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1
Yilmaz, Ihsan. « The Emergence of Islamist Official and Unofficial Laws in the Erdoganist Turkey : The Case of Child Marriages ». Religions 12, no 7 (8 juillet 2021) : 513. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12070513.
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Religion in the hands of authoritarian governments can prove to be an effective political instrument to further their agenda. This paper attempts to explore this aspect of authoritarianism with the case of Turkish family laws under Erdoganist Islamist legal pluralism. The paper analyzes the AKP’s government’s attempts at pro-Islamist legislation, fatwas produced by Diyanet (Turkish Directorate of Religious Affairs) and by pro-government right-wing religious scholars to explore the changes that have occurred, both formally and informally, in the largely secular family laws of the Republic of Turkey in the last decade. By focusing on the age of marriage, this paper tries to understand the impact of Islamist legal pluralism and unofficial Islamist laws on the formal legal system as well as the social implications of this plural socio-legal reality, particularly for vulnerable groups such as the poor, refugees, children, and women. The trends demonstrate the informal system’s skew towards Islamism, patriarchy and disregard for fundamental rights. This Islamist legal plurality almost always operates against the women and underage girls, which creates profound individual and social problems. The paper concludes by pointing out the critical issues emerging in the domain of family law due to the link between the growing power of Islamist legal pluralism and its political instrumentalization by the Justice and Development Party (AKP).
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Weller, Paul. « 'Human Rights', 'Religion' and the 'Secular' : Variant Configurations of Religion(s), State(s) and Society(ies) ». Religion & ; Human Rights 1, no 1 (2006) : 17–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187103206777493438.
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AbstractDiscussions about the relationship between 'religion' and 'human rights' often focus on the problems that arise from 'religion'. Within a European historical perspective this is understandable since one of the most important aspects of the historical development of the 'human rights' tradition in the Europe has been the struggle for the right not to believe.However, the concept of the 'secular' is also not unproblematic. Thus this article explores the contested relationship between 'human rights' and 'religion' by bringing into focus also the relatively hidden factor of the 'secular'. This is done by exploring the forms of secularity exemplified in the traditions and approaches that are found in the USA, France, Turkey, the Netherlands and India. Finally, reference is made to traditional Islamic models for integrating cultural and religious plurality, before concluding with some discussion of the thought of Marc Luyckx in relation to the future of Europe.
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Akbulut, Olgun, et Zeynep Oya Usal. « Parental Religious Rights vs. Compulsory Religious Education in Turkey ». International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 15, no 4 (2008) : 433–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181108x374752.
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AbstractDespite parents having primary responsibility, it remains the State's duty to ensure its citizens' education. The orientation of the State's education can be secular can religious; however, the State – having the discretion on curriculum – should comply with human rights principles by promoting pluralism and refraining from indoctrination. In this respect, discussions around religious education have been, and are, highly controversial. This has especially been the case for countries such as Turkey, which have pronounced religious minority groups in their territories. In this regard, the Alevis of Turkey, as the largest religious minority in the country, have been the main actors of a long lasting legal struggle to strive for respect for their freedom of religion as well as parental religious convictions. This article aims to answer to what extent Alevis in Turkey can assert their parental right to religious education through invoking international human rights law, particularly under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the European Convention on Human Rights.
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Özgül, Ceren. « Freedom of Religion, the ECtHR and Grassroots Mobilization on Religious Education in Turkey ». Politics and Religion 12, S1 (2019) : S103—S133. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048318000779.
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AbstractThis paper examines grassroots mobilizations in Turkey against the government's policies on religion and education (RE), and the potential effects of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR or the Court) on their mobilization. Specifically, it follows the ways in which grassroots actors frame their discourses of secularism and freedom of religion in education during a period when the Turkish government is aiming to increase the role of Sunni-Islam in national education, while at the same time refusing to implement ECtHR decisions regarding RE. Drawing on empirical research, it analyzes the role the ECtHR and its case law play in the diverse rights claims and discourses of three different types of mobilizations that is going on in the field of RE: (i) legal mobilization, and right to exemption and freedom from religion, (ii) political mobilization, and new discourses of pluralism and secularism, (iii) monitoring and policy-based mobilization and national and international advocacy for pluralism and equality in education.
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Taghread Yousf Keadan, Taghread Yousf Keadan. « Pluralism and diversity from the Islamic perspective Pluralism and diversity from the Islamic perspective : التعدد والتنوع من المنظور الإسلامي ». Journal of Islamic Sciences 4, no 3 (30 juin 2021) : 108–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.26389/ajsrp.r220221.
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The aim of this research is to clarify the phenomenon of pluralism and diversity in its various aspects, with a focus on Islam’s position on pluralism and diversity in its various types and divisions. The research also sought to address religious and political pluralism, cultural pluralism, economic pluralism and Islam’s position and outlook on it. The study is based on the descriptive and analytical approach that sheds light on pluralism and diversity from an Islamic perspective, and through the descriptive and analytical approach, the study will provide a description and analysis of the plurality and diversity in thought and culture from the application of Islamic thought. The research reached the following results: - Religious pluralism, or Islam’s view of pluralism in general, is the ideal solution to the problem of religious conflict in the world and to the peaceful coexistence of different religions. Diversity in Islamic society is the best evidence of Islam's tolerance and its recognition that difference is a universal nature. Islam adopts political pluralism on condition that it be disciplined within the framework of commitment to the supremacy of Sharia and not deviating from its established principles. - Islamic economics is based on matters that other systems lack. It combines private and public ownership at the same time, considering that both of them are assets and each of them has its objectives and sources, provided that they are legitimate. Economic pluralism expresses the existence of more than one economic system in a single country, and Islamic law is concerned with the economic aspect.
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Bigelow, Anna. « Lived Secularism : Studies in India and Turkey ». Journal of the American Academy of Religion 87, no 3 (25 juillet 2019) : 725–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jaarel/lfz035.
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AbstractPlaces of interreligious encounter provide opportunities to understand secularity as an experience, one that almost necessarily involves the religious other. As the meaning and operations of secularism and its entanglements with the state vary across cultural and legal systems, this is also a fruitful terrain for comparison, particularly regarding states in which the structures of governance are bound up with some form of political secularism. The case studies presented here explore formations of secularism in India and Turkey by paying attention to how the secular works in everyday life through interreligious relations at shared sacred sites. Personal understandings and experiences of multireligious coexistence oftentimes are articulated and performed through arenas of mundane interaction, giving shape and substance to otherwise abstract concepts of pluralism, secularism, and laicism. However, these ways of being secular exist within frames of intensifying religious nationalism in which the secular is being redefined by state actors and political networks to protect and promote the majority’s religious sensibilities. In this shifting landscape, secularism is reworked as a tool of the ruling parties in Turkey and India to further their religio-political agendas. Comparing cases of lived secularism in India and Turkey reveals a constellation of shifting meanings and sensibilities around sharing polities and places with religious others. Whether peacefully shared or contested, monumental or wayside, shared shrines expose the mundane ways in which the secular is a shifting signifier, sometimes evoking a political principle, sometimes an ethical ideal, and sometimes an oppressive, antireligious ideology. This article identifies what is at stake in these various formations and how each perspective on secularism comes with its own set of expectations and dispensations.
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Noor, Firman. « THE RESPONSE OF CONTEMPORARY INDONESIAN ISLAMIC PARTIES TOWARDS PLURALISM ». Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities 7, no 1 (31 juillet 2017) : 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.14203/jissh.v7i1.69.
