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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Religious pluralism – Political aspects – Turkey"
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Yilmaz, Ihsan. « The Emergence of Islamist Official and Unofficial Laws in the Erdoganist Turkey : The Case of Child Marriages ». Religions 12, no 7 (8 juillet 2021) : 513. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12070513.
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Religion in the hands of authoritarian governments can prove to be an effective political instrument to further their agenda. This paper attempts to explore this aspect of authoritarianism with the case of Turkish family laws under Erdoganist Islamist legal pluralism. The paper analyzes the AKP’s government’s attempts at pro-Islamist legislation, fatwas produced by Diyanet (Turkish Directorate of Religious Affairs) and by pro-government right-wing religious scholars to explore the changes that have occurred, both formally and informally, in the largely secular family laws of the Republic of Turkey in the last decade. By focusing on the age of marriage, this paper tries to understand the impact of Islamist legal pluralism and unofficial Islamist laws on the formal legal system as well as the social implications of this plural socio-legal reality, particularly for vulnerable groups such as the poor, refugees, children, and women. The trends demonstrate the informal system’s skew towards Islamism, patriarchy and disregard for fundamental rights. This Islamist legal plurality almost always operates against the women and underage girls, which creates profound individual and social problems. The paper concludes by pointing out the critical issues emerging in the domain of family law due to the link between the growing power of Islamist legal pluralism and its political instrumentalization by the Justice and Development Party (AKP).
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Weller, Paul. « 'Human Rights', 'Religion' and the 'Secular' : Variant Configurations of Religion(s), State(s) and Society(ies) ». Religion & ; Human Rights 1, no 1 (2006) : 17–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187103206777493438.
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AbstractDiscussions about the relationship between 'religion' and 'human rights' often focus on the problems that arise from 'religion'. Within a European historical perspective this is understandable since one of the most important aspects of the historical development of the 'human rights' tradition in the Europe has been the struggle for the right not to believe.However, the concept of the 'secular' is also not unproblematic. Thus this article explores the contested relationship between 'human rights' and 'religion' by bringing into focus also the relatively hidden factor of the 'secular'. This is done by exploring the forms of secularity exemplified in the traditions and approaches that are found in the USA, France, Turkey, the Netherlands and India. Finally, reference is made to traditional Islamic models for integrating cultural and religious plurality, before concluding with some discussion of the thought of Marc Luyckx in relation to the future of Europe.
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Akbulut, Olgun, et Zeynep Oya Usal. « Parental Religious Rights vs. Compulsory Religious Education in Turkey ». International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 15, no 4 (2008) : 433–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181108x374752.
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AbstractDespite parents having primary responsibility, it remains the State's duty to ensure its citizens' education. The orientation of the State's education can be secular can religious; however, the State – having the discretion on curriculum – should comply with human rights principles by promoting pluralism and refraining from indoctrination. In this respect, discussions around religious education have been, and are, highly controversial. This has especially been the case for countries such as Turkey, which have pronounced religious minority groups in their territories. In this regard, the Alevis of Turkey, as the largest religious minority in the country, have been the main actors of a long lasting legal struggle to strive for respect for their freedom of religion as well as parental religious convictions. This article aims to answer to what extent Alevis in Turkey can assert their parental right to religious education through invoking international human rights law, particularly under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the European Convention on Human Rights.
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Özgül, Ceren. « Freedom of Religion, the ECtHR and Grassroots Mobilization on Religious Education in Turkey ». Politics and Religion 12, S1 (2019) : S103—S133. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048318000779.
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AbstractThis paper examines grassroots mobilizations in Turkey against the government's policies on religion and education (RE), and the potential effects of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR or the Court) on their mobilization. Specifically, it follows the ways in which grassroots actors frame their discourses of secularism and freedom of religion in education during a period when the Turkish government is aiming to increase the role of Sunni-Islam in national education, while at the same time refusing to implement ECtHR decisions regarding RE. Drawing on empirical research, it analyzes the role the ECtHR and its case law play in the diverse rights claims and discourses of three different types of mobilizations that is going on in the field of RE: (i) legal mobilization, and right to exemption and freedom from religion, (ii) political mobilization, and new discourses of pluralism and secularism, (iii) monitoring and policy-based mobilization and national and international advocacy for pluralism and equality in education.
