Bibliographies thématiques / Religion. State sovereignty. Legitimaly

Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Religion. State sovereignty. Legitimaly »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 11 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Religion. State sovereignty. Legitimaly"

Billingham, Paul. « State Sovereignty, Associational Interests, and Collective Religious Liberty ». Secular Studies 1, n^o 1 (8 mai 2019) : 114–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25892525-00101008.

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Abstract In Chapter 5 of Liberalism’s Religion, Cécile Laborde considers the freedom and autonomy of religious associations within liberal democratic societies. This paper evaluates her central arguments in that chapter. First, I argue that Laborde makes things too easy for herself in dismissing controversies over the state’s legitimate jurisdictional authority. Second, I argue that Laborde’s view of when associations’ ‘coherence interests’ justify exemptions is too narrow. Third, I consider how we might develop an account of judicial deference to associations’ ‘competence interests’.

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Okon, Enoch Ndem, Dodeye Uduak Williams et Godwin S. Mmaduabuchi Okeke. « State Bastardisation And Terrorism In Nigeria : A Discourse ». Research in Social Change 13, n^o 1 (1 décembre 2021) : 37–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/rsc-2021-0006.

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Abstract This paper seeks to unearth and analyse the variables which promote and sustain primordial groups’ identities and their linkages to the emergence and sustenance of terrorist groups in Nigeria. Grounded in the pluralist theory of sovereignty, the study adopts historical research design. It relies solely on data from secondary sources, which are presented qualitatively, and the finding is analysed using content analysis techniques. The study reveals that the promotion of primordial identities above national identity for political advantage by the political elites leads to state bastardisation in Nigeria. Besides, it identifies the apostolical promotion of some neoliberal values without corresponding citizenship education, as responsible for the emergence of Boko Haram and other such groups that challenge the sovereignty and legitimacy of the Nigerian state. It also questions the continuous promotion of religion in the public domain in a secular state and concludes that genuine integration policy is an urgent imperative. The study recommends that ethno-religious politics be buried; religion should be returned to the private lives of the citizenry. Besides, citizenship education and societal development should be prioritised in order to strengthen the state, and weaken the capacity of primordial groups to challenge the Nigerian State with violent outbursts.

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Scott, Xavier. « From Crusades to Colonization : Violence in Secular and Religious Political Theory ». Journal of the Council for Research on Religion 1 (24 décembre 2019) : 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.26443/jcreor.v1i0.2.

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This paper examines the transition in political philosophy between the medieval and early-modern periods by focusing on the emergence of sovereignty doctrine. Scholars such as Charles Taylor and John Rawls have focused on the ability of modern-states to overcome conflicts between different religious confessionals. In contrast, this paper seeks to examine some of the peace-promoting features of Latin-Christendom and some of the conflict-promoting features of modern-secular states. The Christian universalism of the medieval period is contrasted with the colonial ventures promoted by the Peace of Westphalia. This paper’s goal is not to argue that secularism is in fact more violent than religion. Rather, it seeks to demonstrate the major role that religion played in early modern philosophy and the development of sovereignty doctrine. It argues against the view that the modern, secular state is capable of neutrality vis-à-vis religion, and also combats the view that the secular nature of modern international law means that it is neutral to the different beliefs and values of the world’s peoples. These observations emphasize the ways in which state power and legitimacy are at the heart of the secular turn in political philosophy.

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Scott, Xavier. « From Crusades to Colonization : Violence in Secular and Religious Political Theory ». Journal of the Council for Research on Religion 1, n^o 1 (12 décembre 2019) : 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.26443/jcreor.v1i1.57.

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Graziano, Manlio. « The long crisis of the nation-state and the rise of religions to the public stage ». Philosophy & ; Social Criticism 42, n^o 4-5 (3 février 2016) : 351–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453715625440.

