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1
Kuru, Ahmet T. « Dynamics of secularism : state-religion relations in the United States, France, and Turkey / ». Thesis, Connect to this title online ; UW restricted, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10720.
Texte intégral
2
Doganyilmaz, Didem. « How far religious freedom goes in a laic state : alevis of Turkey ». Doctoral thesis, Universitat Rovira i Virgili, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/403209.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study aims to analyze the necessities of Alevism as a belief and the limits of freedom that Alevis have had since the foundation of the Republic of Turkey to maintain and practice their cultural and religious components in between a laic state structure and traditionally Sunni Muslim society. It puts the debate on the limits of religious freedom of a certain group; this is to mention Alevis, in a laic state structure, which should aim to keep its distance to any religious identity with possession none of them on the center. The distinguishments aim to emphasize the place of Alevis in political history of the Republic of Turkey, which has been fulfilled with a concrete competition of two aforementioned identities, and to mention the difficulties that Alevis have faced with as a result of their officially unrecognized religious identity by none of the two identities and its consequent limitations.
Keywords: Alevism, political history of Republic of Turkey, laicism, religion, political IslamEste estudio tiene el objetivo de analizar las necesidades del alevismo como una creencia y los límites de la libertad que los alevís han tenido desde la fundación de la República de Turquía, al mantener y practicar sus componentes culturales y religiosos entre una estructura estatal laica y la sociedad tradicionalmente musulmana sunita. Pone el centro del debate en los límites de la libertad religiosa de un grupo determinado, los alevís, en una estructura del Estado laico, que debe tratar de mantener su distancia hacia cualquier identidad religiosa, sin optar por ninguna de ellas. Por lo tanto, las determinaciones tienen el objetivo de destacar el lugar de los alevís en la historia política de la República de Turquía y hablar de las dificultades a las que se han enfrentado los alevís, como consecuencia de su identidad religiosa no reconocida oficialmente por ninguno de las dos identidades y sus consecuentes limitaciones. Palabras clave: alevismo, la historia política de la República de Turquía, el laicismo, la religión, el Islam político
3
Menzies, Sarah R. « The Transformation of an Empire to a Nation-State : From the Ottoman Empire to the Republic of Turkey ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/443.
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The transformation of the Ottoman Empire to the Republic of Turkey involved reforming the government, redefining the relationship between the population and the ruling elite, and navigating ethnic and religious identities and how those identities affected the national identity. Unfortunately, these processes were accompanied by the suppression of religious and ethnic minorities, deportations, violence, and murder.
4
Rubin, Aviad. « From marginalization to bounded integration - reassessing the compatibility of religion and democracy : a comparison of the state-religion relationship in Turkey and Israel ». Thesis, McGill University, 2010. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=92304.
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There is an inherent tension in the relationship between religion and democracy. While religion generally adheres to a single ultimate set of values, democracy requires political tolerance and the recognition of the coexistence of several truths.This is why, both intuitively and according to influential theories of modernization, the separation of religion and the state has been seen as a pre-condition for successful democratization. Yet a comparison of Israel and Turkey challenge the validity of such alleged "truths." This is because existing theories cannot adequately account for the dynamic nature of the state-religion relations. Israel, which assigned a formal role to religion in the state, was able to maintain stable democratic rule despite some major internal and external political challenges. Nevertheless, after three decades of constructive collaboration between the state and religious actors, the latter have increased their demands on the state in a manner that challenged the foundations of the regime, although so far the state has been successful in effectively containing them. In contrast, the Turkish state attempted to enforce strict secularization on society by marginalizing religion from public affairs through constitutional measures and military repression. Yet after eight decades trying, Turkish society remained far from being truly secular and the attempts to enforce secularism seriously undermined Turkish democracy.
To understand why this has been the case, the dissertation develops a model for the state-religion relationship, the Bounded Integration Model (BIM), that overcomes the over simplistic, static and deterministic nature of existing theories. The model demonstrates that religious actors should be understood as potential members in civil society, the dynamic interaction of which with the state determines the boundaries of civil society and the prospects for stable democratic governance.
The study concludes that there is a need to re-evaluate the relationship between the state and religion over time, and reconsider deterministic conclusions about the ability of some religions - Islam in particular - to peacefully co-exist with democratically governed states.
Il existe une crispation inhérente de la relation entre la religion et la démocratie. La religion, pour sa part, adhère à un seul et unique code de valeurs, tandis que la démocratie, elle, nécessite une tolérance politique et l'acceptation de la coexistence de plusieurs vérités.
C'est pour ces raisons que non seulement intuitivement, mais également selon les théories influentes de la modernisation, la séparation de la religion et de l'État est regardée comme la pierre angulaire d'une démocratisation réussie. Toutefois, une comparaison entre l'Israël et la Turquie conteste la validité de ces présumées vérités, et ce, parce que les théories actuelles ne peuvent expliquer convenablement la dynamique de la nature des relations entre la religion et l'État. D'une part, l'Israël, consacrant au sein de l'État un rôle officiel à la religion, a été en mesure de maintenir un gouvernement démocratique stable malgré certains enjeux politiques, internes et externes, importants. Néanmoins, après trois décennies de collaboration fructueuse entre l'État et les acteurs religieux, ces derniers ont augmenté leurs demandes envers l'État de sorte qu'elles s'opposaient aux assises du régime; jusqu'à maintenant, l'État a toutefois réussi à les limiter. D'autre part, l'État turque a tenté d'appliquer une sécularisation absolue en marginalisant la religion des affaires publiques par l'entremise de mesures constitutionnelles et de répression militaire. Pourtant, après huit années de persévérance, la Turquie demeure loin d'être un État réellement laïque et les efforts déployés dans le but d'appliquer ce laïcisme ont grandement nui à la démocratie.
Afin de comprendre le pourquoi de tels aboutissements, la présente dissertation propose un modèle intitulé le Modèle d'intégration limitée (MIL) illustrant la relation entre l'État et la religion en palliant la nature simpliste, statique et déterministe des théories actuelles. Ce modèle démontre que les acteurs religieux doivent être considérés comme étant des membres potentiels de la société civile dont l'interaction dynamique avec l'État déterminerait les limites de la société civile et les aspirations à une gouvernance démocratique stable.
Cette étude conclue qu'une réévaluation de la relation entre l'État et la religion au fil du temps est nécessaire et remet en question les conclusions déterministes sur la capacité de certaines religions notamment l'Islam de pouvoir coexister en paix avec des États gouvernés démocratiquement.
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Anshori, Ibnu. « Mustafa Kemal and Sukarno : a comparison of views regarding relations between state and religion ». Thesis, McGill University, 1994. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=26248.
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This work is a comparative study of the process of secularization in Turkey and Indonesia, with reference to the thought and policies of Mustafa Kemal and Sukarno. In their rational approach to religion and the concern to modernize their societies the two leaders were guided by a secularist paradigm of the relationship of state and religion that each formulated. The abolition of the sultanate-caliphate system, the end of Islam as the state religion and the replacement of Shari/'a by Western codes demonstrated the impact of modernization and secularization on Turkey. The "polity-dominance secularization" of Mustafa Kemal along with, among other thing, the abolition of religious education, the banning of the mystical orders, and the mandatory use of Turkish in Islamic ritual, made Turkey a completely secular state. In Indonesia, secularization was meant not only to serve the cause of modernization but also has had a special significance for ensuring the religious minority's support of the political system. Sukarno's decision to establish a quasi-secular Pancasila state was guided by a concern for political unity. However, unlike Mustafa Kemal, Sukarno avoided the strategy of overt opposition to religion, in order not to entail unacceptable political risks. Though the Indonesian Islamic parties have frequently opposed Sukarno's secularism, the Islamic ideological orientation was significantly moderated by Sukarno's pragmatic syncretism, as embodied in his manifesto NASAKOM (nationalism, religion and communism). Unlike in Turkey, Islamic parties were recognized, and Islamic courts and the system of religious education were integrated into the structure of state in Indonesia.