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Taghread Yousf Keadan, Taghread Yousf Keadan. « Pluralism and diversity from the Islamic perspective Pluralism and diversity from the Islamic perspective : التعدد والتنوع من المنظور الإسلامي ». Journal of Islamic Sciences 4, no 3 (30 juin 2021) : 108–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.26389/ajsrp.r220221.
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The aim of this research is to clarify the phenomenon of pluralism and diversity in its various aspects, with a focus on Islam’s position on pluralism and diversity in its various types and divisions. The research also sought to address religious and political pluralism, cultural pluralism, economic pluralism and Islam’s position and outlook on it. The study is based on the descriptive and analytical approach that sheds light on pluralism and diversity from an Islamic perspective, and through the descriptive and analytical approach, the study will provide a description and analysis of the plurality and diversity in thought and culture from the application of Islamic thought. The research reached the following results: - Religious pluralism, or Islam’s view of pluralism in general, is the ideal solution to the problem of religious conflict in the world and to the peaceful coexistence of different religions. Diversity in Islamic society is the best evidence of Islam's tolerance and its recognition that difference is a universal nature. Islam adopts political pluralism on condition that it be disciplined within the framework of commitment to the supremacy of Sharia and not deviating from its established principles. - Islamic economics is based on matters that other systems lack. It combines private and public ownership at the same time, considering that both of them are assets and each of them has its objectives and sources, provided that they are legitimate. Economic pluralism expresses the existence of more than one economic system in a single country, and Islamic law is concerned with the economic aspect.
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Bigelow, Anna. « Lived Secularism : Studies in India and Turkey ». Journal of the American Academy of Religion 87, no 3 (25 juillet 2019) : 725–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jaarel/lfz035.
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AbstractPlaces of interreligious encounter provide opportunities to understand secularity as an experience, one that almost necessarily involves the religious other. As the meaning and operations of secularism and its entanglements with the state vary across cultural and legal systems, this is also a fruitful terrain for comparison, particularly regarding states in which the structures of governance are bound up with some form of political secularism. The case studies presented here explore formations of secularism in India and Turkey by paying attention to how the secular works in everyday life through interreligious relations at shared sacred sites. Personal understandings and experiences of multireligious coexistence oftentimes are articulated and performed through arenas of mundane interaction, giving shape and substance to otherwise abstract concepts of pluralism, secularism, and laicism. However, these ways of being secular exist within frames of intensifying religious nationalism in which the secular is being redefined by state actors and political networks to protect and promote the majority’s religious sensibilities. In this shifting landscape, secularism is reworked as a tool of the ruling parties in Turkey and India to further their religio-political agendas. Comparing cases of lived secularism in India and Turkey reveals a constellation of shifting meanings and sensibilities around sharing polities and places with religious others. Whether peacefully shared or contested, monumental or wayside, shared shrines expose the mundane ways in which the secular is a shifting signifier, sometimes evoking a political principle, sometimes an ethical ideal, and sometimes an oppressive, antireligious ideology. This article identifies what is at stake in these various formations and how each perspective on secularism comes with its own set of expectations and dispensations.
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Noor, Firman. « THE RESPONSE OF CONTEMPORARY INDONESIAN ISLAMIC PARTIES TOWARDS PLURALISM ». Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities 7, no 1 (31 juillet 2017) : 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.14203/jissh.v7i1.69.
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Religion-based political parties, particularly Islamic parties, are often perceived as being less committed to preserving pluralism in comparison with secular parties. Some people regard them as having hidden agendas which are not proper for Indonesia as a plural country. By exploring the ideals and practical aspects of several major Islamic parties, this article wants to highlight the views and attitudes of these parties in relation to political diversity that indicates a real position of pluralism within these parties. To measure the Islamic parties commitment on pluralism, this article will explore these issues:(1) the main purpose of party establishment, (2) the concept of the ideal form and foundation of a state, including the vision of Pancasila, (3) attitudes towards minority groups, including non-Muslims, Ahmadiyah, Syiah and any other minority groups, (4) policies related to religious concerns, including rights to religious education, the establishment of Islamic Syariah at the local level, and radicalism and (5) developments of political cooperation with secular and non-Muslim parties. The discussion will also touch upon the reasons behind the response towards pluralism as well as addressing the question on whether the response towards pluralism is based on pragmatic interests or Islamic idealism. Discussions about the Islamic parties will also reveal the gradation and level of commitment of the Islamic Parties to pluralism, which in general tend to be supportive towards pluralism.
