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1
Robbers, Gerhard. « Diversity of State-Religion Relations and European Union Unity ». Ecclesiastical Law Journal 7, no 34 (janvier 2004) : 304–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x00005391.
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There is no single system of state-religion relations within Europe which is equal to another. Each one is distinct. Many countries know a number of different systems within themselves, as does the United Kingdom, Germany or France. The presence of history is strongest perhaps in this field of life. Tradition and truth, emotion and identity flourish in this field. Future law on religion in Europe is best built on strong regional structures. This paper reports on three aspects of state-religion relations in Europe: What is the situation in Germany? What does the United Kingdom look like from the continent? And what about Europe?
2
Schanda, Balazs. « Religion and State in the Candidate Countries to the European Union : Issues concerning Religion and State in Hungary ». Sociology of Religion 64, no 3 (2003) : 333. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3712488.
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Schanda, Balázs. « Church and State In the New Member Countries of the European Union ». Ecclesiastical Law Journal 8, no 37 (juillet 2005) : 186–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x00006244.
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In May 2004 eight former communist Central and Eastern European countries joined the European Union. Written constitutions in the region now contain guarantees on freedom of religion together with fundamental statements on Church-State relations. Since the fall of communism a net of bilateral agreements has been negotiated with the Holy See. Of the established members of the EU only Austria, Germany, Italy, Portugal and Spain had concordats whilst France and Luxembourg were partly bound by such treaties. Amongst the new member states only the predominantly Orthodox Cyorus has no contractual relationship with the Vatican. A pragmatic reason for this may be that the new members went through a very rapid leagal transition marked by considerable uncertainties after the fall of communism. The Catholic Church did not seek privileges with the agrements, but rather legal certainty. The stadards of religious with the agreements, but rather legal certainty. The standards of religious freedom in the new member states are generally good compared with the resrt of Europe. None of the new member states adopted a state church model, and none of them followed a rigid separation model either. Most new member states to be particularly valued by those who experienced forced secularism during communist rule.
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Wildan, Muhammad. « Religious Diversity and The Challenge of Multiculturalism : Contrasting Indonesia and The European Union ». Sunan Kalijaga : International Journal of Islamic Civilization 3, no 2 (23 septembre 2020) : 245. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/skijic.v3i2.1904.
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As the profile of religions in the world is changing rapidly, religious diversity is becoming a more common phenomenon nowadays in almost every society. Indonesia and European Union (EU) are not an exception to be more diverse and plural societies. Although religious diversity gives such richness of culture in society, religions are known as vulnerable entities. Many social problems caused by religions brought about various conflicts and violent actions on a big scale and also numerous hostilities, discriminations, and hatred on a small scale. Many regulations have been issued to address such social tensions both in Indonesia and the EU. However, many conflicts, hostilities or discriminations are recurring in both Indonesia and EU states. Interestingly, in many cases, hostilities and discrimination even done by the apparatus of the state. The current paper is dedicated to explore how these countries deal with religious diversity and whether there are social tensions and discriminations occurred. Religion as a common phenomenon in the world should be seen more as a challenge for every country rather than a contentious threat.
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Boiko, A. « THE CULTURAL-CIVILIZATIONAL ASPECT IN THE FORMATION OF THE EUROPEAN INTEGRATION POLICY OF R. ERDOGAN GOVERNMENTS ». Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no 128 (2016) : 10–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2016.128.1.02.
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The question of European integration of Turkish Republic is considered as one of the central issues in the sphere of the history of international relations. The origins of this problem should be sought in the processes that have shaped the modern Turkish state, that being the rule of the first President of the Republic. With the government headed by R. Erdogan taking a grip of power in 2002, Turkey has fully revised its foreign policy. In particular, it intensified efforts to integrate the state to the EU. However, these intentions could not be realized due to a number of reasons. The article considers cultural-civilization influence on the formation of the foreign policy of Turkish Republic in the sphere of European integration, formation and evolution of the views of the Turkish government on the idea of state "Westernization". It devotes main attention to the views of Ahmet Davutoglu and his strategy of Turkish foreign policy. The article also researches his views on the influence of the eastern cultural and civilizational values and religion on the international position of the Eastern countries and, in particular, on their relations with European countries. Moreover, the research provides an attempt to analyze the cultural-civilizational differences as a factor of preventing Turkey from entering the European Union.
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Rogov, Galina. « Moral immunity test : Covid- 19 pandemic challenges (I) ». Review of Philosophy, Sociology and Political Sciences, no 3(187) (mars 2022) : 40–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.53783/18572294.21.187.03.