6
Arjmand, Reza. « Inscription on Stone : Islam, State and Education in Iran and Turkey ». Doctoral thesis, Stockholm : Institute of International Education, Dept. of Education, Stockholm University, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-8165.
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7
Sabeh, Mada. « Démocratie et religions au Proche-Orient : les cas du Liban, d'Israël, des Territoires palestiniens et de la Turquie ». Thesis, Paris 5, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA05H010/document.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Existe-t-il un pluralisme démocratique, une démocratie différente de celle des normes « occidentales » ? C’est la question que nous nous sommes posés dans notre recherche, en partant sur une hypothèse affirmative, dans un contexte spécifique qui est celui de l’alliance communément contestée entre démocratie et religion. Nous avons décidé de nous pencher sur les démocraties du Proche-Orient, sur leurs particularismes liés au rapport étroit qui existe dans ces pays entre politique et religion. Les pays de la région qui sembleraient à nos yeux les plus démocratiques à ce jour sont le Liban, Israël (en incluant une étude des Territoires palestiniens également), et la Turquie. En tenant pour principes démocratiques l’égalité et la liberté, présents dans leurs constitutions respectives, nous avons décidé d’étudier les spécificités de chaque pays ; celui d’être un Etat confessionnel pour le Liban, un Etat Juif pour Israël, un Etat sans Etat pour les Territoires palestiniens, un Etat à la fois laïc, turc, et islamique pour la Turquie. Il existe des failles démocratiques dans chacun de ses Etats, que nous avons mises en évidence, tout comme des évolutions positives. Le nationalisme présent dans chacun de ces pays est particulièrement prononcé, selon les différentes communautés d’appartenances, ce qui fait de l’appartenance ethnique principale une appartenance nationale ; d’où notre choix ambitieux d’appeler ces Etats des démocraties ethniques, se basant sur l’ethnos (l’appartenance communautaire du peuple). C’est aussi en raison de cette condition qu’ils connaissent surtout des lacunes vis-à-vis de la reconnaissance d’autres appartenances, leurs minorités respectivesDoes a democratic pluralism exist, implying a democracy different from the "Western" standards? Based on a positive assumption, this is the question that we attempt to answer to in this research within a specific framework, namely the commonly contested alliance between democracy and religion. We have decided to study Middle-Eastern democracies with their specificities related to the narrow link that exists in those countries between politics and religion. The countries of the area that seemed, as of today, the most democratic to us are Lebanon, Israel (including a study of the Palestinian Territories) and Turkey. Based on the democratic principles of Equality and Liberty, also present in their respective constitutions, we have decided to look into the specificities of each country; such as being a confessional state for Lebanon, a Jewish state for Israel, a state without a state for the Palestinian Territories and a state being at the same time secular, Turkish and Islamic for Turkey. In each of these countries there are democratic flaws that we have highlighted, as well as positive evolutions. The Nationalism present in each of these countries is particularly pronounced according to the different communities to which one belongs, which leads the main ethnic to become a national identification, hence our ambitious choice to name these states ethnic democracies based on the ethnos (people's identification to a community). It is also because of this specificity that they encounter weaknesses towards the recognition of other identifications such as their respective minorities
8
Paker, Hande. « Social aftershocks : rent seeking, state failure, and state-civil society relations in Turkey ». Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=85026.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This research emerged from the belief that merely economic explanations of rent seeking were too narrow and an interdisciplinary approach was needed to understand historical structural factors that contribute to particularistic exchanges. Rent-seeking and particularistic ties are almost always explained from a strictly neoclassical perspective which tend to be reductionist approaches that fail to explain why some states will be rent-seeking while others will not. Moreover, other frameworks that analyze state-civil society interaction do so without taking into account particularistic state-civil society interaction. Thus, there is a need to explain such particularistic ties in a comparative institutional framework. My dissertation research was undertaken on two associations in Turkey, namely the Turkish Red Crescent (Kizilay) and AKUT (a search and rescue team), in order to understand the dynamics of the relationship between a particularistic state and civil society associations. The TRC was chosen because it was involved in particularistic exchanges and functioned as an institution of the state, which meant that it partook in the state failure the state in Turkey faced in the aftermath of a devastating earthquake in 1999. The Marmara earthquake was devastating not only physically in terms of the damage it caused, but also socially in terms of the extent of the failure of state institutions it exposed and the extent of criticisms it unleashed. The immediate chaos that ensued in the aftermath of the earthquake was marked by the "absence of the state". The failure of the state provoked an unprecedented civil reaction and mobilization. AKUT, the second case of the research, also became the focus of public attention, albeit for completely the opposite reason. It was revered for the successful rescue work it carried out in the earthquake while the TRC was severely criticized for its failure to deliver services.My dissertation research has shown that in cases of state failure, the state can only establish particularistic ties creating a multilevel chain system of particularized exchanges and fails to deliver public goods and services universally. Thus, the state co-opts a civil society organization into this chain system, demonstrated both by the TRC and AKUT. Furthermore, in cases of state failure, a civil society organization that has developed independently of the state becomes over-missionized with filling the gap created by state failure (AKUT), with public expectations and demands from AKUT far exceeding their self-defined goals and capabilities. Thus, ineffectiveness of the state does not translate into well-working civil society organizations. The absence of a capable state affects the nature of civil society organizations adversely. This finding is a direct contribution to the more general debate on the effectiveness of state institutions and the voluntary sector. More importantly, my research effectively shows that much of the dichotomous discussion of the state on the one hand, and civil society on the other, needs to be discarded. Such dichotomous thinking does not capture the complex interactions between the state and civil society organizations, as I have shown in the case of Turkey.
9
Yavuz, Devrim Adam. « Business as usual ? : Turkish industrialists, the state and democratization ». Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102234.
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There is a debate on the exact relationship between capitalist development and democracy. Some maintain that there is a theoretical and empirical affinity between the two, while others have demonstrated that authoritarian regimes have been as able to accommodate capitalist development. A major part of this debate revolves around the economic elite's political preferences, which in some cases is perceived as championing democracy while in others, especially in cases of late-development, as supporting the rise of authoritarianism or, in the least, benefiting from the deficiencies of limited democracy. The shifting position of this elite therefore begs the following question: Is there an instance under capitalist development that makes democracy more appealing to the business classes?To study this question, I have focused on the case of TUSIAD (Turkish Industrialists' and Businessmen's Association), a voluntary association made up of several hundred members and founded by the owners of the largest Turkish corporations, that has in 1997 published a report on democratization in Turkey which promoted major changes to the Turkish state and its institutions. The topic is of relevance to the above debate by presenting a case where individuals that were previously perceived as benefiting from the deficiencies of Turkish democracy and/or were too shy politically were promoting major changes to political life.
In order to understand the process behind this break and the shifting political attitude of the association's members, I have conducted several expert interviews with key actors from TUSIAD and the business community. I have also included a comparison between the case of TUSIAD and the demands of associations in the similar cases of Argentina, Brazil, Chile and Mexico in order to further test the generalizability of my case study.
My research and the dissertation suggest that changes in the activities of Turkish industry, characterized by economic development and a greater international integration achieved primarily through the European Union, present a new structure of opportunities and constraints for TUSIAD members. The factors that entrepreneurs perceive as being necessary for staying competitive and manage growingly complex enterprises not only make increased democracy more appealing but also create a tension between a segment of business, which is becoming increasingly formal, and a state that has traditionally depended on its informal ties with societies to strengthen its control.