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رسول, عابد, et سامان سمين. « The Impact of Social Pluralism on the Structures and Functions of the Political System (An analytical study) ». Journal for Political and Security Studies 4, no 7 (1 juin 2021) : 49–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.31271/jopss.10046.
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The issue of societal pluralism has become one of the controversial topics nowadays and the focus of many researchers, particularly since the last decade of the twentieth century. This study aims to clarify one of the dimensions of this topic, which is how societal pluralism affects the political system of countries distinguished by ethnic, national, linguistic, religious or sectarian diversity. Accordingly, the problem of this study revolves around a main question, which is: What is the impact of societal pluralism on the structures and functions of the political system? The study came to the conclusion that societal pluralism represents a major motive of many aspects of political, social, economic and cultural life in countries whose societies are characterized by ethnic, national, linguistic, religious or sectarian diversity, which casts a shadow on how the structures of the political system of those countries are formed and how it performs its functions, especially in developing countries or newly emerging ones, which may suffer as a result of their failure to manage this pluralism from conflicts, turmoil and civil wars that not only threaten the stability of the political system, but also the fate of some of those countries as well. Accordingly, the study was divided into an introduction and three sections: the first section deals with; a theoretical framework for the concepts of societal pluralism and the political system, while the second section deals with; how does societal pluralism affect the formation of the structures of the political system, while the third section deals with; how does societal pluralism affect the performance of the functions of the political system. The study ends with a conclusion that includes the most important conclusions we reached, with a list of the study’s sources.
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Sahfutra, Surya Adi. « GAGASAN PLURALISME AGAMA GUS DUR UNTUK KESETARAAN DAN KERUKUNAN ». RELIGI JURNAL STUDI AGAMA-AGAMA 10, no 1 (31 janvier 2014) : 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/rejusta.2014.1001-06.
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This article focuses on framing the thought of Abdurrahman Wahid on reli- gious pluralism. Gus Dur-his familiar name, is a figure of the Muslim scholars, clerics, and also a politician who has a considerable influence in the national life in Indonesia. The idea of religious pluralism was offered by Gus Dur calls for recognition of the equal right to claim the truth of any religion by its followers, respectively. For Gus Dur difference faith/theology should not affect the enforce- ment of justice. Ever y religion should receive equal treatment before the law; hence neither group feels superior to the other.The author argues that the research on the views of Gus Dur is ver y important to see what is meant by religious pluralism. From this study we can also see the mapping of what Gus Dur strug gled in upholding religious pluralism. By using critical-thinking approach, Gus Dur’s tought will be dissected to obtain a com- prehensive understanding of the globalizing thought of Gus Dur which covering various aspects of life, not only limited in political issues, the relationship be- tween religion and the state as well as inter-religious relations. The result can be described that there are three focuses of Wahid fought in the religious pluralism, namely equality of religions, tolerance and interfaith and inter-religious dialog.
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Vicini, Fabio. « Post-Islamism or Veering Toward Political Modernity ? » Sociology of Islam 4, no 3 (5 juillet 2016) : 261–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22131418-00403003.
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In this article I assess the suitability of exploring the entanglement of state and Islam in Turkey under the rubric of post-Islamism. This is achieved through an exploration of the composite intertwining of religious discourse, historical and teleological imaginaries, and ideals of civic engagement within the Gülen movement. In my view not only does the post-Islamist thesis appear to be limited in regard to analyzing this and similar cases, but it also dangerously echoes recurrent neo-orientalist narratives, which in essence circumscribe how Islam can be “inclusive” and open to ideals of “individual freedom,” “pluralism,” and to Western ideals of democracy. In this paper I argue that it is instead the ideologization of religious discourse – a specific product of political modernity – which hinders Islamic movements such as the Gülen and others from realizing the full potential of Islam as an alternative global civilizational discourse to that of liberal modernity.
Thèses sur le sujet "Religious pluralism – Political aspects – Turkey"
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BEYLUNIOGLU, ATLI Anna Maria. « Freedom of religion in Turkey between secular and Islamic values : the situation of Christians ». Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/45089.