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The aim of this article is to identify the main factors of the current crisis of the nation-state and to demonstrate how many of the voids left by this crisis are filled by religions. The main characteristic of the nation-state is the principle of sovereignty. The apogee of the nation-state is the political form (as well as a political need) of industrialization. National identity is possible only when the state proves to its citizens that the fact of being a member of it carries benefits and privileges and will always bring more. Today, the majority of nation-states, in particular the oldest great powers, no longer have this capability. The weakening of the nation-state began at the end of the 19th century. The first wave of globalization multiplied the cases of reciprocal interferences and trespassed on the theoretical impermeability of the sovereign states. The outcome of the First World War, with the creation of the first supranational body (the League of Nations), and much more the outcome of the Second World War, were two important steps of this crisis. The birth of the United Nations, and of other supranational bodies (the International Monetary Fund [IMF], the World Bank [WB], the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade [GATT] …), as well as the creation of the first court called to judge an entire political class, were an assault on the principle of sovereignty. The second wave of globalization, characterized by the free circulation of goods, money, people and cultures, did the rest. Moreover, the countries that ‘invented’ the principle of sovereignty are today in relative decline as new powers are emerging. The nation-state is no longer able to keep its promises. The less effective states become at offering their citizens both meaning and social services, the more do religions tend to reoccupy the public stage. The less national and political legitimacy they have, the more powers use the religious tool against one another.

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Sudarti, Sudarti. « RELASI AGAMA DAN NEGARA : TELAAH PEMIKIRAN POLITIK SOEKARNO DAN FAZLUR RAHMAN ». Politica : Jurnal Hukum Tata Negara dan Politik Islam 7, n^o 2 (30 décembre 2020) : 69–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.32505/politica.v7i2.1985.

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The author in this study wanted to see the similarities and differences in the political thoughts of Soekarno and Fazlur Rahman about the relationship between religion and the state. The type of research used is library research with a descriptive-comparative method. The results showed that Soekarno and Fazlur Rahman had a different paradigm in viewing the relationship between religion and state. Soekarno has a secularistic paradigm that separates religion and state to be implemented in Indonesia, while Fazlur Rahman has an Integralistic paradigm in which religion (Islam) and the state cannot be separated (integrated). However, these two figures agree that the sovereignty of a country is in the hands of the people and do not agree with the theory of God's sovereignty because God has never acted as politically sovereign nor as a maker of laws or laws. Keywords: Secularistic Paradigm, Integralistic Paradigm, God's Sovereignty.

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R. Copley, Gregory. « MEETING THE BURDEN OF STATEHOOD : IS KOSOVO READY ? » POLITICS AND RELIGION JOURNAL 1, n^o 1 (15 janvier 2007) : 25–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj010125c.

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There is ample evidence that Kosovo has no legitimacy in the normal sense of a sovereign state, and that, if it was to be recognized as such, it would further erode the credibility of the international system. Kosovo does not meet any historical standards for sovereignty. For Kosovo to be recognized as a legitimate sovereign state, the international community must violate the sovereignty of another recognized state, the Republic of Serbia. One should also take to consideration that Kosovo is already a territory run as a criminal enterprise, with links into jihadist movements. Already Kosovo is becoming like Afghanistan under the Taliban. And like the Taliban destruction of the ancient Buddhas of Bamiyan, the Albanian Islamist process of destruction of the Christian Churches will be complete if Kosovo is granted independence. The chaos of changing borders— such as we are seeing today in the Balkans, and elsewhere — is fertile ground for criminality. Europe is a major target for the global jihadist movements, and not only those under the al-Qaida label, but also those fi nanced and logistically made viable by the Iranian Government. Western fears have been strengthened by intelligence derived by European countries on the existence of a strong Islamist network in Kosovo and Bosnia. The “al-Qaida” phenomenon owes its success to the fi nancial links with what we are calling the Albanian mafi a, just as the Albanian criminals owe their success to the logistics and networks of al-Qaida. As far as Islamists are concerned, their goal is consolidation of their control over parts of the Balkans, specifi cally the so-called “Green transversal” belt which links the Adriatic Coast through Albania, FYR of Macedonia, the Serbian Kosovo and Metohija region, the southern Serbia/northern Montenegro Rashka (Sanjak) region, through the Gorazde Corridor into Bosnia, not only as a terrorist corridor but also to facilitate a clear highway for narco-traffi cking and weapons shipments. Signifi cantly, the Serbian Government within the union of Serbia & Montenegro, had, until the recent Serbian elections, attempted to ignore the growing incitement to a new outbreak of violence and unrest on the part of the Muslim community of southern Serbia (Rashka) and Kosovo because it did not wish to be seen to be drawing attention to the growing Muslim agitation. Finally, Kosovo Liberation Army still, and is able to access much of its narcotic product, because of its close interrelationship with jihadist movements worldwide and foreign state sponsors. There is no ground for optimism in the future. The wars to break up Yugoslavia are still unfi nalized. And in many of the new wars we will see savagery abound as groups “re-discover” old identities, and seek to capitalize on the permissive climate of change and chaos. However, it not just Balkans that is endangered. Deeply placed sources within the Islamist community in Kosovo have identifi ed the source and type of the explosives used in the jihadist terrorist bombings in London on July 7, 2005, and the Madrid commuter railway bombings of March 11, 2004.