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The article examines the moral side of the COVID-19 coronavirus pandemic at a scientififi c and practical level. The author draws attention to the importance of the moral choice of citizens in relation to vaccination as a means of overcoming the disease. Attention is drawn to the fact that the Republic of Moldova lags behind a number of countries in terms of vaccination rates. The author analyzed the conditions favorable to the vaccination process. The conditions of totalitarianism in China, the state religion in the United Arab Emirates as conditions for promoting successful immunization of the population are not attractive for the Republic of Moldova, which has taken a course towards democracy and European integration. The example of Western European countries with their high rates of vaccination is more preferable for Moldova. In order to successfully pass the test for moral choice - to join immunization, the citizens of Moldova will have to work to enrich the traditional (religious) public moral code with European liberal values. This is prompted by the path of integration into the European Union chosen by Moldova.
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Роговая, Галина. « Moral immunity test : COVID- 19 pandemic challenges (Part II) ». Review of Philosophy, Sociology and Political Sciences, no 1(188) (octobre 2022) : 74–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.53783/18572294.22.188.07.
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The article examines the moral side of the COVID-19 coronavirus pandemic at a scientific and practical level. The author draws attention to the importance of the moral choice of citizens in relation to vaccination as a means of overcoming the disease. Attention is drawn to the fact that the Republic of Moldova lags behind a number of countries in terms of vaccination rates. The author analyzed the conditions favorable to the vaccination process. The conditions of totalitarianism in China, the state religion in the United Arab Emirates as conditions for promoting successful immunization of the population are not attractive for the Republic of Moldova, which has taken a course towards democracy and European integration. The example of Western European countries with their high rates of vaccination is more preferable for Moldova. In order to successfully pass the test for moral choice - to join immunization, the citizens of Moldova will have to work to enrich the traditional (religious) public moral code with European liberal values. This is prompted by the path of integration into the European Union chosen by Moldova. Роговая Галина
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MARENICHENKO, Valerii, et Natalia VOLOKITINA. « VECTORS OF STATE REGULATION OF COMPETENT APPROACH IN THE EDUCATION SYSTEM OF UKRAINE FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF JOINING THE EUROPE ». Dnipro Academy of Continuing Education Herald. Series : Public Management and Administration, Vol. 1 No. 2 (2022) (31 août 2022) : 27–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.54891/2786-6998-2022-1-4.
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The main idea of the competence approach is the formation of education system depending on proposed requirements of society, that is, on the expected result. The content of key competencies includes not only knowledge, but also the willingness to apply knowledge in various situations. Thus, the competence approach allows in the process of education to form a person’s readiness and ability to independently and responsibly solve professional and personal problems related to the ability to acquire and qualitatively use knowledge, applying it in real situations, to develop flexibility, mobility, which contributes to self-development and self-realization personality. Nevertheless, the reality is that in practice, the implementation of the competence approach in the education system acquires, to a greater extent, only a declarative character. In addition, there are large differences in the application of the approach in our country and the countries of the European Union. This indicates the need to find modern vectors of state regulation of the competence approach in education system of Ukraine based on European practices, taking into account our prospects for joining the European Union. The purpose of the article is to study Ukrainian and European ways of implementing the competence approach in the education system. The methodological basis of the research is the methods of logical generalization, systematic analysis and synthesis. The article examines the evolution of the concept of «competence» in education. The key ideas of the competence approach are defined, in particular, the importance of the influence on the development of competences not only of education, but also of family, friends, work, politics, religion, etc. is analyzed. It is the entire set of influencing factors that forms the system of value orientations that become the basis for formation of new competencies. The competence approach is characterized in a systematized form, based on the mission of education. The mechanisms of implementation of the competence approach in education system were studied, in particular, through measures to determine the own achievements of both teachers and students of education. The key positions of the Framework Program of Key Competences for Lifelong Learning by the European Parliament and the Council of the European Union are highlighted. Based on this, the main vectors of the development of the competence approach in the European Union were formed. As a result of the conducted research, it is proposed to start work on a comprehensive state program for the development of key competencies at all levels of education, including both children’s and adult education, which should be based on the requirements of social development, the European integration vector and Ukrainian traditions.
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Kissová, Lenka. « The Production of (Un)deserving and (Un)acceptable : Shifting Representations of Migrants within Political Discourse in Slovakia ». East European Politics and Societies : and Cultures 32, no 4 (26 décembre 2017) : 743–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325417745127.