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Defence date: 26 January 2017Examining Board: Professor Olivier Roy, EUI (Supervisor); Professor Nilüfer Göle, EHESS; Professor Şahin Alpay, Bahçeşehir University (Emeritus); Professor Donatella della Porta, fomerly EUI/SNS
Freedom of religion has been a delicate issue since the foundation of the Turkish Republic, despite the principle of secularism stated in the country’s constitution since 1937. This is especially evident in considering the status of non-Muslim minorities. After decades marked by assaults aimed at the non-Muslims of Turkey and confiscation of properties belonging to their communities, several reform packages were adopted by the Turkish government in order better to secure their religious freedoms. Recent developments signaled a change may be underway with regard to state’s approach to religion in general, and non-Muslims in particular. Despite the growing body of literature focusing on the recent democratization process in Turkey, only a few studies found the case of non-Muslims worthy of including in their analysis, as they are often perceived to be insignificant due to their small share among the general population. In accounting for recent developments visible in various fields such as civilmilitary relations, Kurdish issue and religion-state relations, a vast majority scholarship has perceived the European Union accession process as the main anchor of this democratization process. Considering, however, that the recasting of freedom of religion has continued even after the stagnation of EU conditionality, alternative explanations must be explored. I argue that the recent process of recasting the parameters of religious freedoms can be solely explained by neither the role of EU conditionality nor the reading of developments through separate alternative models. Though recent years have witnessed several significant attempts combining various models in explaining the democratization process, no analysis to date has paid particular attention to religion and religious preferences, and I believe this leads to an insufficient understanding of recent developments in relation to freedom of religion. In order to gain a comprehensive perspective, I have adopted an analytically eclectic approach benefitting from External Incentives, Social Learning and Lesson Drawing models and demonstrated how together they have interactively shaped the parameters of freedom of religion throughout different time periods in the Turkish state. I have employed a within-casecomparison methodology of three time periods (1999-2005/ 2005-2010/ 2011-2015), embracing a process-tracing method. Taking the results generated by applying these models to the context in Turkey, I contend that EU conditionality was the initial motive behind the reform process in the first time period analyzed, while growth of social dynamics has been observed only during the second period. Finally, the lesson drawing model, aka the AKP’s preferences, have played a decisive role throughout all of the time periods examined.
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Tepe, Sultan. « Political religion versus secular nationalism : a comparative analysis of religious politics in Israel and Turkey ». 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3108517.
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Hussain, Ashna. « Politics, poetry and pluralism : Bulleh Shah in the late Mughal Empire ». Thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.7/uws:51410.
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The Mughal Empire ruled the Indian sub-continent over the course of three centuries
in a history defined by its religious and ethnic diversity. As part of their state-building
project, the Mughals employed narratives of identity and belonging wherein different social,
cultural and, to an extent, religious identities blended together. This thesis will focus on the historical importance of poetry as a socio-political tool through the work of a Punjabi poet, Bulleh Shah (1680-1757), in order to demonstrate the interconnections between the political, religious and cultural facets of the empire. Such an approach will highlight the relationship between the social and political dynamic of power to allow for a better understanding of the region. To this day, the legacy of Bulleh Shah remains of cultural relevance and importance, with his poetry serving as a cultural bridge between the religio-political divide of the Partition of India and Pakistan.
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Mathews, Ned Lee 1934. « Toward reestablishing a Christian worldview in a postmodern age ». Thesis, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/18165.
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This work is comprised of an Introduction and two Parts. Part One treats, by way of
historical review and evaluation, the disestablishment of the Christian worldview in a postmodern
age. Part Two proposes the means by whichthe Christian worldview might be reestablished. The
reestablishment includes the use of some of the benefits of postmodernism by Christians as well as
a return to the responsible reading of texts, especially the biblical text.
Part One, The Disestablishment of the Christian Worldview, is composed ofthree chapters.
Chapter 1chronicles the change that has occurred in Western culture because of the ascendency of
postmodernism. It isbest described as a change in authorityfrom the logocentric metanarrative which
has characterized Christianity to the deconstructionist rejection of worldviews by postmodern
literary critics. Chapter 2 reviews the paradigm shifts that have occurred in belief
systemsthat have occurred in the West as a result of this change,and Chapter 3 shows the effects of
all this in the culture's principal institutions.