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Λάμπρου (Eleni Lamprou), Ελένη. « Carl Schmitt : Μια θεωρία περί την πολιτική και τη θεολογία ». Conatus 1, n^o 1 (5 avril 2017) : 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/conatus.11845.

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Carl Schmitt in his book Political Theology: Four Chapters on the concept of sovereignty deals with the issue of sovereignty and furthermore in which cases the sovereign is likely to emerge. Initially, he tries to define what sovereignty is. He claims that sovereignty has to do with a ‘situation of extraordinary emergency’. In such a case, the sovereign ought to concede the existence of the exception of the current legal status and in the end, he should defend the public security, the order of the state and furthermore he has to aim at the salut public. Schmitt speaks for the suspension of the current order and the existence of a state but not a state of justice. He maintains that there is no anarchy or iniquity since the sovereign has legislated and no law can exist or be implemented in chaos. The law has been sited by the sovereign arbitrarily. Thereafter, a genealogical approximation for the term of sovereignty has been attempted, which has been based on claims of Bodin, Kelsen (whose theory has been counterfeited by Schmitt), Krabbe and Thomas Hobbes. The most important part in his book is the analysis of the term of political theology, the way in which religion interferes with the legal state of law, through one sovereign that creates the law and his decisions are vicious. Science and theology are mixed as a social phenomenon. Schmitt believes that sovereignty must in no way be hidden behind religion but it must be seated in science. He thinks that monarchy has found the power to create a state of law and this has been maintained through religion.

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Jones, Meirav, et Yossi Shain. « Modern sovereignty and the non-Christian, or Westphalia’s Jewish State ». Review of International Studies 43, n^o 5 (6 juin 2017) : 918–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210517000195.

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AbstractThis article participates in efforts by IR theorists to clarify aspects of modern sovereignty – an idea currently in rupture and being rethought – by returning to its founding ‘Westphalian moment’. While recent work has reconnected modern sovereignty to religion, considering Westphalia as a religious settlement and Christian concerns persisting in the groundwork of IR, our work looks beyond Christian concerns and asks how Westphalian sovereignty addressed non-Christians. We trace a yet-untapped discussion of the Jews – presented as a paradigmatic religious ‘other’ – among architects of Westphalian sovereignty from Bodin through Grotius, Hobbes, Harrington, and Spinoza. We demonstrate that foundational theorists of modern sovereignty considered religious diversity a political problem. Some cited essential sameness, minimising difference between Jews and Christians. Others considered the possibility of Jewish sovereignty long before this idea is usually considered to have entered modern consciousness. While the discussion of Jewish sovereignty among architects of modern sovereignty may seem to justify a Jewish state in a world of Westphalian states, it also emphasises Westphalia’s territorialising of religious difference. This aspect of the Westphalian framework is surely inadequate today, when territorialising religious difference is neither normative nor likely possible.

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Agrama, Hussein Ali. « Secularism, Sovereignty, Indeterminacy : Is Egypt a Secular or a Religious State ? » Comparative Studies in Society and History 52, n^o 3 (18 juin 2010) : 495–523. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417510000289.