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The article examines political discourse in Slovakia, particularly the representations of and ideas about refugees and the relevant topics employed in political, explanations and representations of refugees constructed and employed within political argumentation. The text reveals the main discursive legitimation strategies present in the political framing of refugees, resulting in the non-acceptance of non-Christian refugees. Among these, positive us- and negative other-representation, together with denial, moral evaluation, and discursively declared risk based on religion, prove to be the main ones employed for symbolic and physical boundary construction. In this case, the dividing line between “Slovaks” and “others” has been formed around cultural (religious) adaptability, consequently connected to (un)deservingness of solidarity. Different topics are employed before and after adoption of the European Union refugee redistribution system. Economic interests, border protection, and organized crime are applied as main themes of legitimation strategies in the pre-quota period, while cultural interest, identity protection, and terrorism are employed in the post-quota period. They function as a background for argumentation, knowledge production, political decision-making and wider identity-building and national self-determination processes. In the wider context of globalization and Europeanization trends, Christianity becomes an iconic response to global changes and it is used as a mobilizing tool for invoking nationalist and anti-European Union sentiment. Moreover, as the political strategies and responses employed in other Central and Eastern European countries are similar, the Slovak case might be applied more generally and, thus, provide a deeper understanding of the political responses and state-building processes of other countries in the region.
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Vukoszávlyev, Zorán. « Perception of Latin America’s church architecture in the time of II Vatican Council ». Actas de Arquitectura Religiosa Contemporánea 4 (16 février 2017) : 46–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17979/aarc.2015.4.0.5118.
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Events of World War II resulted in significant social changes from 1945. This is considered to be the main motive behind the attempts for transforming the Catholic sacral space, defining the Christ-centered Church. While in most parts of the Catholic world it was a result of a natural, internal process, these changes didn’t make an effect in the Eastern European countries occupied by the Soviet Union, because religion and religiousness became persecuted under the newly established world order. The political powers professing atheist ideology and communist concepts considered the Church as the main power opponent of their own system. Not only in ideological sense, but also because of the Holy See’s organizational structure that spans state borders. The article interprets the presence of the effects of liturgic reforms, in correspondence with the Eastern politics of the Holy See.
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Solovei, A. « Features of the legal regulation of the adoption of children by foreigners according to the family legislation of foreign countries ». Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series : Law 1, no 72 (16 novembre 2022) : 161–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2022.72.27.
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In the scientific article, the author conducted a scientific study of the foreign experience of legal regulation of the adoption of children by foreigners, primarily according to the legislation of the European Union states and states adjacent to Ukraine. Based on the conducted research, the author came to the conclusion that in the practice of states adjacent to Ukraine and states members of the European Union, there are three approaches to determining the procedure for adopting children by foreign citizens: through the definition of a national regime for foreigners, similar to that which exists for citizens of the relevant state (Latvia); through the determination of conflicts of laws with respect to the law applicable to adoption, which are defined in civil codes (Germany, France, Czech Republic) or separate laws on international private law (Spain, Switzerland); due to the establishment of a separate procedure for adoption (Bulgaria, Belarus, Moldova, Ireland) or an exceptional case of adoption of a child by foreigners using the same procedure for adoption, as with national adoption (Poland, Hungary). In the latter case, the possibility of international adoption is provided, if the child, after being transferred to a foster family, was not adopted in the state of his/her citizenship, because the measures taken to adopt the child were not successful, moreover, in Poland, exceptions to this rule are provided when there is a kinship relationship between the adopter and the adopted child or if the adopter has already adopted a brother or sister of the child being adopted. In the Republic of Bulgaria, foreigners wishing to adopt a child must obtain a permit for international adoption from the Minister of Justice, in the Republic of Belarus - in addition to the written permission for adoption from the Minister of Education, it is also necessary to obtain the child's consent for adoption, the child's stay in the relevant register for a year and the absence of an initiative by citizens of Belarus to adopt a child. In the case of international adoption of citizens of the Republic of Moldova, the ethnic origin of the child, his/her belonging to a certain culture, religion, language and other features that deserve attention must be taken into account; persons wishing to adopt a child must submit a special application - for international adoption, to the Ministry of Health, of Labor and Social Protection of the Republic of Moldova and the Department of Social Security and Protection of Family Rights as territorial guardianship bodies carry out preliminary and final selection of foreigners who wish to adopt a child who is a citizen of the Republic of Moldova.