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Religion-based political parties, particularly Islamic parties, are often perceived as being less committed to preserving pluralism in comparison with secular parties. Some people regard them as having hidden agendas which are not proper for Indonesia as a plural country. By exploring the ideals and practical aspects of several major Islamic parties, this article wants to highlight the views and attitudes of these parties in relation to political diversity that indicates a real position of pluralism within these parties. To measure the Islamic parties commitment on pluralism, this article will explore these issues:(1) the main purpose of party establishment, (2) the concept of the ideal form and foundation of a state, including the vision of Pancasila, (3) attitudes towards minority groups, including non-Muslims, Ahmadiyah, Syiah and any other minority groups, (4) policies related to religious concerns, including rights to religious education, the establishment of Islamic Syariah at the local level, and radicalism and (5) developments of political cooperation with secular and non-Muslim parties. The discussion will also touch upon the reasons behind the response towards pluralism as well as addressing the question on whether the response towards pluralism is based on pragmatic interests or Islamic idealism. Discussions about the Islamic parties will also reveal the gradation and level of commitment of the Islamic Parties to pluralism, which in general tend to be supportive towards pluralism.
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رسول, عابد, et سامان سمين. « The Impact of Social Pluralism on the Structures and Functions of the Political System (An analytical study) ». Journal for Political and Security Studies 4, no 7 (1 juin 2021) : 49–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.31271/jopss.10046.
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The issue of societal pluralism has become one of the controversial topics nowadays and the focus of many researchers, particularly since the last decade of the twentieth century. This study aims to clarify one of the dimensions of this topic, which is how societal pluralism affects the political system of countries distinguished by ethnic, national, linguistic, religious or sectarian diversity. Accordingly, the problem of this study revolves around a main question, which is: What is the impact of societal pluralism on the structures and functions of the political system? The study came to the conclusion that societal pluralism represents a major motive of many aspects of political, social, economic and cultural life in countries whose societies are characterized by ethnic, national, linguistic, religious or sectarian diversity, which casts a shadow on how the structures of the political system of those countries are formed and how it performs its functions, especially in developing countries or newly emerging ones, which may suffer as a result of their failure to manage this pluralism from conflicts, turmoil and civil wars that not only threaten the stability of the political system, but also the fate of some of those countries as well. Accordingly, the study was divided into an introduction and three sections: the first section deals with; a theoretical framework for the concepts of societal pluralism and the political system, while the second section deals with; how does societal pluralism affect the formation of the structures of the political system, while the third section deals with; how does societal pluralism affect the performance of the functions of the political system. The study ends with a conclusion that includes the most important conclusions we reached, with a list of the study’s sources.
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Sahfutra, Surya Adi. « GAGASAN PLURALISME AGAMA GUS DUR UNTUK KESETARAAN DAN KERUKUNAN ». RELIGI JURNAL STUDI AGAMA-AGAMA 10, no 1 (31 janvier 2014) : 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/rejusta.2014.1001-06.
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This article focuses on framing the thought of Abdurrahman Wahid on reli- gious pluralism. Gus Dur-his familiar name, is a figure of the Muslim scholars, clerics, and also a politician who has a considerable influence in the national life in Indonesia. The idea of religious pluralism was offered by Gus Dur calls for recognition of the equal right to claim the truth of any religion by its followers, respectively. For Gus Dur difference faith/theology should not affect the enforce- ment of justice. Ever y religion should receive equal treatment before the law; hence neither group feels superior to the other.The author argues that the research on the views of Gus Dur is ver y important to see what is meant by religious pluralism. From this study we can also see the mapping of what Gus Dur strug gled in upholding religious pluralism. By using critical-thinking approach, Gus Dur’s tought will be dissected to obtain a com- prehensive understanding of the globalizing thought of Gus Dur which covering various aspects of life, not only limited in political issues, the relationship be- tween religion and the state as well as inter-religious relations. The result can be described that there are three focuses of Wahid fought in the religious pluralism, namely equality of religions, tolerance and interfaith and inter-religious dialog.
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Vicini, Fabio. « Post-Islamism or Veering Toward Political Modernity ? » Sociology of Islam 4, no 3 (5 juillet 2016) : 261–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22131418-00403003.
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In this article I assess the suitability of exploring the entanglement of state and Islam in Turkey under the rubric of post-Islamism. This is achieved through an exploration of the composite intertwining of religious discourse, historical and teleological imaginaries, and ideals of civic engagement within the Gülen movement. In my view not only does the post-Islamist thesis appear to be limited in regard to analyzing this and similar cases, but it also dangerously echoes recurrent neo-orientalist narratives, which in essence circumscribe how Islam can be “inclusive” and open to ideals of “individual freedom,” “pluralism,” and to Western ideals of democracy. In this paper I argue that it is instead the ideologization of religious discourse – a specific product of political modernity – which hinders Islamic movements such as the Gülen and others from realizing the full potential of Islam as an alternative global civilizational discourse to that of liberal modernity.
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Robby, Hadza min Fadhli. « Humanitarian Crisis and the Arduous Path to Principled Pluralism : A Politico-Theological Analysis on Indian and Turkish Foreign Policies (2014-2019) ». Journal of Islamic World and Politics 5, no 2 (12 novembre 2021) : 293–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jiwp.v5i2.12062.
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This research aims to analyze the influence of political theology in the foreign policy of Indian and Turkish from 2014 to 2019. India and Turkey used political theology as one of the essential considerations for the conduct of foreign policies during the humanitarian crisis. Both countries were trying to conduct “politics of salvation” to protect their fellow faithful from the oppression in the neighboring regions. While conducting its politics of salvation in their foreign policies, India and Turkey were trying to protect their fellow faithful from the oppression from the constructed others. This research argues that the politics of salvation in its foreign policy will influence both countries’ religious freedom and secularism. This research would like to utilize the concept of “politics of principled pluralism” that Robert Joustra developed. In its analysis, this research engages with several articles from news outlets and research journals to construct arguments on the conduct of the foreign policy of India and Turkey in times of humanitarian crisis. This research found that India and Turkey had tried to implement their version of “politics of salvation” that deteriorate religious freedom and inclusive democracy.
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Hart, Kimberly. « The Reckoning of Pluralism ». American Journal of Islam and Society 31, no 4 (1 octobre 2014) : 128–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v31i4.1076.
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At the time Tambar wrote The Reckoning of Pluralism, there was a briefopening in Turkish political life during which ethnic and sectarian pluralitywas both imaginable and debatable. This opening, initiated by the ruling AKP,attempted to create an official conversation about the Alevis and the Kurds.This move indicated that those who have state power were willing to acceptthe suggestion that Turkish nationalism could encompass sectarian and ethnicdiversity. The opening, however, was brutally closed via the violent attackson peaceful protestors during the Gezi Park events of 2013. Turkishpolitics changes rapidly, and what was a moment of optimism among thosewho hope for a greater freedom of expression in Turkey may be revived.This means that Tambar conducted his research when Turks were beginningto discuss religious and ethnic difference, the ongoing war with the Kurdsand possible solutions, and a troubled national memory avoided by nationalisthistorians. Only further research can tell us if the Alevi community feelsthere is a possibility of greater religious expression. But even within thecontext of this brief opening, Tambar’s work contributes to the question ofhow the Turkish government locates, defines, and confines religion, in thiscase Alevism, in the national imaginary via nationalist historians.Tambar’s work contributes to a growing body of ethnographic and sociologicalliterature on Turkey’s powerful if obviously constructed ideologicalworldview, in which the state ushers into existence self-evident “truths” forits citizens. In this case the truth is the origin, meaning, and role of the nation’sAlevis. The author describes how their history has been domesticated (chap.3), how public performances of religiosity are self-contained by the Alevis,who are now burdened with the need to perform national unity and forget aspectsof ritual that appear “irrelevant” to contemporary, urban, political, andideological issues (chaps. 2 and 4), and how ritual has become intellectualizedand historicized (chap. 5). Chapter 6, the final chapter, discusses a non-stateAlevi mosque run by imams trained in Iran.The book will be useful for specialists, for whom lingering questionsabout this group’s oft-repeated “shamanistic” origin is a puzzle. Tambar forcefullyilluminates the origins of this nationalist fiction and the related denial ofany possible connection with Shi‘i Islam. Naturally, for those with some backgroundin Ottoman history, the denial of the Alevis’ sectarian connections to ...