However, my research reveals that these economic changes are not sufficient to constitute a radical break from the state. To understand the case of TUSIAD it should be taken into account that this has been possible because of the economic elite's increasing autonomy (due partly on endogenous changes and the opportunities that internationalization offers) and relationship to the state. Turkish political tradition has enabled the state and governments to isolate themselves from business more than in other cases studied. In fact, states in my comparative cases have tended to grant greater access to business, except for various periods, and as such affected its propensity to mobilize politically. It is therefore the apparent indifference of the Turkish state towards the needs and power of industry that has affected the attitude and ideology of businesspeople, thus leading to a greater break than what the current literature would predict. In outlining this process, the current dissertation therefore contributes to academic debate by outlining the manner in which a positive relationship between the needs of business classes and democracy develops, while maintaining that whether this will lead to a radical break is determined by state tradition.
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Aksu, Kenan. « Turkey-EU relations : beyond membership : army, religion, and energy ». Thesis, Goldsmiths College (University of London), 2015. http://research.gold.ac.uk/16752/.
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This thesis examines the impact of Turkey-EU relations on Turkey's domestic political evolution in the 1990s and 2000s, with a focus on the evolution of the religious political parties, the changing position of the military and Turkey’s new energy politics. Although Turkey-EU relations resemble non-progressive affairs to many, in reality, they are as productive as any other relations that have resulted in the expected goal. Both Turkey and the EU made significant gains from this long lasting relationship. However, this thesis focuses more on the impact of these relations on Turkey. While engaging with the EU, Turkish domestic politics underwent a major evolution especially concerning the religiously motivated political parties; they were founded on anti-Western and pro-Islamic principles. However their attempt to come to power was continuously prevented by the secular forces, most importantly the army. In 2000s, realizing the importance of Europeanisation to help avoid the military’s intimidation, they became the real champions of Westernisation, contrary to their founding principles. Under Erdoğan’s leadership they started the accession negotiations with the EU. While Islamic political thinking was evolving, the position of the Turkish Armed Forces, who, directly or indirectly, drove Turkish politics since the 1960s, was also changing in favour of civilian control. Thanks to the EU initiated reform programs which were implemented by the religiously rooted JDP after 2002, the Turkish army’s heavy presence in civilian politics was reduced almost to zero. Again, close relations with the EU encouraged Turkey to become proactive within Eurasian energy politics. As well as the good relations with the West, Turkey also started utilizing its geostrategic positioning by trying to become the energy bridge, and perhaps energy hub, between the energy producers on its eastern borders with energy hungry Europe on its western borders.
11
Temnenko, Zeyneb. « Religion in the Legal Systems of Turkey and Morocco ». Master's thesis, Temple University Libraries, 2012. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/281842.
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ReligionM.A.
In this Master's thesis, I plan to compare the following aspects of religious life in Morocco and Turkey: - the way religion (Islam) is regulated on the official level, - the way religious secondary education functions (imam-hatip schools in Turkey and madrasahs in Morocco), - the way women's rights are regulated. I also plan to compare the religious legislation that the Moroccan and Turkish governments have passed. In my work, I will use both primary sources such as constitutions, laws and other legal documents in their original French and Turkish languages, and also secondary sources such as books and published reports. I argue that both Morocco and Turkey have lenient and flexible systems of laws that regulate religion, and both of these countries could serve as examples of efficient governmental regulation of the religious realm. Although Turkey has been a secular country since the demise of the Ottoman Empire in 1923, it has neither been an atheist country, nor has it ever adopted atheist policies. Turkish secularism, if it can be explained in a few words, does not only separate religion and state, it also restricts and provides freedom from religion, from certain Islamic symbols and practices in public sphere and state institutions. Turkish secularism does not prohibit practicing religion. It rather curtails the exterior symbols of religion. Morocco is a Muslim country with emerging secularist policies that are being undertaken on the official level. Moroccan King Mohammad VI tries to curb any beginnings of Islamic insurgence or radicalism. The King also tries to control the religious sphere and the meanings of religion. The Turkish government, on the other hand, tries not to associate itself with religion as it might cost it the loss of its secular and moderately religious electorate.
Temple University--Theses
12
Turam, Berna. « Between Islam and the state : politics of engagement : the engagements between Gulen Community and the secular Turkish state ». Thesis, McGill University, 2001. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=37911.
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The key to understanding Islam and civil society is the state. However, this key issue has been decentered due to the prevailing focus in the literature, that is the compatibility/incompatibility between Islam and civil society. The findings of this thesis reveal emergent Islamic sensibilities and capacities that lead to transitions in state-Islam interaction. These findings call for a rethinking of the theories on civil society and Islam.The study is based on an extended empirical research project undertaken in Turkey and Kazakhstan between 1997--1999. It focuses on the leading Islamic community-movement in Turkey, Gulen Community, which is not only national(ist) but also internationally organized in numerous countries. Gulen Community aims to reconcile Islamic ways of lives and faith with the secular institutional milieu. Gulen accomplishes its goal mainly (yet not only) through education, i.e., its numerous high schools and universities in Turkey and all around the world.
The main finding of my research contrasts with the juxtaposition of Islam and the state in the literature: Gulen creates the alternative pathways of engagements with the state. The engagements range from domestic symbolic politics and negotiations to international alliances. The thesis examines the engagements in three distinct spheres, i.e., the national education, international undertakings and the gender order. As ethnographic research in Istanbul and Almati revealed, the domestically uneasy interactions between Gulen and the state take the form of overt alliances at the international level. I argue that Gulen's strong identification with the 'nation as the state' facilitates its engagements with the is Republic. Moreover, Gulen's inheritance of the gender strategies of the founding fathers of the nation contributes further to the congruence between Gulen and the state.
My argument is that the engagements can largely be explained by the elective affinities between Islam and the nation-state, which are analyzed at three levels: identity, state and the international world order. The thesis reveals that further research has to be done on the following question: Is the Turkish state in the process of creating a nationalist, non-threatening and pro-state Islam?
13
O'Brien, Morgan J. III. « Religious Pluralism in Mauritius and Turkey ». Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1183648967.
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Elmas, Balancar Esra. « Sacralisation of Politics in Turkey : Kurdish Case ». Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019EHES0008.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Bien qu’il y ait un motif important d’être «un manque de leadership» qui viendrait sauver la nation kurde dans l’histoire kurde (au moins au cours des cent dernières années) et dans la mémoire collective kurde, cet archétype culturel ou Les phénomènes de leadership n'ont pas été autant analysés dans les études kurdes contemporaines. Cette thèse examine le culte de la personnalité autour d’Abdullah Öcalan, fondateur du Parti des travailleurs du Kurdistan (PKK), parmi les Kurdes de la Turquie contemporaine. La thèse comprend ce culte dans le cadre d'un mouvement plus large vers la sacralisation de la politique et le considère comme un phénomène qui fonctionne non seulement dans le cas kurde, mais qui se situe dans une histoire plus large et universelle de la laïcisation et de la construction d'un État moderne. La thèse a pour objectif de montrer comment le culte sacré autour d'Öcalan doit également être analysé dans le contexte de l'édification de la nation turque, et en particulier en ce qui concerne la manière dont Atatürk a été élevé à un statut sacré dans ce contexte. La thèse conceptualise le culte de la personnalité autour d'Öcalan non pas comme une exception orientaliste, moyen-orientale ou kurde, mais cherche à l'analyser à travers la théorie politique en tant que symptôme des tendances plus larges de la politique moderne. En ce sens, une analyse du statut sacré d'Öcalan parmi ses fidèles suggère des idées qui vont au-delà des seuls intérêts des études kurdes, en mettant en lumière les mécanismes par lesquels le pouvoir politique moderne opèreThis study attempts to understand Abdullah Öcalan, Turkey’s most significant modern cult of personality next to that of Ataturk in the 21st century, within the framework of Turkey’s Kurds’ perception of him. Basing its arguments on the results of field research, it has endeavored to discuss the sacralization of politics, positively or negatively, in its changing forms through the person of Öcalan. In doing so, it prioritizes the viewpoints of ordinary people and therefore, tries to understand the sacralization of politics not just as a top-down process, imposed by manipulative authoritarian or totalitarian leaders and endured by the masses but also as a field of power and sovereignty that is formed bottom-up, collecting new and different meanings than intended, and taking on new functions in the process.Although the motive of “lack of leadership/ having a head” has been attributed as a historical problem/debate among Kurds in the last century, in the current Kurdish studies literature, there is lack of research on the phenomenon of leadership. However, Öcalan as one of the most significant leaders in the recent Kurdish history and being called as the indisputable leader of the current hegemonic Kurdish movement in Turkey has been studied mainly as part of the works which focus on Kurdish nationalism or the PKK and he has not himself been the sole subject of an academic study. More importantly there is no academic work in terms of place, meaning and function of Öcalan figure as a modern sacred in the diversified lives and imaginations of todays’ Turkey’s Kurds. This study is a first in terms of focusing on Öcalan figure and provides a plural repertoire regarding Öcalan perception of Turkey’s Kurds
15
Schull, Kent Fielding. « Penal institutions, nation-state construction, and modernity in the late Ottoman Empire, 1908-1919 ». Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1481660611&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Kilic, Kutbettin. « Ethnicity, Religion and Political Behavior| The Kurdish Issue in Turkey ». Thesis, Indiana University, 2019. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=13423446.