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In this essay I offer a thesis about secularism as a modern historical phenomenon, through a consideration of state politics, law, and religion in contemporary Egypt. Egypt seems hardly a place for theorizing about modern secularity. For it is a state where politics and religion seem to constantly blur together, giving rise to continual conflict, and it thus seems, at best, only precariously secular. These facts, however, go to the heart of my thesis: that secularism itself incessantly blurs together religion and politics, and that its power relies crucially upon the precariousness of the categories it establishes. Egypt's religious-political ambiguities, I argue, are expressions of deeper indeterminacies at the very foundation of secular power. In what follows, I elaborate my thesis, how it differs from other, similar sounding arguments, and the shift in perspective on secularism that it entails. I begin with a famous Egyptian apostasy case.

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Thèses sur le sujet "Religion. State sovereignty. Legitimaly"

Galassini, Margherita. « Religion and Liberal Legitimacy ». Doctoral thesis, Luiss Guido Carli, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11385/204075.

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Black, Marigold. « The Nature of a State in a State of Nature : The Earliest Imaginings of American Sovereignty, 1765-1776 ». Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/17024.

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This thesis examines colonial perspectives of sovereignty on the eve of the American Revolution. It argues that between 1765 and 1776, the colonists of British America formulated a distinct impression of sovereignty made sensible by the particularities of existence on a vast continent remote from the metropole. Where historians tend to discount the colonists’ discursive contributions in this era, arguing that they ultimately concurred with the logic of established legal and political doctrines, this thesis shows that their impressions also diverged from tradition, entailing notions of place, prosperity, identity, and faith, as well as law and politics. It was during this period, marked by the devolution of relations with the mother country, that lawyers, landholders, merchants, clergymen, and politicians assembled in Congress to consider the nature of a state in a state of nature and imagine sovereignty at its most fundamental level. Where does sovereignty operate? What are its sources and principles? Who decides on its character? What is its purpose? And by what means does it function? By analysing the pamphlets, political treatises, and official records, against the informal discourse that took place within the correspondence and private reveries of individuals, this thesis discovers how the colonists posed and answered these questions. As I will show, they claimed meanings both abstract and material for sovereignty, as it became a general and unassailable mandate for a revolutionary course. What was most arresting about their conceptions, and what constitutes the central contention of this thesis was that against the backdrop of the American enlightenment, the idea of sovereignty they devised was unequivocally divine. The laws of nature and nature’s God shaped its legal form, the God-given right to property and a life of liberty shaped its narrated structures, orders of providence and a concern for the good of mankind shaped its practice and perceptibility, and attentions to virtue and a prevailing belief in the supreme sovereignty of God shaped the bond of its power. This thesis explores the ways in which the sacred quality of sovereignty became known and fashioned into the cohering imperative and foundational notion for the legitimation of a fully fleshed nation.

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De, Carvalho Benjamin. « Sovereignty, religion, & ; the nation-state : statecraft & ; collective identity in England, c.1530-1601 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2009. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/252131.

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Rather than seeing state, nation and sovereignty as three distinct concepts each with its distinct emergence and history, this dissertation suggests that International Relations scholars ought to understand them as intrinsically connected, and mutually constitutive. Through a study of discursive practices of identity inscription of the early modern English state from the Reformation to the end of the reign of Elizabeth I, I argue that a critical component of state-formation is the formation of collective identity, and that the relationship between church and state and between identity and religion were crucial in the constitution of a specific constellation of sovereign state, nation and religion in the early modern period: the nation-state. Rather than seeing nation and state formation as distinct processes, IR scholars ought to investigate ‘nation-state formation’. This thesis examines state formation in England through the use of religion as a means of governing the population and encouraging a sense of obligation and collective identity. Through rearticulating a pre-existing religious discourse on the limits of political authority, the state shifted the centre of obligation from the church to the state. In doing so, collective identity was consolidated and the polity transformed into the institutional structures we now commonly recognise as the ‘nation-state’. In endogenizing identity, I suggest a framework for understanding the emergence of the nation-state which sees power as dependent upon its practice and state and nation as inherently contingent. Furthermore, I make the case for understanding sovereignty as socially constructed, and the state itself as involved in the continuous activity of statecraft, aiming at closing its borders through inscribing a homogenous identity onto both territory and population. The merits of such a framework are explored through a case study of English statutes between 1530 and 1601.