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Turco, Daniela. « Religious forms in secularized society : Three Catholic groups in comparison ». Social Compass 63, no 4 (23 septembre 2016) : 513–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0037768616663986.
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Despite the evidence of a progressive disenchantment, the religious sphere maintains a strong grip on current societies though undertaking some transformations. Pluralism, individualism and privatization are three features we cannot ignore if we choose to study religion in the contemporary world and, more broadly, if we choose to study modernity. The aim of this article is to illustrate some features of the different forms of religiosity in the secular age (Taylor, 2007). We have focused on modern Catholicism, with particular reference to religious experience in the Catholic lay group. The stories of Catholic militants show that the motivation behind their choice is the crucial factor to analyze their religious experience and worldview. In this sense, we will try to reflect on some indicators that can help us to understand the resources and limits of the contemporary Catholic pluralism and the aspects of the ‘modern desire for God’ (Abbruzzese, 2010).
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Tatarchuk, Mariana. « Religious Minorities of Ukraine in Socio-Cultural and Legal Aspects ». Religious Freedom 1, no 19 (30 août 2016) : 85–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/rs.2016.19.1.930.
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With the tendency towards the increasing globalization of the world from the 1970s-1980s to multiculturalism and pluralism in all its manifestations, it is not surprising that religious, ethnic, national, linguistic and other contradictions and conflicts arise between representatives of certain social groups Religious and national contradictions are the most characteristic and become the most acute forms of resolution in polyethnic and polyconfessional countries in the case of belonging of the majority of the population to one national, religious and other group, while the rest form a minority according to one or another criterion. Increasingly, you can hear about political, economic, and cultural pressure on representatives of different social groups that are not so-called "majority". Therefore, there is a need to protect the rights of individuals to freedom of conscience, freedom of expression in various aspects of life, including freedom of religion, freedom of action of religious communities and organizations, including religious minorities.
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Casanova, Jose. « „THE MAKING OF A POSTSECULAR SOCIETY. A DURKHEIMIAN APPROACH TO MEMORY, PLURALISM AND RELIGION IN TURKEY“ ». POLITICS AND RELIGION IN EUROPE 9, no 2 (27 décembre 2015) : 323–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj0902323c.
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Atiemo, Abamfo. « International Human Rights, Religious Pluralism and the Future of Chieftaincy in Ghana ». Exchange 35, no 4 (2006) : 360–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157254306780016140.
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AbstractA revolutionary development that resulted from Africa's experience of colonialism was the emergence of the nation-state made up of previously separate ethnic states. By the end of the colonial period the rulers of these ethnic states — the chiefs — had lost most of their real political and judicial powers to the political leaders of the new nation-states. But in spite of the loss of effective political power the chiefs continued to wield moral influence over members of their ethnic groups. The limited reach of the nation-state in the post-colonial era has also meant a dependence on the chiefs, in many cases, for aspects of local governance. This, for example, is the case of Ghana. However, in the modern context of religious pluralism the intimate bond between the chiefs and the traditional religion exacerbates tension in situations of conflict between people's loyalty to the traditional state and their religious commitment. In some cases, chiefs invoke customary laws in attempt to enforce sanctions against individuals who refuse to observe certain customary practices for religious reasons. But this has implications for the human rights of citizens. This article discusses the implications of this situation for the future of chieftaincy as well as prospects for the protection of the human rights of citizens who for religious reasons choose to stay away from certain communal customary practices.
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Langlaude, Sylvie. « Indoctrination, Secularism, Religious Liberty, and the Echr ». International and Comparative Law Quarterly 55, no 4 (octobre 2006) : 929–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/lei135.
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With its judgment inLeyla Şahin v Turkey,1the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights has once again addressed the place of religion within the European Convention system. The Court considers two types of cases. The first focuses on individuals but has repercussions on the relationship between State and religious communities. The Court is much more individualistic in these cases, in that it focuses more on the individual and the protection of the rights and freedoms of others. The Court emphasizes values such as the prevention of indoctrination, neutrality, secularism and laïcité, especially in relation to Islam. The Court tries to promote and enforce a normative order of secularism but this has unfortunate consequences for religious freedom. The second deals with the compatibility of entire domestic regimes regulating religious affairs with the Convention, including questions of legal personality and registration, leadership and property ownership, positive obligations of the State towards the protection of religious communities against third parties, and freedom of religious choice. The aim is to promote tolerance, religious diversity, pluralism and a market place within religious beliefs. It will be shown that these two strands in the caselaw do not always sit happily together.
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Rumford, Chris. « Placing Democratization within the Global Frame : Sociological Approaches to Universalism, and Democratic Contestation in Contemporary Turkey ». Sociological Review 50, no 2 (mai 2002) : 258–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-954x.00366.
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The process of democratization in Turkey is enhanced by both proximity to the European Union's enlargement process and universalistic discourses of personhood rights, and, at the same time, compromised by a nationalistic rejection of global human rights and democratic norms and state-led resistance to political pluralism. One key feature of the democratization process is the way in which contending parties – the Kemalist elite, religious and ethnic minorities, the European Union – attempt to legitimise their claims by appeals to universal principles. The paper examines three sociological/social theory approaches to universalism (Beck, Laclau, Robertson) and demonstrates their usefulness for an understanding of political contestation in contemporary Turkey. It is argued that the work of these theorists allows us to move beyond a simplistic polarisation of the universal and the particular, where the state represents the universal and minorities the particular. The conceptualisation of universalism advanced by Beck, Laclau and Robertson points to the need to understand the processes of democratization within a sociologically informed globalization framework.
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Tsitselikis, Konstantinos. « Seeking to Accommodate Shari'a Within A Human Rights Framework : The Future of The Greek Shari'A Courts ». Journal of Law and Religion 28, no 2 (janvier 2013) : 341–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0748081400000072.
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The Balkans, a region where Christianity and Islam have come into close contact since before World War Ii, is an interesting study in legal pluralism. Themillet system, under which distinct ethnic-religious communities including Muslims were granted partial institutional autonomy, was at that time a convenient legal paradigm to accommodate minorities within the new national states being created. However, the communist regimes that succeeded the War in the Balkans eradicated legal pluralism in favor of a uniform legal order. As a consequence, the authority to employshari'ain Muslim communities in this region was abolished under communism.The political changes occurring in the Balkans after communism was dismantled in the 1990s did not bring back theshari'acourts in most of the Balkans. However, Greece, having escaped these radical political shifts, retained a continuous legal regime that included some legal autonomy granted to the Greek Muslim population that survived a population exchange with Turkey at the end of the Greek-Turkish war of 1919-1922. As a result of the Lausanne treaty, the Muslim population of (Western) Thrace in Greece was granted a special minority protection regime that appliedshari'alaw to Muslim Greek citizens residing in that region of Thrace. However,shari'ais only applied to certain disputes of family and inheritance law by the localMuftiin Western Thrace who has special jurisdiction over these matters.
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Wells, Geoff. « Jacques Maritain's Personalistic Society and Pluralism ». Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 21, no 1 (2009) : 25–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis2009211/22.
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Jacques Maritain's concept of ttte personalistic society describes a democratic unity of the body politc that mitigates the tension between the material and spiritual aspects of human existence. This unity, grounded in the principles of natural law, makes possible in our terrestrial existence a communion of good living and a rectitude of life--what Maritain calls the bonum honestum. The good he envisions both facilitates and reacts the ideals of an integral Christian humanism, but it necessarily requires for its realization the infusion of Christian ideals into the body politic. It is crucial to Maritain that the process by which this infusion occurs allow for a wide participation of diverse actors, bothh religions and non-religious. But it is also crucial that they are able to converge from their different perspectives into an agreement on "Christianly inspired" practical principles that will subsequently guide public policy. This essay argues that the collective character of the moral personally represented by Maritain in this unity describes a problematic corrtext tor public dialogue that risks undermining the social and political pluralism it presupposes.