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This study is an examination of how ethnicity and religion affect political behavior of Kurds of Turkey. Despite the presence of some predisposing factors (violent conflict, high ethnic polarization, and significant population size), a substantial portion of Kurds prefer non-ethnic political parties (specifically the ruling Islamist party, the Justice and Development Party) to the pro-Kurdish political parties that have struggled for certain ethnic political and cultural rights. This dissertation systematically and comparatively investigates the ethnicity-based demands (political and cultural) and ethnic identity perceptions of the Kurds who subscribe to either ethnic or non-ethnic political parties. To this end, I have developed a model based on a significant conceptual distinction, derived from the relevant literature, between ethnic category and ethnic group. I demonstrate that membership in the Kurdish ethnic category does not necessarily imply membership in the Kurdish ethnic groups constructed and led by Kurdish political entrepreneurs. More specifically, my argument in this study is two-fold: First, while Kurds generally support ethnic cultural demands, they differ significantly in terms of their political demands. That is, while the overwhelming majority of those who support the pro-Kurdish political parties constitute the Kurdish ethnic groups by sharing the political demands raised by their ethnic entrepreneurs, the majority of those who support non-ethnic political parties do not support these political demands. Second, I argue that there are two forms of Kurdish ethnic identity perception in relation to Islam: secular and non-secular/religious. The Kurds who support the pro-Kurdish political parties as ethnic political groups are more likely to adopt a secular form of Kurdish identity that has been constructed and promoted by the Kurdish political elites, while those Kurds who support the ruling Islamist party (JDP/AKP) are more likely to display a non-secular form of Kurdish identity.
17
Ozden, Emrullah. « Institutions, preferences and inequality in Turkey (2002-2009) ». Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/12865.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Rising income inequality across the world has received attention since the 1980s and it has followed the same pattern in the last decade (OECD, 2008). This has shifted interest to two important questions: what determines the rising income inequality and how can it be addressed? Much of this analysis focused on income distribution and the determinants of income distribution. However, there was also an increased interest in the microeconomic determinants of income inequality, particularly in relation to its level or changes, and an increased interest in the study of public policies regarding income inequality and individual preferences towards such policies. This dissertation will focus on the openness of the economy and the feasibility of redistribution, two important factors determining income inequality in Turkey, in chapters 2 and 3 respectively. Using Fields’s (2003) approach to inequality decomposition, chapter 2 explores the potential role of openness and different characteristics of individuals on changes in income inequality in Turkey between 2002 and 2009. We find evidence that the openness of the economy (measured as ratio of total trade to gross domestic product (GDP) and foreign direct investment (FDI) stock level) has a positive effect on the falling income inequality and is also an important determinant of the level of income inequality in the same period. Another important finding in this chapter is that productivity differences (gender, age and social status) are also significant factors in the falling/rising income inequality. Chapter 3 focuses on the effect of religion on preferences towards redistribution in Turkey, a predominantly Muslim democracy. We analyse the relation between redistribution preferences and its determinants through a mixture model, based on the assumption that there is important heterogeneity in the preferences and its determinants, including religion. In this chapter, we find that higher level of religiosity is associated with higher level of support for income redistribution through state intervention in the economy. Another significant result, consistent with our finding on the relation between religiosity level and redistribution preferences, is that secular individuals and those who place themselves in the Left are more likely to be more supportive of income redistribution. We also find that specific characteristics of individuals (age, education and skill level) are significant determinants of preferences towards redistribution.
18
Çiçek, Cuma. « Interaction of nation, religion and class : building Kurdish consensus in Turkey ». Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014IEPP0010.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Dans cette recherche, on analyse la question à savoir « comment les trois principaux types de groupes kurdes -nationale, religieuse et économique- coopèrent pour établir un consensus sur un objectif commun : une région politique kurde en Turquie ». En suivant la théorie du constructivisme, le modèle des Trois I, la sociologie de l'organisation et de la sociologie de l'action collective sont articulé pour examiner l'action collective kurde, qui est constamment reconstruite dans un contexte historiquement construit, qui est aussi constamment reconstruit par les dynamiques aux niveaux nationaux, transnationaux (géopolitiques), européens et mondiaux. Quant à la tâche empirique, on examine les conflits, les négociations, la coopération et le consensus de ces trois groupes kurdes sur la question kurde et l'influence des cinq dynamiques structurants mentionnés ci-dessus. La principale méthode utilisée dans ma recherche est l'analyse qualitative des entretiens en profondeur. Au niveau conclusion théorique, la recherche fait remarquable contribution aux théories et approches concernant les identités collectives et les groupes (étant groupe) collectives, l'État, le modèle des « Trois I », la dépendance au sentier, la géopolitique de la question kurde et l'européanisation. Au niveau empirique, la principale conclusion de l'étude est le fait que les groupes kurdes n’ont pas atteint de construire une organisation commune et des règles collectivement acceptées jusqu'ici. Les idées, les intérêts et les institutions des groupes ne sont pas équivalents ; et les intérêts particuliers des groupes ont pesé sur l'action collective dans la région kurdeIn this research, I analyzed the question of “the three main types of Kurdish groups -national, religious and economic- cooperate to establish a consensus on a common purpose: a Kurdish political region in Turkey.” Following the theory of constructivism, the Three I model, the sociology of organization and the sociology of collective action are articulated to examine the Kurdish collective action, which the is constantly re-constructed in historically constructed context, which is also constantly re-constructed by dynamics at national, trans-national (geopolitical), European and global levels. As to the empirical task, I examined the conflicts, negotiations, cooperation and consensus of these three Kurdish groups regarding the Kurdish issue(s) and the influence of the above-mentioned five structuring dynamics. The principal method used in my research is the qualitative analysis of in-depth interviews. At the level of theoretical conclusion, the research makes remarkable contribution to the theories and approaches concerning the collective identities and groups(ness), the state, the “Three I” model, path dependency, the geopolitics of the Kurdish issue, and Europeanization. At the empirical level, the main conclusion of the research is the fact that the Kurdish groups have not achieved to build a common organization and accepted rules so far. The groups’ ideas, interests and institutions are not equivalent and the groups’ distinctive interests have weighed on the collective action in the Kurdish region
19
Dogangun, Gokten. « State Tradition And Business In Turkey : The Case Of Tusiad ». Master's thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12606861/index.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis attempts to make an analysis of the state tradition perspective by particularly focusing on the relations between the state and big bourgeoisie represented by TÜSiAD in the post-1980 period. As this perspective has been hegemonic in discourse in examining state-society relations in Turkey in recent decades, thereby dominating the political, academic, and business circles, it becomes very important for Turkish politics students to understand what is implied by this phrase in order to conceive the political developments in Turkey. This thesis aims to explore the adequacy of this perspective in accounting for the state-society relations. The focus on TÜ
SiAD is derived from the fact that its organizational evolution allows us to evaluate the adequacy of theoretical premises and main arguments of the state tradition perspective. In this study, it is concluded that the state tradition perspective offers a reductionist framework in favor of the state
neglects the impact of the social dynamics and international institutions and actors
and reproduces the strong state at any historical moment. Depending on these findings, it is claimed that the state tradition perspective does not provide an appropriate methodological and conceptual framework especially in examining the state-big business relations within the context of the changing domestic and international contexts.