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ZUCCHELLI, Giovanni (ORCID:0000-0001-5944-3058). « L'evoluzione del concetto di sovranità tra il mondo occidentale e il mondo islamico ». Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Bergamo, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10446/30379.

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Saif, Mashal. « The `Ulama' and the State : Negotiating Tradition, Authority and Sovereignty in Contemporary Pakistan ». Diss., 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10161/9093.

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This dissertation is an account of how contemporary Pakistani ulama grapple with their political realities and the Islamic state of Pakistan. The central conceptual question that scaffolds my dissertation is: How do Pakistani ulama negotiate tradition, authority and sovereignty with the Islamic Republic of Pakistan? In engaging with this issue, this dissertation employs a methodology that weds ethnography with rigorous textual analysis. The ulama that feature in this study belong to a variety of sectarian persuasions. The Sunni ulama are Deobandi and Barelvi; the Shia ulama in this study are Ithna Ashari.

In assessing the relationship between Pakistani ulama and their nation-state, I assert that the ulama's dialectical engagements with the state are best understood as a dexterous navigation between affirmation, critique, contestation and cultivation. In proposing this manner of thinking about Pakistani ulama's engagements with their state, I provide a more detailed and nuanced view of the ulama-state relationship compared to earlier works. While emphasizing Pakistani ulama's vitality and their impact on their state, this dissertation also draws attention to the manners in which the state impacts the ulama. It theorizes the subject formation of the ulama and asserts the importance of understanding the ulama as formed not just by the ethico-legal tradition in which they are trained but also by the state apparatus.

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DATAR, Darshan. « Secularism, constitutionalism and sovereignty : a critical investigation into the role of limiting religion in governance ». Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/51344.

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Award date: 22 November 2017
Supervisor: Prof. Gábor Halmai
Liberal democracies are currently being scrutinized for their radical restrictions of religious practice. The liberal states have embarked on a new agenda to limit religion to ensure that the public sphere is free from ideological conflict. This thesis will examine what the obligations of a liberal state are towards religious groups. The thesis concerns itself with asking what the principles of secularism mean to a liberal state beyond the standard question of how it must set up its State-Church relationship. The core question this thesis asks is: Whether liberal constitutionalism requires a constitutional dominance over religion and if so what are the means by which it must protect religious rights and autonomy? In the First substantive section of this thesis, the author will attempt to demonstrate why we need to move past a view of secularism as merely a State-Church relationship, this section will demonstrate why the mode of State-Church relationship does not affect the amount of pluralism and autonomy which is present in a state. This thesis will argue that liberal states with an established Church are just as capable of having an egalitarian religious polity based on liberal neutrality as a state which has a wall of separation between religion and politics. The second substantive part will argue that moving towards a principled explanation of political secularism and its correlation to liberal tolerance yields better results. It will empirically demonstrate that all constitutions have a functional dominance over religious rhetoric within the political sphere. It will further argue that liberal states balance the dominance of religion through giving neutral reasons for limiting religious practice coupled with the abstinence by state organs from interfering with the ideological development of religions, so as to allow them to play a role in Liberal politics by translating religious reasons into public reasons. Finally, the last substantive part of this thesis will empirically demonstrate the impacts of liberal states interfering in the ideological development of religious ideologies by demonstrating how liberal states that engage in this practice harm the very foundations of religious pluralism and freedom. The two case studies which will be utilized for this section will be India and the United Kingdom.

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Lozano-Bielat, Hope Marie. « The transnational religious leader, regime change, and state sovereignty : the unlikely case comparison of Pope John Paul II and Abdullah Yusuf Azzam ». Thesis, 2015. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/15666.