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Аltaikyzy, A., et K. Tskhvariashvili. « SECULAR AND RELIGIOUS VALUES : FOREIGN EXPERIENCE ». Adam alemi 92, no 2 (15 juin 2022) : 153–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.48010/2022.2/1999-5849.15.
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The article considers the problem of correlation between secular and religious values in the context of the experience of Western and Eastern countries. The authors analyze the cultural and historical aspects of the formation of religious and secular values, describe value orientations in the context of religious pluralism. The main reasons for the radicalization of the system of religious values in a secular state, as well as the specifics of the manifestation of religious radicalism, are considered. Opinions of various scientists are systematized. The negative consequences of various historical and political events on the religious life of secular societies and on the effectiveness of confessional politics are determined. The purpose of the article is to determine the features of the correlation of religious and secular values, as well as the interaction of the state with religious and confessional structures.
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Tytarenko, Vita, et Liudmyla O. Fylypovych. « Problematic aspects interdenominational and state-denominational relations in the socio-political situation in Ukraine ». Religious Freedom, no 24 (31 mars 2020) : 55–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/rs.2020.24.1782.
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This article examines the socio-political situation in Ukraine in its interconfessional and state-confessional aspects and problems.
The article substantiates the connection between the socio-political situation and security in Ukraine, analyze the effects of Russian aggression, particularly in the humanitarian sphere, where religion becomes an element of hybrid warfare. The religious component is manifested in the desire of the aggressor country to keep Ukraine in the orbit of its interests, making it part of the "Russian world".
The authors identify and substantiate the external and internal risks that hold the potential to change the vector of movement of the religious situation in the country, determine its nature, structure, functioning and so on.
On the basis of wide statistical material presented by the sociological service of the Oleksandr Razumkov Center, the changes in social and religious consciousness were investigated, its dependence on the influence of the military conflict in the East of Ukraine and annexation of the Crimea were analyzed, the changes in the attitude of the religious community. Modern Church-confessional changes are characterized by a decrease in the authority of the UOC (MP) and the number of its believers. Therefore, the technologies of the UOC (MP) (more precisely the ROCinU), which hinder the transition of the UOC (MP) communities to the OCU and the destabilization of inter-denominational and state-denominational relations, are studied.
Investigating the search / constitution / restoration of the identity of Ukrainian churches in modern conditions, the authors highlight the phenomena of a global nature and internal factors, under the influence of which a gradual "crystallization" of this identity takes place.
In the context of the general paradigm of religious freedom within which the research is conducted, objective prerequisites have been established that should provide the country with the standards of religious freedom and religion that are necessary for a democratic state (real religious pluralism, traditionally tolerant attitude of Ukrainians from representatives of different denominations, in the collective Ukrainian identity) and the risks involved in the exercise of religious freedom.
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Ozzano, Luca, et Chiara Maritato. « Patterns of Political Secularism in Italy and Turkey : The Vatican and the Diyanet to the Test of Politics ». Politics and Religion 12, no 3 (5 octobre 2018) : 457–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048318000718.
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AbstractFor centuries, Rome and Istanbul have been representing and epitomizing two empires and two entities with both significant spiritual and temporal power: the Papacy and the Caliphate. During the 19th and the 20th centuries, these institutions underwent significant changes in a context of state secularization: in the case of the Papacy, there was a loss of temporal power and its “reduction” to a mainly moral authority; the Caliphate, on the other hand, was abolished after World War I, succeeded by the Presidency of Religious Affairs (Diyanet), a bureaucratic body under state control, founded in the era of Kemalist secularism. Despite these changes, today both institutions still play a significant role in the public life and public policies of the Italian and the Turkish republics. While the Vatican is able to influence the Italian public sphere and public discourse through both its influence on common people and its lobbying activities in relation to political decision-makers, in Turkey the Diyanet has become the main tool in the reshaping of Turkish society (both by the Kemalists and, later, by Erdoğan's AKP). This paper will analyze their influence on the two countries’ public policies in relation to religious pluralism and to family-related issues, to show how different ideas of secularism, institutional arrangements, and historical paths have led to a very different role of the two institutions in the Italian and Turkish political systems.
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Toktarbekova, L., N. Seitakhmetova, M. Bektenova et I. Ozdemir. « ISLAMIC TRADITION IN THE MODERN PHILOSOPHICAL DISCOURSE OF TURKEY ». Adam alemi 91, no 1 (30 mars 2022) : 170–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.48010/2022.1/1999-5849.15.
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The article analyzes the works of well-known Turkish thinkers that touch upon the issues of philosophy of education, the ecology of culture, and theoretical and applied thoughts that are relevant in the context of global environmental problems. The use of interdisciplinary approaches by Turkish scientists in the study of these issues makes it possible to reveal philosophical problems from a variety of positions. Thus, we see modern philosophical discourses in the humanitarian studies of Turkish philosophers, reflecting the issues of ecological thinking, religious-political, ethical and legal aspects of human life and society, the creative potential of cultural and religious heritage.
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Kong, Lily, et Orlando Woods. « Mobile bodies, (im)mobile beliefs ? Religious accord and discord as migratory outcomes ». Social Compass 65, no 2 (juin 2018) : 149–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0037768618767963.
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This article advances a new understanding of the outcomes that arise from the movement and settlement of religion. These outcomes can range from religious accord to discord; or, from the full integration of migrant religions to inter-religious conflict. It identifies two axes that determine such outcomes. The first relates to the interplay between transnational religious agency and the strength of local religious structures. Harder structures are more likely to require migrant religious groups to make greater compromises to bring about situations of religious accord, while softer structures are less likely to do so. The second relates to the interplay between religion and other aspects of a migrant’s identity. Just as religion plays a more prominent role for some migrants, for others it is more subordinate. Combined, these two axes provide a framework to help understand the negotiations and compromises that arise as a result of religious pluralism in a globalised world.
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Saragih, Erman Sepniagus. « ANALISIS DAN MAKNA TEOLOGI KETUHANAN YANG MAHA ESA DALAM KONTEKS PLURALISME AGAMA DI INDONESIA ». Jurnal Teologi Cultivation 2, no 1 (27 juillet 2018) : 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.46965/jtc.v2i1.175.
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AbstrakIndonesia adalah bangsa yang majemuk. Keadaan ini berpeluang dan sensitif terhadap konflik sosial jika sikap toleran yang rendah, kepentingan politik dan fanatisme. Tujuan penulisan yaitu menemukan makna teologi “Ketuhanan” dalam konteks pluralisme agama. Metologi penelitian dilakukan dengan studi analisis isi. Kesimpulannya yaitu, pertama; kata ketuhanan tidak boleh difahami dari aspek agama tertentu saja dalam kemajemukan di Indonesia. Kedua; ketuhanan berarti sifat-sifat yang mengindahkan Tuhan sebagai tampilan antropomorfis oleh agama manapun. Ketiga; Ketuhanan merupakan hasil sejarah perumusan sila pertama Pancasila dengan kesadaran akan bhineka sebagai realita yang harus dirawat, dijunjung tinggi dan dihormati dalam berbagai aspek hidup melebihi agama. Kata Kunci : Ketuhanan Yang Maha Esa, Pluralisme Agama, Teologi AbstractA plural nation these circumstances are likely and sensitive to social conflict if low tolerance, political interests and fanaticism. The purpose of writing is to find the meaning of theology of as mentioned earlier in the context of religious pluralism. The methodology by content analysis, further interpret theologically. The concludes the theological meaning of God in the first principle of the Pancasila; is first, the meaning of divinity should not be understood from certain aspects of religion only in the context of pluralism in Indonesian. Second; divinity means the properties of God or attributes that need the God as an anthropomorphic appereance of and for any religions. Third; the sentences of “belief in the one and only God is the achierement of reconciliation of the historical resultsof the first principle of pancasila with the awareness of the difference as a reality that must be nurtured, upheld and respected in various aspects of life beyond certain religious values. Keywords: Ketuhanan Yang Maha Esa, Pluralism, Theology
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Kaul, Volker. « Republicanism under scrutiny ». Philosophy & ; Social Criticism 42, no 4-5 (21 avril 2016) : 342–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453716643472.