Part Two, The Reestablishment of the Christian Worldview, is also composed of three chapters.
Chapter 4 shows the impact that postmodernity has had on the efforts now being made on behalf of
reestablishing the Christian worldview as a viable intellectual position in Western culture.
Chapter 5 is occupied with the negative and positive responses of certain Christian
scholars to the challenge of postmodernism, and Chapter 6 closes the study with an extended
treatment of the factors that must be in play for a reestablishment of the Christian worldview to
occur in Western civilization.Philosophy, Practical & Systematic Theology
D. Th. (Theology)
Livres sur le sujet "Religious pluralism – Political aspects – Turkey"
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Politics, pluralism and religion. Newcastle upon Tyne, UK : Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2010.
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Vijapur, Abdulrahim P. Pluralism, minorities, national integrations : Problems and prospects. Denver, CO : iAcademic Books, 2001.
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service), SpringerLink (Online, dir. Democracy, Religious Pluralism and the Liberal Dilemma of Accommodation. Dordrecht : Springer Science+Business Media B.V., 2011.
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Kozinski, Thaddeus J. The political problem of religious pluralism : And why philosophers can't solve it. Lanham, Md : Lexington Books, 2013.
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The political problem of religious pluralism : And why philosophers can't solve it. Lanham, Md : Lexington Books, 2010.
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1962-, Hashmi Sohail H., dir. Islamic political ethics : Civil society, pluralism, and conflict. Princeton, N.J : Princeton University Press, 2002.
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Sondra, Myers, et Brodeur Patrice 1962-, dir. The pluralist paradigm : Democracy and religion in the 21st century. Scranton : University of Scranton Press, 2006.
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Lesser, Ian O. Ethnic and religious strains in Turkey : Internal and external implications. Santa Monica, CA : RAND, 1997.
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Monsma, Stephen V. The challenge of pluralism : Church and state in five democracies. 2e éd. Lanham, Md : Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2009.
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Bader, Veit. Secularism or democracy ? : Associational governance of religious diversity. Amsterdam : Amsterdam University Press, 2007.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Religious pluralism – Political aspects – Turkey"
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Altınordu, Ateş. « Is Turkey a Postsecular Society ? » Dans Negotiating Democracy and Religious Pluralism, 157–77. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197530016.003.0008.
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This chapter investigates democratic politics and religious pluralism in contemporary Turkey through the lens of the concept of “postsecular society.” The author first reconstructs Habermas’s notion of postsecular society as an ideal type and proposes three criteria by which one can identify postsecular formations: secular differentiation, committed pluralism, and complementary learning processes. He then utilizes this framework to investigate relations between religion, state, and civil society in contemporary Turkey, focusing in particular on compulsory religious instruction in primary and secondary schools, the standing of atheism and unbelief in the public realm, and the rise and political suppression of a postsecular ethics of citizenship in the course of the Gezi protests of 2013. This analysis demonstrates that the concept of postsecular society, when applied critically, provides a powerful tool for identifying the forces for and against religious pluralism in contemporary societies, including those outside Europe.
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Aslan, Senem. « Legal Contention and Minorities in Turkey ». Dans Negotiating Democracy and Religious Pluralism, 301–21. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197530016.003.0014.
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This chapter analyzes state-minority relations in Turkey as the state sought closer relations with the European Union over the last three decades. It examines the implementation of decisions by the European Court of Human Rights and the domestic courts as well as of legal reforms passed by the Turkish parliament that relate to the cultural demands of two largest minorities in Turkey, the Kurds and the Alevis. It underlines that in Turkey legislative reforms and progressive court judgments in favor of minority rights do not have much effect on shifting state policy on the ground. This is because state officials can act with impunity, enjoying wide discretionary authority and allowing extralegal and informal forms of official discrimination. Official discrimination can be best examined by focusing on administrative implementation rather than legal texts. This study also shows that the implementation of minority rights reforms is a contentious process that largely depends on bottom-up pressures through persistent social and political mobilization. In the absence of a strong movement, neither international pressure nor legal contention is adequate to change state policy on the ground.
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Copson, Andrew. « 3. Secularism diversifies ». Dans Secularism : A Very Short Introduction, 31–46. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198747222.003.0003.