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The role of religion in shaping geopolitics and its associated norms is often overlooked by international relations scholars. This influence can be examined through the lives of transnational religious leaders (TRLs), particularly those who contribute to new definitions of state sovereignty through their involvement in regime change. Two seemingly incomparable figures center in this paper's case studies- Pope John Paul II and Abdullah Yusuf Azzam. Pope John Paul, through the roles of pastor to a transnational community and head of an international organization, lent international legitimacy to the Solidarity movement, which contributed to the fall of Communism in Poland. Abdullah Yusuf Azzam authored the theological concept of "defensive jihad", led the transnational Afghan Arabs in armed resistance against Soviet invasion in Afghanistan during the Soviet Afghan war, and contributed to the creation of a global jihadist movement. Traditionally, Westphalian sovereignty claims that the territorial state holds ultimate authority over the affairs within its borders and that it is the primary actor in the international system. This dissertation examines how the characteristics of a TRL and the characteristics of the associated transnational social movement (TSM) qualify regime change as an indicator of challenges to conceptions of Westphalian sovereignty and modern state sovereignty. Characteristics of TRL include leadership style, hard versus soft power, relationship to secularization, and relationship to modernity. Characteristics of TSM include political theology, mobilizing structures, political opportunity structures, and nature of transnational activism. In both case studies, a transnational leader used soft power, based in a transnational religious identity and civil society, to contribute to a transnational social movement that helped alter the domestic authority structures in Poland and Afghanistan. As individual actors determining the actions of nation states, these TRLs ultimately challenged state sovereignty. Pope John Paul II's theological worldview was compatible with the Westphalian system, and he contributed to the birth of a stable, democratic Poland with sovereign authority within internationally respected borders. Azzam, however, envisioned an alternate world order based on religiously defined, pre-Westphalian boundaries. His theological and pragmatic contributions to the Afghan Arabs and the modern day jihadist movement further challenged the Westphalian system.
2017-01-01T00:00:00Z

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Livres sur le sujet "Religion. State sovereignty. Legitimaly"

Religion as a category of governance and sovereignty. Leiden : Brill, 2015.

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al- Ṭarīq ilá al-ḥukm al-Islāmī ṭarīq ilá al-dawlah al-Islāmīyah : Baḥth fī manāhij al-taghyīr. ʻAmmān : Dār al-Bayāriq, 1999.

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Idrīs, ʻAbd al-Fattāḥ Maḥmūd. Ḥukm wilāyat al-fāsiq : Baḥth fiqhī muqāran. [Cairo] : ʻA.al-F.M. Idrīs, 1993.

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Kīlānī, ʻAbd Allāh Ibrāhīm Zayd. al- Quyūd al-wāridah ʻalá sulṭat al-dawlah fī al-Islām wa-ḍamānātihā. ʻAmmān : Dār al-Bashīr, 1997.

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al-Wāḥid, Muṣṭafá ʻAbd. al- Ḥaqāʾiq al-ghāʾibah ʻamman yurafiḍūna taḥkīm al-sharīʻah. al-Qāhirah : Dār al-Ṣaḥwah, 1994.

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Aḥmad, al-Bashīr. al- Ṭarīq ilá al-ḥukm al-Islāmī, ṭarīq ilá al-dawlah al-Islāmīyah : Baḥth fī manāhij al-taghyīr. ʻAmmān : Dār al-Bayāriq, 1999.

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Secular paradox : Islam, sovereignty, and the rule of law in modern Egypt. Chicago : The University of Chicago Press, 2012.

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Agamben, Giorgio. Homo sacer : Kyriarche exousia kai gymne zo e. Athe na : Ekdoseis Scriptra, 2005.

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Political theology : Four chapters on the concept of sovereignty. Chicago : University of Chicago Press, 2005.

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Political theology : Four chapters on the concept of sovereignty. Cambridge, Mass : MIT Press, 1985.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Religion. State sovereignty. Legitimaly"

Mortimer, Sarah. « Beyond Sovereignty ». Dans Reformation, Resistance, and Reason of State (1517-1625), 246–67. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199674886.003.0012.