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This introduction discusses articles on the theory and politics of republicanism that were presented at the Istanbul Seminars 2015. It asks the following questions: Could it be that republicanism is at least in part the cause of the current cultural clashes and religious violence in both the Arab world and Europe?. Is it just an accident that republics in many parts of the post-colonial world turned authoritarian? Or does republicanism as such risk resulting in illiberal outcomes? In this regard, it analyses, first, if there is a tension or inherent contradiction between republicanism and Islam. Second, this article examines if the political models in Turkey and France are misconceptions of republicanism and the republican ideal of freedom as non-domination. Last but not least, it raises the question if deliberative democracy is the best possible interpretation of republicanism, able to accommodate both freedom as non-domination and pluralism.
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Laurence, Jonathan. « The 21st-century impact of European Muslim minorities on ‘Official Islam’ in the Muslim-majority world ». Philosophy & ; Social Criticism 40, no 4-5 (18 mars 2014) : 449–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453714526404.
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The article argues that the growth of religious service provision directed at the Muslim diaspora in Europe has led to greater professionalization and pluralism within the Islam state in Muslim countries. Contemporary Muslim governments have claimed a monopoly over public prayer and religious education and have heavily invested in a network of infrastructure and services – the Islam state. The recent breakthrough of Islamist parties into governments in Turkey and across North Africa poses a challenge to the continued ‘civilian control’ over religion. What will become of the enormous Islamic Affairs ministries that Islamist parties have inherited – the hundreds of thousands of public servants of state Islam across the region, the tens of thousands of mosques and thousands of religious schools? Liberals demand the abolition of the Islam state because it violates the separation of religion and state; Islamists detest it for its repressive qualities. Despite progressive liberalization, governments in the past decade have not sought disestablishment, and have instead increased the resources and policing of state-run religion. I draw on the experience of Muslim governments in the competitive field of state–Islam relations in European countries to explain the modest beginnings of reform of the official religion apparatus in Muslim-majority countries.
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Basaran, Reyhan Erdogdu. « The Reckoning of Pluralism : Political Belonging and the Demands of History in Turkey. By Kabir Tambar. Stanford, CA : Stanford University Press, 2014. Pp. vii + 209. Paper, $24.95. » Religious Studies Review 42, no 2 (juin 2016) : 129–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/rsr.12486.
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Fox, Jonathan. « The Secular-Religious Competition Perspective in Comparative Perspective ». Politics and Religion 12, no 3 (17 juin 2019) : 524–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s175504831900018x.
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AbstractPolitical secularism is defined as “an ideology or set of beliefs advocating that religion ought to be separate from all or some aspects of politics or public life (or both).” In the secular–religious competition perspective, I argue that political secularists compete with religious political actors to influence government policy around the world. Yet this competition is complicated by many factors. The contributions to this symposium demonstrate that this is the case in their examination of secular–religious tensions and state–religion relations in Denmark, the Netherlands, Germany, Italy, Turkey, and Tunisia. These cases show that government religion policy evolves over time and is deeply influenced by secular–religious competition but that this competition is a complex one involving many other factors and influences.
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Appiah, Simon Kofi. « Thinking Africa in Postmission Theology : Implications for Global Theological Discourse ». Exchange 51, no 4 (22 décembre 2022) : 343–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1572543x-bja10007.
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Abstract It is necessary to consider the place of Africa in postmission theology, described here as ‘postmissionality,’ because of the high Christian percentage of the African population. This demography means that Africa is now, more than ever before, of great significance to global Christianity. In the same vein, it reveals that Christianity is an important variable in the development of Africa. The relevance of this dialogical relationship between Africa and Christianity extends beyond Africa into global Christianity, which is today experienced as the innovative realization of the Christian religion in de-imperializing contests. This paper discusses three – political/liberationist, multicultural/pluralism, and Pentecostal – of the many aspects of ‘postmissionality’ and shows how they can influence and advance the development of global theological discourse.
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Majıev, G. « Features of Relations between the State and Religion : Principles and Development Trends ». Iasaýı ýnıversıtetіnіń habarshysy 4, no 118 (15 décembre 2020) : 31–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.47526/2020/2664-0686.034.
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In this article analyzes aspects of religion and state relations in Iran and Turkey. In order to open relations between the state and religion, analyzed the features of the manifestation of religious elements in the power system of these countries, including the country's Constitution and legislation regulating the sphere of religion, the activities of religious parties and religious communities. In addition, special attention was paid to the geographical location of the two countries, ethnic and religious composition, and cultural history. Among Islamic countries, Iran and Turkey have a number of differences in religious and state relations compared to other Muslim countries. Therefore, it is important to focus on the models of these two countries when studying the world experience of relations between religion and the state in a comprehensive way. This is especially important for Kazakhstan, which is moving in a secular direction. In the structure of the state administration of Iran, the influence of the religious corps «Valiyat Faqih» is predominant. In Turkey, on the other hand, the religious administration of Dianet is subordinate to the presidential administration. In Iran, religious parties are politically active, while in Turkey, political parties are not allowed to use any religious elements. However, despite these features, both countries are recognized in the world as States that give priority to the Muslim religion. Since the article is aimed at uncovering the specifics of state-confessional relations in Iran and Turkey, structural and functional and comparative analysis methods have been used in the study.
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Majıev, G. « Features of Relations between the State and Religion : Principles and Development Trends ». Iasaýı ýnıversıtetіnіń habarshysy 4, no 118 (15 décembre 2020) : 31–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.47526/2020/2664-0686.034.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In this article analyzes aspects of religion and state relations in Iran and Turkey. In order to open relations between the state and religion, analyzed the features of the manifestation of religious elements in the power system of these countries, including the country's Constitution and legislation regulating the sphere of religion, the activities of religious parties and religious communities. In addition, special attention was paid to the geographical location of the two countries, ethnic and religious composition, and cultural history. Among Islamic countries, Iran and Turkey have a number of differences in religious and state relations compared to other Muslim countries. Therefore, it is important to focus on the models of these two countries when studying the world experience of relations between religion and the state in a comprehensive way. This is especially important for Kazakhstan, which is moving in a secular direction. In the structure of the state administration of Iran, the influence of the religious corps «Valiyat Faqih» is predominant. In Turkey, on the other hand, the religious administration of Dianet is subordinate to the presidential administration. In Iran, religious parties are politically active, while in Turkey, political parties are not allowed to use any religious elements. However, despite these features, both countries are recognized in the world as States that give priority to the Muslim religion. Since the article is aimed at uncovering the specifics of state-confessional relations in Iran and Turkey, structural and functional and comparative analysis methods have been used in the study.
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Roseneck, Michael. « Positivism and Reasonableness : Authoritarian Leanings in New Atheism’s Thinking ». Religions 13, no 2 (21 février 2022) : 186. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13020186.