20
Arslan, Hakan. « State, Labour And Crisis : The 1989-1995 Period In Turkey ». Master's thesis, METU, 2006. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12607284/index.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis is an intendedly critical, non-deterministic/non-reductionist, and, a tentatively theoretical, post-disciplinary narrative of the class struggles in Turkey over the period of 1989-1995. Much of the argumentation draws upon a critical reading of the corporatist literature, and, radical Political Economy, specifically focusing upon Marx&rsquos theory of distribution. Distribution is seen as, inter alia, a moment of production, as production-determined distribution. Wages and profits are argued to be determined as the joint effect of class struggles in production, in the realm of ideology/discourse, the condition of Labour, the State power, and, the organisational capacity of Labour. Particular emphasis is placed upon the formation of new Capital strategies in the late Eighties and early Nineties. More specifically, the ESK is seen as the archetype of the so-called competitive corporatism in Turkey. Competitive corporatism is a State form, a partial phenomenon, and, a question of hegemony.
21
Tarhan, Celebi Gulce. « The Constitutional Court of Turkey from State-in-Society Perspective ». Thesis, University of Oregon, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/23159.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This dissertation examines the role of the social struggles and alliances in shaping the Constitutional Court rulings that structure core political controversies in Turkey. By adopting Joel Migdal’s State-in-Society approach, the Court is conceived as an organization that exists in an environment of conflict. By following a process oriented approach, this study analyzes the ways in which the relation between the Court and other actors influence the Constitutional Court of Turkey’s motives, capacity and manner of activism mainly during the period under the 1961 Constitution. This study argues that the limits of the Court’s power and its role in structuring the core political controversies that define and divide society can be explained by looking at the alliances formed between the Court and other actors. Alliances extend the jurisdiction of the Court by opening new avenues for political intervention and creating a support network for the reasoning and the justification of its rulings. By comparing the Court’s activism under the 1961 Constitution and under the 1982 Constitution, it is demonstrated that neither the nature nor the influence of these alliances remains static. In fact, this dissertation points out that we need to make a conceptual differentiation between two forms of alliances; strategic alliances and judicial coalitions. Strategic alliances refer to implicit alliances between the Court and other actors formed around an issue, whereas judicial coalitions refer to alliances based on a common normative framework and a shared identity. Whereas the Court’s activism in the first period is best described in terms of a strategic alliance, its activism in the 1990’s and 2000’s is best described with the term judicial coalition.10000-01-01
22
Mateescu, D. « The European Union, state of exception and state transformation : Romania, Turkey and ethnic minority politics ». Thesis, Nottingham Trent University, 2011. http://irep.ntu.ac.uk/id/eprint/277/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The dissertation argues that the modern national sovereignty is the political expression of modern subjectivity and it dominates as such the contemporary discourse of human life, ethnic minorities included, in world politics. The analytical mechanism is grounded in social constructivist theorisations of discourse analysis. It evaluates whether and to what extent the enlargement of the European Union (EU) and its accession conditionality affect the discursive mechanisms of the national, sovereign subjectivity and its relations with national minorities. The cases studied here have been chosen because of the two states being inscribed in the recent past (Romania) and currently (Turkey) in the enlargement process. The dissertation builds methodologically on Agamben’s understanding of sovereignty as state of exception, interpreted here originally qua exception from the temporality of human life and therefore apt to author political time. In national form, this is understood as the production of the national time of politics, with a double ontological consequence: it constitutes the political nation, while concomitantly and inherently excluding non-national human life from political possibilities. The method of research develops this methodological perspective to analyse national sovereignty, drawing also on Heidegger, as factualisation of two purely theoretical constructs: the nation and the principle of sovereignty. The method therefore analyses national sovereignty in the process of constitution and producing its own presence as fact of human life through the engineering of time. The result of this engineering is the authorship/production of a historical and objective presence, the notion of ‘presence’ being borrowed from Derrida. The method allows for identifying specific elements in the dominant intellectual discourses in Romania and Turkey, which signal a subjective presence. This authors its historical presence in texts heavily employed in national education systems. It also legitimises the production of the nations’ objective presence, as formalised in legislation on citizenship and the official language of the respective states. The dissertation tests the hypothesis that the EU enlargement conditionality does affect the formal mechanisms producing the objective presence of national sovereignty, but leaves intact the mechanisms through which its historical presence continues to be fabricated. Consequently, the enlargement process does not affect the mechanisms of temporal engineering through which national sovereignties exclude ontologically the ethnic minorities from the time of the nation. The author claims that the dissertation contains strong elements of originality, starting from the methodological particularities and reflected in conclusions. It builds the analytical mechanism on the idea that sovereignty is inseparable from the subjectivity discoursing it, the onomastic terms of that discourse, and the relation established by the sovereign subjectivity with temporality in a given space. The result is the theorisation of sovereignty in relation with time. This is then employed in the original exploration of the Romanian and Turkish sovereignties in their historical becoming from the nineteenth century until the moment of writing. The appeal for the first time to a significant number of primary sources in this particular analytical context is also a strong element of originality. The method also allows for the original interpretation of minority politics as different from minority policies throughout the entire dissertation, which will lead in conclusions to valuable suggestions concerning much needed initiatives at the level of EU policy design.
23
Aytekin, Erden Attila. « Land, rural classes, and law agrarian conflict and state regulation in the Ottoman Empire, 1830s-1860s / ». Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2006.
Trouver le texte intégral
24
Demirci, E. Y. « Modernisation, religion and politics in Turkey : the case of the Iskenderpasa community ». Thesis, University of Manchester, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.498395.
Texte intégral
25
Yildiz, Yesim Yaprak. « (Dis)avowal of state violence : public confessions of perpetrators of state violence against Kurds in Turkey ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2019. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/286872.
Texte intégral
26
Rizatepe, A. H. « Capitalism and the development of state and bourgeois oranization in Turkey ». Thesis, University of Manchester, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.377473.
Texte intégral
27
Şengül, Ceren. « Varieties of 'Kurdishness' in Turkey : state rhetoric, language, and regional comparison ». Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/23452.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Kurds are the largest ethnic group in Turkey; they have been at the centre of conflict since the establishment of the Turkish Republic in 1923. Scattered across Turkey, with their own language, distinct from the official language of the state, and historically subject to the state’s homogenisation policies, Kurds present an interesting case for scholars of ethnicity. How does this history affect the way ‘Kurdishness’ is manifested? While Kurds’ relationship with the Turkish state and increasingly their everyday lives been widely studied, the diversity of the Kurdish experience in Turkey is not well understood. Drawing on the literature on boundary theory pioneered by Frederick Barth (1969) and developed by Andreas Wimmer (2013) among others, this thesis explores manifestations of ‘Kurdishness’ in Turkey. To do this, this thesis is interested in the role that state rhetoric, region and language play. The research design sought to capture something of the diversity of Kurdish experience across Turkey, specifically in Western Turkey (Istanbul, which has the largest Kurdish population within Turkey, and Ayvalık, a small town with certain Kurdish districts) and Southeast Turkey (multi-ethnic Mardin, Diyarbakır, the ‘spiritual capital’ for Kurds, and Derik, a small town predominated by Kurds). The research utilised three methods: semi-structured interviews, participant observation, and document analysis. 33 semi-structured interviews were conducted with Kurdish respondents, both native- and non-native speakers of Kurdish. Participant observation was also undertaken. This data was collected between January and May 2013, with follow-up research conducted in June 2014. In addition, party documents, speeches and statements by party leaders, and selected laws from the early Republican period (1923-1938) and the AKP period (from 2002 to the present) were analysed. This research suggests that ‘Kurdishness’ in Turkey is manifested in different forms. Instead of taking ‘Kurdishness’ as a matter of degree, this thesis suggests that individuals exhibit ‘Kurdishness’ in a variety of forms. Context is key. The thesis first examines the role of state rhetoric in categorising Kurdishness during two ‘moments of transition’, the creation of the Kemalist Republic and the advent of the AKP in power. It is suggested that not only changes but also continuities in state rhetoric play a significant role in the construction of ‘Kurdishness’ in these two moments. There is regional dimension to the display of Kurdishness. Specifically the boundaries of what constitutes Kurdishness contrast markedly by region. This is reflected in my respondents’ experience of discrimination and prejudice in their interactions with non-Kurds. Finally, family and neighbourhood also play a key role in shaping different forms. Specifically, the use of language in these environments plays an important role in shaping different forms of ‘Kurdishness’.