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In Asia in the 19th and 20th centuries, many reformers saw European secularism as an exemplar for their new political orders. Many Asian states went on to adopt a form they called secular, but that in practice conceals a diversity of ways of organizing religion. ‘Secularism diversifies’ examines two avowedly secular states—Turkey and India—who had resources within their own political and religious traditions with which to form their secularism. In the early 21st century, secularism is contested from all quarters, but is also winning new adherents in many parts of the world as populations subject to strong religious sanctions see it still as one of the essential aspects of modernity.
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Davis, Howard. « 18. Article 11 : freedom of assembly and association ». Dans Human Rights Law Directions, 390–406. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/he/9780198871347.003.0018.
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Without assuming prior legal knowledge, books in the Directions series introduce and guide readers through key points of law and legal debate. It discusses European Convention law and relates it to domestic law under the HRA. Questions, discussion points, and thinking points help readers to engage fully with each subject and check their understanding as they progress and knowledge can be tested by self-test questions and exam questions at the chapter end. This chapter considers Article 11 and relates it, in outline, to aspects of public order law in the UK. Article 11 protects the rights of people to ‘peaceful assembly’—to hold and take part in peaceful meetings, marches, and demonstrations. Related issues such as the notion of peaceful assembly and positive duties in respect of facilitating political action are discussed. Article 11 also guarantees the right to ‘associate’: to join and be active in ‘associations’ such as political parties, pressure groups, religious organisations, and trade unions. Both these rights are subject to restriction under the terms of Article 11. The importance of Article 11 rights for democracy is fully recognised, and any restrictions must be consistent with the principles of tolerance and pluralism. Article 11 also permits significant restrictions on the political freedom of police, civil servants, and other public officials.
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Datta, Bidisha, et Indranil Sarker. « Effect of Covid 19 Outbreak on Hospitality Sector Stock Prices of Top Two Asian Tourist Destination Countries : A Beta Stationarity Methodology ». Dans Sustainable Strategies for Economic Growth and Decent Work : New Normal, 200–210. Lincoln University College, Malaysia, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31674/book.2022sseg.023.
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The COVID-19 pandemic has brought about an unthought of catastrophe to all aspects of life and has halted social, political, economic, religious, academic, and all other activities. The hospitality sector is one of the worst affected. This novel study investigates whether the COVID-19 outbreak has significantly changed the hospitality stock index sensitivity of the top two Asian tourist destinations. Outcome states that the COVID-19 outbreak has adversely affected the hospitality sector's stock volatility. However, while two countries displayed a significant increase in riskiness, the beta of China remained stationary while that of Turkey was stationary. Also, a regressor trend in beta was observed for four of five countries. Finally, the study further brings out that information absorption due to the pandemic was triggered at different points of time for different countries. This study attempts to enquire into the nature of stationarity of beta of hospitality industry securities and also assess the extent of additional impact on the hospitality industry stocks because of the COVID-19 outbreak, if any.
Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Religious pluralism – Political aspects – Turkey"
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Aslandogan, Y. Alp. « PRESENT AND POTENTIAL IMPACT OF THE SPIRITUAL TRADITION OF ISLAM ON CONTEMPORARY MUSLIMS : FROM GHAZALI TO GÜLEN ». Dans Muslim World in Transition : Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/mnsp5562.
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Western analysts of trends in the contemporary Islamic world often overestimate the impact of contemporary Sufi orders and/or underestimate the impact of the spiritual tradition of Islam. Among the elements of the spiritual tradition conducive to religious pluralism is the ‘mirror’ concept: every human is seen as a mirror of God in three aspects: reflecting the at- tributes and names of God as His work of art, reflection through dependence on God, and reflection through actions God commands or commends. Since only the last aspect is vol- untary, every human, regardless of creed, is a mirror of God in at least the first two aspects. This is a potent argument for peaceful coexistence in religious diversity. The perspective of the spiritual tradition is emphatically inclusive and compassionate and naturally lends itself to non-violence, going beyond mere tolerance to hospitality and friendship. There are impor- tant impediments that prevent this perspective from having a greater impact: (1) the literalist opposition to flexible interpretation of concepts from the Qur’an and the Prophetic tradition, and the wide definition of innovation or heresy (‘bid`a’); (2) deviations of some Sufi orders and subsequent criticisms by orthodox Muslims; and (3) the impact of the politicisation of religion by some groups and political moves by certain Sufi orders. This paper argues that the only approach that has a chance of influencing the majority of contemporary Muslims in positive ways without being open to criticism is the ‘balanced’ spiritual tradition, after the style of the Companions, sometimes called tasawwuf, which strives to harmonise the outer dimensions of Islamic law and worship with the inner dimen- sion of spiritual disciplines firmly rooted in the Qur’an and Prophetic tradition. This paper will present an analysis of this ‘balanced’ spiritual tradition in Islam, from Ghazali, through Rumi, to Gülen.