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Various contemporary phenomena of social regression and authoritarianism are related to religious actors, movements, and beliefs. This text, however, seeks to follow this up with the political–theoretical argumentation that New Atheism has to be understood as a way of thinking which carries illiberal and authoritarian tendencies with it as well. In defence of this position, this article will first reconstruct, with reference to Habermas’s and Rawls’s theory of democracy, elements that must include personal beliefs in order to be considered congruent with democratic values. Subsequently, New Atheism’s conception of rational politics will be presented in order to show in which aspects it contradicts the demands of reasonable convictions. This concerns, in particular, the rejection of reasonable pluralism on the one hand and a non-positivistic view of human beings on the other. As a conclusion, this text supports the proposition that, when speaking of the connection between certain worldviews and today’s illiberalism, New Atheism must also be considered as an unreasonable comprehensive doctrine.
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Mukesh Kumar Maurya et Dr Aparna Trtipathi. « In Pursuit of Secularism : Religious and Political Complexity in Selected Works of Shashi Tharoor ». Creative Launcher 5, no 3 (30 août 2020) : 181–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.53032/tcl.2020.5.3.24.
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The term secularism means separate from religion or having no religious basis. It indicates to what the dissociation of religion from political economic social and cultural aspects of life. It advocates the equal opportunities for the follower of all religion. Sanatan Dharma (Hinduism) believes in the holistic and comprehensive religious belief and trying to integrate them. The term related to the Vedic concept of Dharmnirpeksh (the indifference of state to religion) and the Vedic philosophy Sarv Dharm Sambhava (the destination of all part follower of all religion is same). In Indian constitution the word ‘secular’ is added by making forty-second amendment act in 1976 with a belief of equality and equal protection to all community. In the other hand, it has taken the power to interfere in religion so as remove evils in it such as dowry system, child marriage, triple talaq, uniform civil code, CAA, law of overpopulation control act etc. In India there are mainly two perspectives regarding Secularism. One perspective related to the views of Mahatma Gandhi. The followers of these views accept that secularism in India can only be possible with an adoption of pluralism by every Indian citizen. The other perspective related to the views of Sangh Parivar. The followers of this view accepted that the secularism is western concept that is not suitable for the Indian context and must be replaced with cultural nationalism.
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Haynes, Jeffrey. « Religious and Economic Soft Power in Ghana-Turkey Relations ». Religions 13, no 11 (28 octobre 2022) : 1030. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13111030.
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Turkey’s government seeks to apply both “religious soft power” and “economic soft power” to increase its influence in Ghana. Turkey’s religious soft power relationship with Ghana is exemplified by Turkey’s paying for construction of a new national mosque in the African country, at a cost of USD 10 million. Turkey’s economic soft power relationship with Ghana is exemplified by both considerable recent investments and in fast-growing bilateral trade. The overall aim of the government of Turkey is to increase the country’s influence in Ghana, part of a wider initiative to expand its regional influence in Africa. Ghana is important to Turkey as it is regarded as a strategically important African country, one of the region’s few democracies and an economic success. The paper assesses Turkey’s various forms of influence in Ghana and considers what Turkey hopes to achieve in foreign policy terms. The paper is in four sections. The first examines religious soft power and Turkey–Ghana relations, noting that recently they have become closer and more cordial, involving both religious and non-religious aspects. The second section examines Muslims’ traditionally marginal political position in Ghana and explains that over time Muslims have become more politically assertive, open to external religious influences, including from Turkey, a country well known to use religious soft power to try to expand its foreign policy influence. The third section assesses recent Ghana-Turkey relations, including the expansion of Turkey’s economic soft power, with three examples: the national mosque, encouraging Islamic education, and mutual desire to quell the activities of what the government of Turkey refers to as the “Fethullah Terrorist Organisation”. The section also considers the role of Turkey’s economic soft power in increasing the country’s presence in Ghana. The concluding section argues that the government of Turkey uses several techniques to increase its influence in Ghana, including both religious soft power and economic soft power. The government of Ghana broadly welcomes Turkey’s influence from both religious and economic perspectives: from a religious point of view, Turkey’s Sunni orthodoxy is seen as very unlikely to stimulate radicalization among Ghana’s Muslims, while Turkey’s economic presence is welcomed as an important means to help further build Ghana’s economy.
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Hasyim, Syafiq. « FATWA ALIRAN SESAT DAN POLITIK HUKUM MAJELIS ULAMA INDONESIA (MUI) ». Al-Ahkam 25, no 2 (24 octobre 2015) : 241. http://dx.doi.org/10.21580/ahkam.2015.25.2.810.
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MUI (The Indonesian Council of Ulama) is an institution established by the government of Indonesia that one of its functions is to formulate religious fatwas. The existence of the MUI as the representatives of various religious organizations, and therefore claimed to be the big tent of Muslims, became the basis for the existence of these functions. Nevertheless MUI’s fatwas on religious denominations in Indonesia, is considered partly responsible for the occurrence of discriminatory behavior and violence based on religion. This article would like to see the political aspects of the law on the MUI’s fatwas about the deviant groups which is considered as a barrier of religous freedom in Indonesia and at the same time as the trigger acts of violence based on religion. MUI’s fatwas about the deviant groups can be analyzed in at least two approaches. First, in the perspective of the discourse of blasphemy, and second from the perspective of the discourse of legal pluralism, institutionalizing MUI, and theology.
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Ahmetoğlu, Gülşen Yağır. « An Overview of the Perception of Sayyid Abū ’l-A‘lā Mawdūdī in Turkey ». ISLAMIC STUDIES 61, no 4 (31 décembre 2022) : 407–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.52541/isiri.v61i4.2600.
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Sayyid Abū ’l-A‘lā Mawdūdī (d. 1979) is one of the leading Islamic thinkers of the Indo-Pakistan subcontinent. He gained an influential place in the twentieth century because of his religious and political thought. His revisionist interpretations of various theological and epistemological aspects of Islamic thought brought about a revolution among Muslims across the world. This article reviews the reception of Mawdūdī’s thought in Turkey and its social and political impact. It begins with exploring the fundamentals of Islamism in Turkey and the theological and political variables that influence it. Then the article discusses the process that started with the translation of Mawdūdī’s works into Turkish, his recognition in Turkey, and the impact of his thought on the Turkish youth. It also provides a panoramic view of the process in which these translation activities were carried out from the 1960s to the 1990s. It also assesses the arguments of those who consider his thought a deviation from the traditional understanding of religion. The article concludes that Mawdūdī significantly influenced the idea of Islamism, especially among the youth, and that his religious and political views still maintain their importance. On the other hand, some groups, particularly those with traditionalist and conservative views, see Mawdūdī’s perspective of religion and politics to be different from Islamic tradition.
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Wang, Yao-Chin, Christina Geng-Qing Chi et Eren Erkılıç. « The impact of religiosity on political skill : evidence from Muslim hotel employees in Turkey ». International Journal of Contemporary Hospitality Management 33, no 3 (11 février 2021) : 1059–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijchm-08-2020-0836.
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Purpose While former literature has shown that people have a strong tendency to seek religious support during difficult times, knowledge gaps exist in how the mechanism of religiosity works to support employees’ mental status and performance. Therefore, based on self-categorization theory, this study aims to examine the effects of employees’ intrinsic and extrinsic religiosity on building their mental toughness and mindfulness and the further formation of employees’ political skills. Design/methodology/approach Data was collected from 404 full-time hotel employees working in 34 hotels in Turkey during the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic in spring 2020. Structural equation modeling was used to examine the proposed hypotheses. Findings Results of this study show that intrinsic religiosity improves employees’ mental toughness, while extrinsic religiosity enhances employee mindfulness. Additionally, both mental toughness and mindfulness help employees to develop political skill. Research limitations/implications This study enriches knowledge to workplace religiosity literature and expands the research scope of religion-related research in hospitality and tourism literature. Future studies are recommended to consider religious heterogeneity and longitudinal design. Practical implications To foster employee mental well-being, hotel firms should create a religious-friendly workplace and develop religion-friendly policies. Opportunities should be created within hospitality organizations for employees to develop and use their political skills in needed work aspects. Originality/value The findings of this study contribute to valuable theoretical and practical implications. To the best of the knowledge, this study is one of the first attempts to study hotel employees’ religiosity during the COVID-19 pandemic.