28
Altinors, Gorkem. « Minarets and golden arches : state, capital and resistance in neoliberal Turkey ». Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2016. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/37869/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The main purpose of this thesis is to critically analyse the convergence of political Islam and neoliberalism in Turkey. By doing so, the research aims to construct a Gramscian historical materialist account as opposed to the mainstream centre-periphery relations approach. The mainstream centre-periphery relations approach takes the state and civil society as antagonistic autonomous entities. This consideration brings us where the Turkish politics are perceived as a terrain of conflict between Islamists and secularists. The centre-periphery relations approach has four shortcomings. First, the state and society are considered separately. Second, the market and the state; and the economy and the politics are considered separately. Third, as considered separately, the theory takes civil society as automatically progressive. Fourth, the social relations of productions are neglected. This thesis argues that the Islamists versus secularists dichotomy is not sufficient enough to explain the complexity of contradictions in Turkish politics because of the given four shortcomings. Therefore, a more complex theory where the antagonism is considered within the class struggle is needed. Antonio Gramsci’s theory of hegemony, passive revolution and most importantly the integral state provides a new window in this respect. The Gramscian historical materialism offers a holistic understanding for the relationship between the state and society, the market and the state, and the economy and the political. As part of the hegemonic struggle, civil society can be on either side of the struggle therefore it is not considered as automatically progressive in Gramscian historical materialism. As a historical materialist approach, Gramscianism considers the social relations of production as the crucial element of the analysis. The pre-2002 periods (before the Justice and Development Party came into power) were already researched by Gramscian scholars. Therefore, the neoliberal restructuring in Turkey during the Justice and Development Party era is the focal period of this thesis. There will be a specific focus on the cases of urbanisation, education, and the mass media. The conceptual framework of state-society relations is the analytical basis of this study. Overall, this thesis offers an alternative reading of the rise of political Islam in Turkey.
29
Breen, John Lawrence. « Emperor, state and religion in Restoration Japan ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.260629.
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30
West, W. Jefferson II. « 'WE ARE OBLIGATED TO THINK THAT THE STATE IS JUST:' THE AKP'S GEOGRAPHIES OF ISLAM AND THE STATE IN TURKEY ». UKnowledge, 2008. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/gradschool_diss/597.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In the 2002 national elections in Turkey, the Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (AKP) won a majority of parliamentary seats and the leadership of all government ministries. Viewed by many voters as an alternative to both Turkey’s Kemalist establishment and the country’s Islamist political movement, this self described ‘conservative democratic’ party composed of former Islamist politicians and political neophytes sought to establish a Muslim political identity that was neither Islamist nor secular. This dissertation explores the discourse used by AKP politicians as they navigated several highly charged issues involving the religion-state relationship in Turkey. By examining what geographies AKP politicians articulated in discussing issues of religion and state, how they constructed Islam and the state through these articulations, and how these constructions compare to Kemalist and Islamist versions, this research strives to understand how these politicians are negotiating a moderate religious identity within a context of fundamentalist-secularist polarization. The research also presents an example of how recent changes observed in modern state spatiality are propagating beyond the economic dynamics usually studied.
Drawing on statements made by AKP politicians in newspaper reports, legislative debates, and individual interviews, this project examines issues such as imam hatip schools, headscarves, the role of the Directorate of Pious Works, and Turkey’s geopolitical relationships to suggest answers to its research questions. The project concludes that a combination of religious and neoliberal logics is operating within the statements of the AKP politicians studied. By appealing to the individuality of religious choice, these AKP politicians differentiated their party from the deadlock of the Kemalist-Islamist polarity. Their appeal to individual choice suggests that the answer to providing the best welfare for the population is to reduce the state’s involvement in normal processes of everyday space and allow for God and the market to work their respective magics. Within their statements, the state retains a position as a source of knowledge, supporter of research, provider of information, and protector of order. However, the state loses its position as visionary leader and social engineer.
31
Önder, Nilgün. « The political economy of the state and social forces, changing forms of state-labour relations in Turkey ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp02/NQ56252.pdf.
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32
Demir, Seker Sirma. « The Dynamics Of Poverty In Turkey ». Phd thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613400/index.pdf.
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33
Sarfati, Yusuf. « The Rise of Religious Parties in Israel and Turkey : A Comparative Study ». Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view.cgi?acc%5Fnum=osu1244742003.
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34
Gallagher, Amelia. « The Albanian atheist state, 1967-1991 ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ43872.pdf.
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35
Wilhite, Vincent Steven. « Guerrilla war, counterinsurgency, and state formation in Ottoman Yemen ». [Columbus, Ohio] : Ohio State University, 2003. http://etd.ohiolink.edu/view.cgi?acc_num=osu1064327959.
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36
Gunes, Tacettin. « The Relationship Between Religiosity And Crime : A Case Study On University Students In Turkey ». Phd thesis, METU, 2003. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/418368/index.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This is a study on social control functions of religion through analyzing the
relationship between religiosity and crime. It aims to examine the relationship
between religiosity and crime by examining the ‘
social control functions&
#8217
of religion on formal and informal social control mechanisms that constitute main crime prevention factors of societies. As a set of values, religion has a social control function that constitutes a pressure to make members of a religion behave in accordance with the rules of that religion. By examining the extent of the correspondence between these religious rules and other social and formal rules we can see how religiosity could be a part of the social control mechanism, since religiosity means behaving according to religious rules. Religion, religiosity, formal and informal control mechanisms, the effects of religion on these mechanisms, crime, reasons of crime, crime prevention functions of religion for individuals, and effects of religiosity on crime commitments est. have been examined under the title of the relationship between religiosity and crime. Thus this study aims to find out social control functions of religion on crime through examining all these concepts and other related items by gathering data from 435 university students from Turkey.
37
Esteban, Damian. « Religion and the state in Ibn Khaldūn's Muqaddimah ». Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=81487.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study is an attempt to gain a better understanding of Ibn Khaldun's political theory contained in The Muqaddimah from the stance that religion and his faith in Islam are at the core of his political theory. Though there is a great deal of scholarship that has been dedicated to the interpretation of Ibn Khaldun's political theory contained in The Muqaddimah, there are a limited number of works that deal exclusively with the role of religion in his conception of the State. Those that do tend to either exaggerate Ibn Khaldun's secular thought in the realm of politics or understate his originality as a political scientist. Thus, this study will attempt to prove that his political theory is indeed theocentric by way of examining the true nature of 'aṣabiya, which to Ibn Khaldun was the basis for all forms of human social and political organization, and its relationship with religion in terms of its function in the establishment and propagation of the State. In addition, we will also attempt to dispel the notion that the overall tone of The Muqaddimah is pessimistic and fatalistic; indeed when one examines the political theory contained in The Muqaddimah from a theocentric viewpoint it is made apparent that it was Ibn Khaldun's strong religious convictions that ultimately present a sense of optimism in his work.