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Most texts examined so far were designed to explain where power lay within a local, seemingly autonomous political community. But local circumstances were shaped by the international situation, and the relationship between the local political community and the wider human society of which it was part became an increasingly important issue towards the end of the sixteenth century. In the face of continuing Habsburg dominance on the European continent, Protestants like Alberico Gentili began to articulate new ideas of a shared human society and of the law of peoples (ius gentium), using these to justify military intervention. The relationship between the law of peoples, the law of war, and Christian principles came to be debated more intensely, especially as political tensions deepened. With the outbreak of the Thirty Years War in 1618, calls for solidarity among co-religionists intensified, but this period also saw a major new account of the laws of nature which explicitly distinguished these from Christianity (although not from religion). In De Jure Belli ac Pacis (1625), Hugo Grotius argued that the authority of the civil magistrate needed to be connected to the natural law if his commands were to be seen as legitimate, while he defined this natural law in terms of ‘strict right’, distinct from considerations of virtue, distributive justice, or Christian charity. His achievement was to suggest how human beings with diverse opinions about salvation and merit could live peacefully together.

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Poggi, Gianfranco. « 4. The Nation-State ». Dans Comparative Politics, 69–85. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198820604.003.0004.

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This chapter examines how the nation-state came into being and how it became dominant as a political unit. It first presents a general and streamlined portrait of the state—a concept that sociologists inspired by Max Weber might call an ideal type. In particular, it considers some of the characteristics of a nation-state, including monopoly of legitimate violence, territoriality, sovereignty, plurality, and relation to the population. The chapter proceeds by discussing a more expansive concept of the nation-state, taking into account the role of law, centralized organization, the distinction between state and society, religion and the market, the public sphere, the burden of conflict, and citizenship and nation. The chapter also describes five paths in state formation and concludes with an assessment of three main phases which different European states have followed in somewhat varying sequences: consolidation of rule, rationalization of rule, and expansion of rule.

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Wight, Martin. « Popular Legitimacy ». Dans International Relations and Political Philosophy, 245–61. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198848219.003.0019.

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The American and French Revolutions derived from—and promoted—a concept of legitimacy based on popular consent and the public will. This concept displaced the practice of relying on dynasticism, the prescriptive rights of hereditary monarchs. As a result, plebiscites have taken the place of dynastic marriages as mechanisms for the legitimization of transfers of sovereignty. Noteworthy examples include decisions in the unification of Italy and in the European settlement of 1919–1920. Plebiscites have not, however, been conducted when Great Powers have ruled them out—for instance, France’s rejection of a plebiscite concerning Alsace-Lorraine after the First World War. Popular legitimacy raises questions about the defining characteristics of a self-governing nation—its size and capacity for self-defence, its language and history, and the allegiance choices of its citizens. Disputes over minority rights may raise questions about national identity and cohesion, including the possible founding of new states seceding from established countries. In some cases, such as Israel, Pakistan, and Saudi Arabia, religion is a fundamental source of identity and state legitimacy.

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Emerson, Stephen, et Hussein Solomon. « Failing states ». Dans African security in the twenty-first century. Manchester University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526122735.003.0004.

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States are the only contemporary political organizations that enjoy a unique legal status under international law—sovereignty—and are deemed to possess an exclusive monopoly on the legitimate use of force within their borders. A central feature of the state is to provide for the delivery of public goods (such as security) to its citizenry, and states fail to function as states when they can no longer do this. While the concept of “state failure” or “failing states” is much debated, the consequences of such failure are all too real, especially in Africa. Endemic violence, ethnic and religious tensions, rampant human rights abuses, rising terrorism and crime, along with a lack of legitimacy and political inclusion, as well as an inability to exercise effective control over territory are hallmarks of failing states.

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« 5. State Sovereignty And Freedom Of Association ». Dans Liberalism’s Religion, 160–96. Harvard University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4159/9780674981560-006.

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Pickett, James. « The Sovereign and the Sage ». Dans Polymaths of Islam, 218–42. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501750243.003.0008.