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Hamid, Ahmad Fauzi Abdul. « The Challenge of Religious Pluralism in Malaysia with Special Reference to the Sufi Thought of Ustaz Ashaari Muhammad ». Comparative Islamic Studies 9, no 1 (30 septembre 2015) : 9–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/cis.v9i1.26766.
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Ustaz Ashaari Muhammad (1937-2010) was a sufi leader best remembered for the controversies surrounding his eschatological teachings which led to the Malaysian government’s banning of his organization, Darul Arqam, in 1994. Loved by admirers but reviled by the state, Ashaari’s influence cut across ethnicity, nationality and religion. While the transnational dimensions of Ashaari’s activities were well-known, aspects of ethno-religious pluralism in his thought, as conveyed in a multitude of written works published independently, have mostly escaped the attention of analysts and casual observers alike. With contemporary Malaysian Islam being invariably understood via ethnically slanted lenses, it would not have occurred to most people that a Malay-Muslim religious personality would actually subscribe to pluralistic conceptions of society which are liable to be interpreted as undermining conceptions of Malay-Muslim hegemony dearly held by the ruling establishment of the day. This chapter seeks to bring to the fore features of Ashaari’s thought which exemplifies integration between Sufism and political realities as conditioned by nation state-defined categories.
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Newberg, Adina B. « New Prayers, Here and Now : Reconnecting to Israel Through Engaging in Prayer, Poetry, and Song ». Israel Studies Review 23, no 2 (1 décembre 2008) : 77–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isf.2008.230204.
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Israelis who have until now viewed themselves as "secular" in the rigid Israeli dichotomy between "religious" and "secular" are finding new ways of creating communities of meaning that connect to Jewish sources and yet stay aligned to values of pluralism and humanism.These communities that do not follow the letter of the halakhah are developing in highly "secular" environments such as Tel Aviv and Nahalal and create Shabbat and holiday services combining live music, traditional prayers, and newly created prayers. By doing this, they come nearer to finding a closer echo and a truer mirror to their concerns and spiritual searches while, at the same time, finding spiritual expressions to their deep longing for connection to Judaism. Beyond the services and the communities that are forged, a new identity that bridges aspects of secularism, humanism, and spirituality is being created.The article analyzes the reasons for this relatively new phenomenon in the context of Israeli religious and political life, and the existential crisis that has evolved as a result. The article also describes in detail two such communities as examples of this development.
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Nurhidayu Rosli. « Transformation of Religious Institution in Turkey from the Ottoman Sheikh ul-Islam to the Modern Diyanet Institution ». Journal of Islamic Thought and Civilization 12, no 1 (12 juin 2022) : 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.32350/jitc.121.01.
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This paper offers a critical analysis of the body of offices responsible for the regulation of the public religious affairs in Turkey with a historical perspective from the Ottoman Empire to the current Republican period. The paper has a specific goal to explore how the public bodies regulating the religious life have played their role for the purpose of ensuring political and social control in the country by reviewing the religious institution during the Ottoman era and comparing within the Republican period under three different ruling ages: the Republican People’s Party, the multi-party and the AK Party. A significant volume of research has been conducted on the various aspects of public religious offices; and have been reviewed for this purpose by using historical research design. The findings show that during the Ottoman Empire, the regulation of the spiritual life was marked by a strong influence of the Sheikh ul-Islam . However, this institution experienced a huge decline after the establishment of the Republic of Turkey when the new secular political system started to confiscate the powers of the Sheikh ul-Islam one by one to abolish it altogether eventually in 1924. Diyanet has been established in its place as a new religious institution to provide services for some spiritual practices with much-restricted powers and roles under the authority of a ministry. Diyanet came to this day without much change in its capabilities until the AK Party came into the government which intended to make it a more active and functional department as part of what is called its major political strategy of Islamization through democratization. It can be summed up that after almost two decades of its tenure, findings show that the AK Party has partially achieved its goal to introduce a major change in the character of Turkish secularism from the protection of people from religious authoritarianism to protection of religion from political authoritarianism compared with other previous political parties.
Keywords: Diyanet in Turkey, Religion in the Ottomans, Islamization via democratization, AK party
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Ergec, Etem Hakan, Bengül Gülümser Kaytanci et Metin Toprak. « Reconciliation or polarization in Islamic bank preference ? Socio-political, socio-economic and demographic aspects ». International Journal of Islamic and Middle Eastern Finance and Management 9, no 1 (18 avril 2016) : 67–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/imefm-07-2013-0082.
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Purpose The reasons for Islamic bank preferences have been extensively covered in the literature where religion has been depicted as a strong factor. In the limited number of accounts on this subject in Turkey, it was found that religiosity is a major factor in the selection of Islamic banks. Design/methodology/approach This study evaluates the findings of a major field work performed in the period between March and May 2011 in Eskisehir with the participation of Islamic bank customers. In the study, a sample of 500 respondents was used and a semi-structured survey was conducted. Findings According to the findings, religiosity is not the most significant and leading factor in Islamic bank preference; instead, it was found as the fourth most important factor. The study finds that recommendation by friends and relatives is the most significant factor for the people in preferring Islamic banks. The nationalist-conservative people make stronger reference to the religiosity as a factor than the secular-modernist and leftist-social democrat people do. Socioeconomic status is not found as a significant factor in the Islamic bank preference. People in advanced age, men, people with lower income and businessmen/artisan rely on the religiosity in Islamic bank preference as a factor stronger than people from other backgrounds. Practical implications In conclusion, it could be said that there is a strong relation of substitution between Islamic banks and conventional banks in Turkey and that the Islamic banks play significant role in inclusion of the people staying out of the banking system due to religious concerns and considerations in the financial system. Originality/value It is very comprehensive, both politically and economically, to handle the issue of Islamic banking.
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Furat, Ayşe Zişan. « Teaching Religion at Turkish Public Schools : A Theme Oscillating between Faith, Culture, and Politics ». Ilahiyat Studies 11, no 2 (31 décembre 2020) : 221–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.12730/13091719.2020.112.209.
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Since the proclamation of the Turkish Republic in 1923, many aspects of religious education in public schools, namely, those related to the status of religion courses, have been intensely discussed. However, developing sustainable policies that meet societal and political changes has not always been an achievable goal. This is evident from the interminable renewals of religious education curricula, which always evoke the same debate: “What should be the essence of religious education in public education? Should it aim to teach religion as a practice of faith, or should it approach religion as a cultural concept?” Focusing on this ongoing debate, this paper aims to offer an in-depth analysis of the Turkish endeavor to reconcile religious education with the secular schooling system. This paper concludes that these responses, although presented as part of pedagogical paradigm shifts, have not been impervious to the political turbulence in Turkey.
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Hasan, Hamsah. « HUBUNGAN ISLAM DAN NEGARA : Merespons Wacana Politik Islam Kontemporer di Indonesia ». Al-Ahkam 1, no 25 (25 avril 2015) : 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.21580/ahkam.2015.1.25.192.
