter suggests that the same political conditions that were key to the early success of the so-called “states of credit” may have also ultimately set them on a path toward economic decline.
Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Representative government and representation – Europe, Western"
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Lucas, Brian. Lessons Learned about Political Inclusion of Refugees. Institute of Development Studies, mai 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.114.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Most refugees and other migrants have limited opportunities to participate in politics to inform and influence the policies that affect them daily; they have limited voting rights and generally lack effective alternative forms of representation such as consultative bodies (Solano & Huddleston, 2020a, p. 33). Political participation is ‘absent (or almost absent) from integration strategies’ in Eastern European countries, while refugees and other migrants in Western Europe do enjoy significant local voting rights, stronger consultative bodies, more funding for immigrant organisations and greater support from mainstream organisations (Solano & Huddleston, 2020a, p. 33).This rapid review seeks to find out what lessons have been learned about political inclusion of refugees, particularly in European countries.In general, there appears to be limited evidence about the effectiveness of attempts to support the political participation of migrants/refugees. ‘The engagement of refugees and asylum-seekers in the political activities of their host countries is highly understudied’ (Jacobi, 2021, p. 3) and ‘the effects that integration policies have on immigrants’ representation remains an under-explored field’ (Petrarca, 2015, p. 9). The evidence that is available often comes from sources that cover the entire population or ethnic minorities without specifically targeting refugees or migrants, are biased towards samples of immigrants who are long-established in the host country and may not be representative of immigrant populations, or focus only on voting behaviour and neglect other forms of political participation (Bilodeau, 2016, pp. 30–31). Statistical data on refugees and integration policy areas and indicators is often weak or absent (Hopkins, 2013, pp. 9, 28–32, 60). Data may not distinguish clearly among refugees and other types of migrants by immigration status, origin country, or length of stay in the host country; may not allow correlating data collected during different time periods with policies in place during those periods and preceding periods; and may fail to collect a range of relevant migrant-specific social and demographic characteristics (Bilgili et al., 2015, pp. 22–23; Hopkins, 2013, p. 28).