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This chapter assesses the ulama's relationship with state power. By the long nineteenth century, the ulama stood as a pillar of the state, limited though that state was. Islamic scholars systematically deployed their diverse Persianate skill set and leveraged Islamic knowledge on behalf of the Turkic nobility. Nevertheless, the ulama still envisioned the state as an Islamic state, and they carefully guarded their moral prerogative to speak for the religion both groups agreed had a total monopoly on politics and social life. Although in certain instances evidence exists of this most important of prerogatives — the authority to legitimately speak for religion — shifting in favor of the Turkic military elite, the ulama cultivated a spirit of moral independence and superiority to the state.

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Hansen, Thomas Blom. « Democracy Against the Law ». Dans Majoritarian State, 19–40. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190078171.003.0002.

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Thomas Blom Hansen argues that the increasing strictures on freedom of speech in India, and the shrinking tolerance for dissenting ideas and opposition to the government since 2014, has deeper roots in how the relationship between the Indian state and the broader public has developed since the 1970s. Hansen focuses on how this relationship has been increasingly governed by two kinds of violence: a) a growth of the Indian state’s repressive capacities and an unchecked development of violent modalities of policing and control that disproportionately affects lower caste communities and religious and ethnic minorities in the country, and b) the increasingly routinized use of public violence – mob violence, destruction of public property, etc. – as a legitimate means of political expression and performance of grievances and anger. Hansen argues that larger groups across India have been mobilized around emotional attachments to their vernacular political communities, their caste and to perceived injustices in the name of popular sovereignty that is understood to exist beyond the state and electoral representation. Today, the limitations of politics, public violence, or the threat thereof, are no longer one of the most legitimate means of political (self) expression in the country.

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« Introduction : Religion and the Quest for State Sovereignty ». Dans Disciples of the State ?, 1–14. Cambridge University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781108296878.002.

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Grimm, Dieter. « 14. Sovereignty and Religious Norms in the Secular Constitutional State ». Dans Religion, Secularism, and Constitutional Democracy, sous la direction de Jean L. Cohen et Cécile Laborde. New York Chichester, West Sussex : Columbia University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.7312/cohe16870-015.

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Herzog, Don. « Sovereignty ». Dans Sovereignty, RIP, 1–49. Yale University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300247725.003.0001.

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This chapter discusses the origins of the concept of sovereignty. It pinpoints sovereignty's troubled origins in early modern Europe. Here, sovereignty was an intelligible, intelligent response to the savage strife of the wars of religion. It even fueled actual programs of state-building. And it reconfigured people's understanding of their problems and possibilities, including (not just for instance) what was at stake in dueling. The chapter contends that it was not just a morsel of discourse, still less a stray bit of metaphysics or ontology merrily blundering its way across time and space, or still worse located outside them, with scant regard for the political problems of the day.

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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Religion. State sovereignty. Legitimaly"

Tincu, Daniel. « On Community in the Political Theology of Jacob Taubes ». Dans World Lumen Congress 2021, May 26-30, 2021, Iasi, Romania. LUMEN Publishing House, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/wlc2021/65.

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The present paper aims to analyse through a systematic approach the notion of “community” encountered in the works of Jacob Taubes. Under a theologico-political scenario, the author discusses the political framework of Saint Paul in his Letter to the Romans. According to Taubes, the Apostle inaugurates a new type of sovereignty — acquired by the grace of God, and not by the divine law. Ultimately, the plan of Paul is to create a new “life” for the community of Christians through spirit (gr. πνεῦμα) and the highest form of love (gr. ἀγάπη). According to the author, the Letter to the Romans perfectly illustrates the transformation of the political, where the idea of hierarchy is replaced with the one of equilibrium; under this equation religion is not authority, but participation in community. From a more practical point of view, the political theology of Jacob Taubes is interested in answering the following dilemma: how is it possible for a community that sees its Lord crucified on the Cross not to create rebellions, but, on the contrary, to generally cultivate an obedient attitude towards state authority? Ultimately, while mapping the author’s understanding of community, the paper also brings into attention what the transformation of the political means for Taubes and why political theology is the scenario that accommodates the revolutionised community.

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