38
Ranganathan, C. S. « Religion, politics and the secular state in India ». Thesis, University of Hull, 1993. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:6696.
Texte intégralRésumé :
India has been declared to be a 'Secular State' since 1976, by an amendment to the Constitution, although its supporters claim that it has been one since 1950 when the Constitution was first adopted. From its inception the weaknesses of secularism as an operational category was apparent, but was ignored by politicians as well as by academics. 'Secularism' has since then not been defined in terms of the institutions of the state or the dominant values of the political system. It was given different interpretations by different groups. Even among the ranks of secularists there have been distinct divergences. The Constitution recognizes not only ethnic but also religious minorities and has given them special rights to maintain educational institutions. Similarly caste based privileges were provided on the plea of 'backwardness'. Moreover, India continued to be a religious society although the state claimed to be secular. Some secularists would identify it with anti-religious policies. The Hindu revivalists would identify the state with pro-minority and even anti-Hindu policies. In modern political idiom it was called 'minorityism' and 'pseudosecularism'. The Muslims, Sikhs and Christians, on the other hand, felt that such special rights are essential to maintain their identities. The rise of religions based politics in the eighties has created a major problem for the secular state. In the light of the above 'Secularism' needs to be redefined in clearer terms. Religious syncretism and political and cultural accommodation associated with South Indian tradition where some of this necessary re-definition has been achieved through the process of historical evolution needs be looked into. Similarly, the de-linking of religion from culture in Indonesia and the adoption of a national ideology which can provide some helpful insights for India is worth pursuing. ' Apparently, Malaysia has established a viable democratic state by adopting an inter-communal than an noncommunal approach to its political problems. By taking a comparative look at the problem of secularism, in the light of the experiences of other nations, perhaps, the Indian secular state could face the future with more confidence.
39
Erden, Mustafa Suphi. « Citizenship And Ethnicity In Turkey And Iran ». Phd thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12612392/index.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis aims at understanding the citizenship formations in Turkey and Iran by a comparative study of ethnicity, state formation, and nation building in the two lands. The research question is what kind of socio-political and cultural elements caused the two nation states to follow different paths and end up with different citizenship and state formations in the end of the twentieth century. The foci of comparison are the homogenization process of the nation states in ethnic terms, the extent of mass movements, the degree of centrality of the state in shaping the sociopolitical life, and the resistance to the state imposed regulations. In this thesis it is argued that the state tradition inherited from the Ottomans, the ethnic cleansing of the non-Muslim minorities, and the intention to assimilate the Kurdish population were the main determinants of Turkish citizenship. The mass movements emanating from the societal groups, the provincial autonomous movements, and the disruption of the state by external invasions were the main determinants of Iranian citizenship. The national identity in Turkey was more strongly based on the Turkish ethnicitythe Iranian national identity functioned as an umbrella identity over all ethnic identities in Iran. The Turkish citizenship, in comparison to Iranian, was closer to the ethnocentric and exclusionary German model
the Iranian citizenship, in comparison to the Turkish, was closer to the soil based and assimilationist French model.
40
Coban, Aykut. « Global vs. local ? : international capital, the state and communities of environmental resistance ». Thesis, University of Essex, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.340584.
Texte intégral
41
Fokas, Efterpe Spiro. « The role of religion in national-EU relations : the cases of Greece and Turkey ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2004. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/904/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis examines the role of religion in national-EU relations. The focus is on how EU membership (or potential membership) may affect nations of a particular religious background in a particular way and, furthermore, whether religious difference affects national-EU relations in a particular way. The study is based on an internal perspective to two countries-Greece and Turkey-whose religious traditions stand outside a 'core' of religious traditions within the European Union (that is, Roman Catholicism and Protestantism). On the basis of these two cases I argue that neither religion per se (as theology or doctrine), nor the prevalence of a particular faith are definitive factors in national-EU relations. Rather, it is mainly in the domain of institutional interests of the `church' vis-ä-vis the 'state', that we find religion influencing national-EU relations. These institutional interests are, in turn, shaped by the relationship between religion and national identity in each case, and the relationship between 'church' and 'state'. The differences in these relationships in the cases of Greece and Turkey yield vast differences in the way 'religion' affects national-EU relations. This thesis examines the role of religion in national-EU relations. The focus is on how EU membership (or potential membership) may affect nations of a particular religious background in a particular way and, furthermore, whether religious difference affects national-EU relations in a particular way. The study is based on an internal perspective to two countries-Greece and Turkey-whose religious traditions stand outside a 'core' of religious traditions within the European Union (that is, Roman Catholicism and Protestantism). On the basis of these two cases I argue that neither religion per se (as theology or doctrine), nor the prevalence of a particular faith are definitive factors in national-EU relations. Rather, it is mainly in the domain of institutional interests of the 'church' vis-ä-vis the 'state', that we find religion influencing national-EU relations. These institutional interests are, in turn, shaped by the relationship between religion and national identity in each case, and the relationship between 'church' and 'state'. The differences in these relationships in the cases of Greece and Turkey yield vast differences in the way 'religion' affects national-EU relations. As background information to the interview research, secondary sources are used to explain the relationship between religion and national identity, and between 'church' and 'state' in each case.
42
Başıbüyük, Oğuzhan. « Social (Dis)organization and Terror related Crimes in Turkey ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 2008. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc9796/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The primary focus of this study is to explore the relationship between structural factors of a specific society and occurrence of terror related crimes. Accordingly, the objective of this study is to examine how or to what extent social disorganization theory, which is the basic theoretical foundation of this study, can explain terrorism related crimes in Turkey. Although several previous studies investigated the social and structural dimensions of terrorism in a country, many of those studies did not go beyond investigating the impacts of traditional structural factors such as poverty, inequality, and education on terrorism. This study goes a step further by adding the mediating factors between those primary social disorganization variables and terror related crimes. Direct, indirect and, total effects of structural variables on terrorism through the mediating variables, that is prevalence of voluntary associations and religious institutions, are examined. Findings obtained from multivariate and mediation analyses show that while some structural variables such as education and poverty are directly related to distribution of terror related crimes, this relationship became indirect through the mediating variables for other structural variables such as residential mobility and unemployment. Results suggest that rather than overreliance on traditional antiterrorism strategies which are mostly depending on the public level control such as law enforcement process, programs supported by other levels of social control, that is, parochial and private levels must be encouraged.
43
Gökçe, Perin. « TheRise of Religious Nationalism in Turkey and India : The Power of Organization ». Thesis, Boston College, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:108921.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis advisor: Jonathan LaurenceWhat explains the rise of religious nationalism in established and ostensibly secular democracies? The resurgence of religion in the public sphere has transformed the political landscape of dozens of countries over the last half century, including authoritarian and democratic regimes and developed and developing states. This dissertation seeks to explain how and why religious nationalists came to power in two large democracies in the developing world, Turkey and India, despite the unwavering commitment of those countries’ modern founders to secularism. In both cases, religious nationalists struggled for decades to unseat entrenched political parties and win national elections. They were often persecuted, banned and jailed for their political activism. However, by the 1990s, they began to challenge their secular opponents and win power. Based on in-depth interviews with political elites and activists from the Justice and Development Party (AKP) in Turkey and the Bharata Janata Party (BJP) in India, I argue that party activists in both countries were able to build tightly controlled, hierarchical political organizations that benefited from the dense networks of religious associations. Crucially, they used these networks to create a robust local presence and active, year-round grassroots organizations and develop what I refer to as “personalistic membership parties.” This new party type, I argue, is different from both elite (cadre) and mass parties, and explains the continuing electoral achievements and political resilience of the BJP and the AKP even in the face of numerous crises. In addition, I explore how secular actors instrumentalized religion for their own electoral purposes and, in doing so, counter-intuitively strengthened the religious movements they sought to oppose. More broadly, the comparison of India and Turkey helps to illuminate the problems and future of the secular state in the non-Western world, as both countries are now governed by right-wing populist, religious majoritarianism that challenges the secular nature of the state and its democratic character
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2020
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science
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Selcuk, Fatma Ulku. « Mechanisms For The Bourgeois Hold Of State Power And The Case Of Turkey ». Phd thesis, METU, 2007. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12608301/index.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis attempts to stress the decisiveness of armed force for the capitalist hold of state power and that only if a multi-level analytical framework is adopted a fuller account of the reality can be given with reference to the capitalist hold of state power. After laying the methodological and theoretical grounds for a multi-level analysis along with the privilege of armed force as the factor enabling the state power, it concretizes the multi-level analytical framework in the context of Turkey. It drives the attention to the co-existence of micro and macro level factors influential over state practices. The mafia forces are also proposed to be integrated to the analysis of the capitalist state on account of the considerable economic and armed means they hold. The Weberian approach describing the state in terms of its monopoly of legitimate use of force is proposed to be replaced by an alternative one not holding the consent of the inhabitants as an unconditional necessity for the presence of the state. The class struggle process is held to take place at a site embracing the interplay of associative and communal relationships in a micro-macro range. The routes of tendential multiplicity and totality are attempted to be explored at least partially. Also the importance of strategy and tactics are stressed and some threats waiting the forces longing for a world without exploitation and domination are underlined.