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This article aims to discuss the issues of the relationship between Islam and state in the Islamic political perspective in Indonesia. This study was motivated by the desire to criticize the development and “up and down” relationship between Islam and state that is very dynamic coloring political situation in “Islamic majority country” Indonesia. This article concluded that understanding the relationship between religion and state with Islamic political approach is not meant to establish a religious state or an Islamic state of Indonesia, but more on filling spaces are functionally religion in order society, nation and state. The relationship between Islam and state can be integrated in a functional relationship equally aspire to nobility. Even integralistic, symbiotic, and secularistic relations, each should be viewed as a form of complementary. Facing the development of modernization, the relationship between Islam and state should be articulated as an effort to always adapt to the development of society in its various aspects, such as: the globalization of the world political economy, science and technology, the development issues of democracy, gender, human rights, pluralism, both nationally and internationally.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, Greg Barton et James Barry. « The Decline and Resurgence of Turkish Islamism ». Journal of Citizenship and Globalisation Studies 1, no 1 (31 mars 2021) : 48–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.21153/jcgs2017vol1no1art1061.
Texte intégralRésumé :
For decades, Turkish Islamists have failed to attract the votes of large sections of society and remained marginal. As a result of this failure to come to power, and due to domestic and international constraints and windows of opportunities, they have declared that they have jettisoned Islamism. Many Turkish Muslims whose religious disposition was shaped by the pluralistic urban Ottoman experience and small-town Anatolian traditionalism, and by the contesting currents of cosmopolitan pluralism and rural social conservatism, voted in favour of these former Islamists who have become “Muslim Democrats”. This paper elaborates on the genealogy of Turkish Islamists and their political trajectories and argues that when the forces and constraints of domestic and external social, political and economic conditions disappeared and the opportunities derived from being Muslim Democrats no longer existed, the former Islamists easily returned to their original ideology, showing that despite assertions to the contrary their respect for democracy and pluralism had not truly been internalised. This paper also aims to demonstrate that similar to other authoritarian populists, Erdoganists perceive the state and its leader as more important than anything else and as being above everything else, which has culminated in a personality cult and sanctification of the state. As long as Turkey’s economy continued to boom, almost everyone was happy that Turkey could readily market the “Muslim Democrats” story to the whole world for a long period as a major success story, or as an “exemplary Muslim country” or “model”. Yet, Middle Eastern elites and Western forces got carried away and learnt the hard way just how naive their view was in perhaps the first great transformation movement of the twenty-first century – the Arab Spring. Likewise, the Turkish Spring turned all too quickly towards autumn and then winter.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, Greg Barton et James Barry. « The Decline and Resurgence of Turkish Islamism : The Story of Tayyip Erdoğan’s AKP ». Journal of Citizenship and Globalisation Studies 1, no 1 (11 octobre 2017) : 48–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jcgs-2017-0005.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractFor decades, Turkish Islamists have failed to attract the votes of large sections of society and remained marginal. As a result of this failure to come to power, and due to domestic and international constraints and windows of opportunities, they have declared that they have jettisoned Islamism. Many Turkish Muslims whose religious disposition was shaped by the pluralistic urban Ottoman experience and small-town Anatolian traditionalism, and by the contesting currents of cosmopolitan pluralism and rural social conservatism, voted in favour of these former Islamists who have become “Muslim Democrats”. This paper elaborates on the genealogy of Turkish Islamists and their political trajectories and argues that when the forces and constraints of domestic and external social, political and economic conditions disappeared and the opportunities derived from being Muslim Democrats no longer existed, the former Islamists easily returned to their original ideology, showing that despite assertions to the contrary their respect for democracy and pluralism had not truly been internalised. This paper also aims to demonstrate that similar to other authoritarian populists, Erdoganists perceive the state and its leader as more important than anything else and as being above everything else, which has culminated in a personality cult and sanctification of the state. As long as Turkey’s economy continued to boom, almost everyone was happy that Turkey could readily market the “Muslim Democrats” story to the whole world for a long period as a major success story, or as an “exemplary Muslim country” or “model”. Yet, Middle Eastern elites and Western forces got carried away and learnt the hard way just how naive their view was in perhaps the first great transformation movement of the twenty-first century – the Arab Spring. Likewise, the Turkish Spring turned all too quickly towards autumn and then winter.
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Lomachinska, Irina. « INFORMATION CULTURE OF TEACHER IN THE SYSTEM OF RELIGIOUS EDUCATION ». Educological discourse, no 4 (2020) : 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2312-5829.2020.4.1.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article deals with analysis of special aspects characterizing development of teacher’s information culture in the system of theological education that is based on principles of freedom of religion, non-confessionalism, and belief pluralism. Research methodology stipulates application of dialectical, comparative, structural, and functional research methods. The articles affirms that in the theological system of knowledge the phenomenon of information culture should be studied in view of the systems-based approach according to which society is an integral interaction system of social institutes – economic, political, social, faith-based institutions that guarantees its self-development basing on gained social and cultural experience. The information culture is a dynamic phenomenon that shows a relevant level of intellectual, educational, spiritual development of the society, and predetermines open-minded study of religion as a vital need to build the democratic society under conditions of active development of the globalized multicultural world. The article states that that issue of religion study is caused to a large extent by discussion of its essence that is affected by historical, confessional, political, legal factors, and existing educational practices. The research has established advantages of non-confessional, secular non-biased study of religion in historical, religious, ethical, and philosophic dimensions as lack of adequate knowledge of nature of religious processes in the secular society can have adverse effects not only for development of democratic social values but for preservation of collective memory of the nation. Findings of the research stress that in the theological educational discourse the information culture is realized in the system of measures aimed at improvement of informational self-awareness, formation of an informational world view based on tolerance, promotion of national information resources of national religious and social heritage, implementation of efficient scientific communication for the purposes of non-biased objective explanation of cause-and-effect links in the modern religious and political processes.
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De Hart, Joep, et Paul Dekker. « Religie : hoeksteen of steen des aanstoots ? » Religie & ; Samenleving 7, no 1 (1 juin 2012) : 8–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.54195/rs.12885.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Netherlands is a religious tolerant country; the Dutch are not very inclined to pay attention to the belief of politicians, and increasingly they prefer politics and religion to be separated. The picture of the developments in the past decades is mixed: clearly increased doubts about unlimited freedom of religion, a small drop in support for religion as a guide to political action, and a virtually unchanged support for denominational education. These findings suggest a growing awareness of potential negative aspects of religion, a declining role of religion in peoples own lives, and a stable positive attitude towards pluralism. The Netherlands is not a country that is only populated by descendants of Calvin and Voltaire. Among the population there are believers and unbelievers in all shapes and sizes. Between the non church members and church members there are in many points clear differences, but these also exist, outside the churches, between philosophical not interested unbelievers, the adherents of holistic spirituality and solo-religious people, and in church circles between nominal members and regular church goers.
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Kiessel, Marko, et Asu Tozan. « Mosque Architecture in Cyprus—Visible and Invisible Aspects of Form and Space, 19th to 21st Centuries ». Religions 12, no 12 (29 novembre 2021) : 1055. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12121055.
Texte intégralRésumé :
A comprehensive analysis of Cypriot mosque architecture between the 19th and 21st centuries, from the Ottoman and British colonial periods to the present, does not exist. The phase after 1974, after the division of the island into a Turkish Cypriot, predominantly Muslim north and a Greek Cypriot, mainly Christian south, is especially insufficiently studied. This paper aims to interpret Cypriot mosque architecture and its meaning(s) through a comparative analysis, considering cultural, religious, and political developments. Based on an architectural survey and studies about Muslim Cypriot culture, this study investigates formal and spatial characteristics, focusing on the presence/absence of domed plan typologies and of minarets which, as visual symbolic markers, might express shifting cultural-religious notions and/or identities. Inconspicuous mosques without domes and minarets dominate until 1974. However, with the inter-communal tensions in the 1960s, the minaret possibly became a sign of Turkish identity, besides being a cultural-religious marker. This becomes more obvious after 1974 and is stressed by the (re)introduction of the dome. Since the late 1990s, an ostentatious and unprecedented neo-Ottoman architecture emphasizes visible and invisible meanings, and the Turkish presence in Cyprus stronger than before. The new architectural language visually underlines the influences from Turkey that North Cyprus has been experiencing.