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Ugur, Etga. « RELIGION AS A SOURCE OF SOCIAL CAPITAL ? THE GÜLEN MOVEMENT IN THE PUBLIC SPHERE ». Dans Muslim World in Transition : Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/clha2866.
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This paper asks: when and under what conditions does religion become a source of coopera- tion rather than conflict? The Gülen movement is an Islamic social movement that bases its philosophy on increasing religious consciousness at the individual level and making Islam an important social force in the public sphere. It is this intellectual and social activism that has made the movement a global phenomenon and the focus of socio-political analysis. The Gülen community brings different sectors of society together to facilitate ‘collective intellectual effort’ and offer ‘civil responses’ to social issues, seeing this as a more subtle and legitimate way of influencing public debate and policy. To this end, the movement initiated a series of symposiums, known as Abant Workshops in Turkey. The scope of these meetings was later expanded to include a wider audience in Europe, the U.S., and the Middle East. This paper looks specifically at the Abant Workshops and the movement’s strategy of bridge building and problem-solving. It uses the press releases, transcripts and audio-visual records of the past 14 meetings to discuss their objectives and outcomes. This material is supplement- ed by interviews with key organisers from the Journalists and Writer Foundation and other participants. The discussion aims to understand how far religiously inspired social groups can contribute to the empowerment of civil society vis-à-vis the state and its officially secular ideology. Beyond that, it aims to explain the role of civil society organisations in democratic governance, and the possibility of creating social capital in societies lacking a clear ‘overlap- ping consensus’ on issues of citizenship, morality and national identity. The hesitancy at the beginning turns into friendship, the distance into understanding, stiff looks and tensions into humorous jokes, and differences into richness. Abant is boldly moving towards an institutionalization. The objective is evident: Talking about some of the problems the country is facing, debating them and offering solutions; on a civil ground, within the framework of knowledge and deliberation. Some labelled the ideas in the concluding declarations as “revolutionary,” “renaissance,” and “first indications of a religious reform.” Some others (in minority) saw them “dangerous” and “non-sense.” In fact, the result is neither a “revolution” nor “non-sense” It is an indication of a quest for opening new horizons or creating a novel vision. When and under what conditions does religion become a source of cooperation rather than conflict in the civil society? The Gülen movement is an Islamic social movement that bases its philosophy on increasing religious consciousness at the individual level and making Islam an important social force in the public sphere. It is this intellectual and social activism that raises the Gülen movement of Turkey as a global phenomenon to the focus of socio-political analysis. The Gülen community brings different sectors of the society together to create and facilitate a ‘common intellect’ to brainstorm and offer ‘civil responses’ to social issues. The move- ment sees this as a more subtle, but more effective, and legitimate way of influencing public debate and policy. Hence, the movement initiated a series of symposiums, known as Abant Workshops in Turkey. The scope of the meetings was later expanded to include a wider audi- ence in Europe, the U.S., and the Middle East. In early 1990s the Gülen Movement launched a silent but persistent public relations cam- paign. Fethullah Gülen openly met with the prominent figures of government and politics, and gave interviews to some popular newspapers and magazines. With a thriving media net- work, private schools, and business associations the movement seemed to have entered a new stage in its relations with the outside world. This new stage was not a simple outreach effort; it was rather a confident step to carve a niche in the increasingly diversified Turkish public sphere. The instigation of a series of workshops known as Abant Platforms was one of the biggest steps in this process. The workshops brought academics, politicians, and intellectu- als together to discuss some of the thorniest issues of, first, Turkey, such as secularism and pluralism, and then the Muslim World, such as war, globalization and modernization. This paper seeks to explain the motives behind this kind of an ambitious project and its possible implications for the movement itself, for Turkey and for the Muslim World in transition.