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Griffiths, Toni. « The state of jewish memory in York and Winchester ». Universität Potsdam, 2012. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2012/6152/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Am Beispiel der englischen Städte York und Winchester wird in diesem Artikel das Konzept der Erinnerung von Pierre Nora untersucht, um die Individualität lokaler Ansätze der Erinnerung an mittelalterliche englische Judenheiten zu veranschaulichen. Allgemein wird in diesem Beitrag aufgezeigt, wie Erinnerung einerseits aus einem Zeitalter anhaltenden Schweigens befreien und andererseits wieder in ein größeres historisches Narrativ integriert werden kann. Vice versa wird ebenfalls untersucht, wie das die jüdische Erinnerung umschließende Schweigen dennoch seine Fortsetzung im scharfen Gegensatz zu diesem neuen Verständnis von Erinnerung findet. Abschließend wird im Artikel die Frage gestellt, warum dieses Schweigen anhält und ob Noras Theorie, dass sich Erinnerung kontinuierlich entwickelt, auf die Erfahrungen jüdischer Erinnerung in York und Winchester angewendet werden kann.This article examines Pierre Nora’s concept of memory using the examples of York and Winchester to demonstrate the individuality of local approaches to the memory of medieval Anglo-Jewries. Overall, this paper will highlight how memory can be rescued from a period of prolonged silence and reintegrated back into a wider historical narrative. Conversely it will also examine how in stark contrast to this new attitude of remembering the silence surrounding Jewish memory continues to exist elsewhere. Finally this paper will ask why this silence remains, and question whether Nora’s theory that memory is constantly evolving is applicable to the experiences of Jewish memory in York and Winchester.
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Durbas, Bingul. « Gender, culture, family and state : a case study of honour killings in Turkey ». Thesis, University of Sussex, 2016. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/67084/.
Texte intégral
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Karaman, Haydar. « The right to conscientious objection to military service in Turkey : challenging state hegemony ». Thesis, University of Sussex, 2018. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/73203/.
Texte intégral
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Erol, Mehmet Erman. « State, crisis, class : the politics of economic restructuring in Turkey in the 2000s ». Thesis, University of York, 2016. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/12881/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis analyses the politics of economic restructuring in Turkey in the 2000s under the governments of the AKP (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi – Justice and Development Party) that came to power in 2002. The work contextualises the restructuring of state-capital-labour relations against the background of the military coup in 1980, the crisis-ridden transformations of Turkish state in the 1990s and in particular against the background of the economic crisis of 2001. The thesis assesses the conventional accounts of the AKP government, which see it as the government that successfully overcame the turmoils of the 1990s, led the Turkish economy onto a growth path during the 2000s, and established a rules-based, democratic form of government. In distinction, the thesis argues that the AKP government set upon a market liberalising economic policy that was started in the 1980s. The analysis of the restructuring of labour relations in Turkey under the AKP shows great continuity with earlier policy objectives. In this context, the thesis argues that the success of the AKP government has to do with both the political consequences of the crisis of 2001, which delegitimised the then parties of government, and the economic consequences of credit-driven global economy that supported the Turkish economic growth. The crash in 2008 put a hold on this and the thesis analyses the trajectory of the post-2007 AKP government as crisis-ridden. The theoretical conception of the thesis problematises approaches that rely on the state-market dichotomy that is inherent in the discipline of International Political Economy (IPE). The thesis develops the approach associated with the Conference of Socialist Economists (CSE), which argued for an internal relationship between state and market, conceiving of both as distinct forms of capitalist social relations. The work, thus, conceptualises the developments of the Turkish political economy as continuous efforts in restructuring labour relations for the purpose of removing barriers to capital accumulation and achieving free economy.
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Adolfson, Jack. « An Evolution of the Kurdish Issue in Turkey : Beyond a State-Centric Perspective ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1559.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The left-wing Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) began its violent insurgency campaign against the Turkish state in 1984, claiming that an independent Kurdistan should exist. However, the origins of this conflict can be traced back even further – to the inception of the Turkish Republic in 1923. This thesis begins by investigating the history of how the conflict between the Kurdish and Turkish political frameworks escalated, exploring the concept of “Turkishness” as an element of a homogeneous nation-state. The paper then assesses the effects of a range of exclusionary measures adopted by the Turkish state (beyond punitive military responses in southeastern Turkey and cultural discrimination policies). Ultimately, I argue that the ruling Justice and Development Party’s recent push for a more authoritarian style of leadership under President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has ostracized the Kurdish population and has created a climate for Kurdish terrorist organizations, such as the PKK and TAK, to prosper and expand recruitment.
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Kim, Heon Choul. « The Nature and Role of Sufism in Contemporary Islam : A Case Study of the Life, Thought and Teachings of Fethullah Gülen ». Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2008. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/8446.
Texte intégralRésumé :
ReligionPh.D.
The resurgence of Sufism in the contemporary world has necessitated reexamining the nature and role of Sufism in contemporary contexts. A series of the reexaminations reveal that contemporary Sufism cannot be fully explained by traditional theories; instead it must be understood in accordance with changing contexts. On this basis, this dissertation directs itself to an investigation of the contemporary manifestations of Sufism. It specifically examines Sufism in the life, thought and teachings of Fethullah Gülen (b. 1941), as its case study. Gülen is known to be one of the most influential contemporary Muslim leaders, and has led a fast-growing movement expanded to global proportions. Much of the research that has consequently followed the inception of the growth of the movement presents Gülen as one of the major figures in defining the contemporary global Islamic experience, and suggests that the studies of Gülen contribute to a better understanding of contemporary issues in Islamic studies including the resurgence and transformation of Sufism. Remarkably, almost all of the studies on Gülen and the Gülen movement underline the importance of further research on Gülen's approach to Sufism. Terms like 'quasi-Sufism' and 'neo-Sufism' are assigned to his thought, while such phrases as 'a Sufi order,' 'a Sufi-oriented movement' and 'a Nurcu branch in the Naqshbandiyya' are circulated to characterize his movement. However, this terminology has not been adequately examined by any extensive research to warrant its justification. This dissertation examines Gülen's view on Sufism in order to understand how Sufism manifests itself in contemporary contexts, addressing what Sufism means in the contemporary world. Viewing Sufism as a dynamic discipline interacting with given contextual conditions, I primarily argue that there are distinctive characteristics of Sufism that appeal to the contemporary world enough to allow Sufism to resurface; it is necessary to identify those characteristics to understand the nature and role of Sufism in contemporary Islam. Gülen's Sufism, as an outcome of its interaction with a contemporary context, provides a better understanding of the characteristics in a way that it represents one of the contemporary manifestations of Sufism.
Temple University--Theses