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V. V., Novitskyi. « Political and legal mechanisms for the protection of human rights through the lens of the European Union countries ». Almanac of law : The role of legal doctrine in ensuring of human rights 11, no 11 (août 2020) : 180–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.33663/2524-017x-2020-11-32.
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The author of the article, first of all, draws attention to the current problems of protection and protection of human rights, which unfortunately are traced within the territorial jurisdiction of the European Union. Such problem is quite well demonstrated by Berbel Koffler, as the Commissioner of the Government of the Federal Republic of Germany on human rights and humanitarian aid policy. Indeed, the Ombudsman of Germany has raised a number of deep dilemmas: violence against human rights defenders on the grounds of their professional activity, the relation of human rights institutions with public security and economic development. In fact, these questions, in varying percentages, are equally relevant to many countries in the world. In the outlined context, the case of the European Court of Human Rights “Gabriel Weber and Caesar Richard Saravia v. Germany” of 29.06.06 was analyzed. Actually, this case covers directly the issues of human rights and national security of Germany. Grounds for initiating this case have arisen in connection with the legislative provisions of the Law of Germany on the Restriction of the Secret of Correspondence, Mail and Telecommunications of 13.08.68., ("Law G-10"), taking into account changes made under the Anti-Crime Act of 28.10.94, which extend the powers of the Federal Intelligence Service, within the so-called strategic monitoring. It is about collecting information by listening to telephone conversations in order to identify and prevent serious threats to the Federal Republic of Germany, such as: armed attacks on its territory, international terrorist attacks, other serious crimes. According to the applicants who worked as journalists, strategic monitoring can be used against individuals to prevent effective journalistic investigations. In view of these suspicions, the applicants argued that they had violated the human rights guaranteed by the Convention, such as the right to privacy and correspondence, the violation of press freedom, and the right to an effective remedy. The ECHR Judges, having examined the circumstances of the case, concluded that there were no grounds to satisfy the complaints on the basis of the following arguments: 2) German legislation, as part of strategic monitoring, is endowed with adequate and effective safeguards against abuse by authorized entities. In addition, the article analyzes the multi-vector issue of banning citizens of some European Union countries from wearing hats that completely or partially hide their faces. The fact is that, under such restrictions, in particular, the traditional clothing of women adherents of Islam has fallen. It is a “burqa” and a “niqab”. The presented study is mainly based on the legislative practice of France, Belgium, which provides for administrative as well as criminal penalties for non-compliance with the stated prohibition. In such cases as S.А.С. France, Belkacemi and Oussar v. Belgium, Dakir v. Belgium, the applicants, alleged that they had violated the human rights guaranteed by the Convention, including: the right to respect for their private life; the right to freedom of expression of one's religion or belief; the right to freedom of expression; the right to freedom of association; humiliating treatment and discrimination against the enjoyment of the abovementioned human rights. According to most ECHR judges, who have dealt with the said cases, the disputed prohibition is not necessary in a "democratic society for public safety" but its main task is to preserve the conditions of "cohabitation" as an element of "protection of the rights and freedoms of others." In the context of this debate, attention was paid indirectly to such EU Member States as: Austria, Bulgaria, Croatia, Germany, Latvia, the Netherlands, Italy, Spain, Denmark, Switzerland. Keywords: human rights, legal guarantees, security, privacy.
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Osypenkova, Olena. « The EU refugee crisis as a factor of destructive influence on the policy of multiculturalism ». Grani 23, no 11 (25 novembre 2020) : 34–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/172099.
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The article examines the problem of the refugee crisis as a factor of destructive influence on the policy of multiculturalism. The causes of the refugee crisis and its features are revealed. The reasons for the departure of migrants from their countries of origin are identified, the key ones being military operations, economic and social. The grounds for the emergence of the refugee crisis in the European Union have been established.The legal status of refugees and the regulatory framework for their integration into European Society are studied. The main documents regulating this process are defined. The main signs of assimilation and multiculturalism policies are revealed. Based on this, the policy of integration of migrants into EU society, its advantages and disadvantages are analyzed.The results of modernization of the multiculturalism policy are described on the example of Germany. Special attention is paid to the existing problems that have developed since the beginning of the crisis, based on the key miscalculations of this policy. The challenges that have arisen in European Society during this time are identified.The assessment of the degree of integration of migrants into the EU society, the state of ensuring their rights and freedoms is given. The article analyzes the obstacles to the social integration of refugees into European society, their education and employment. The nature of conflict-causing factors of coexistence of the local population and refugees, as well as side threats that waves of migrants carry with them, is revealed.Recommendations are proposed for further modernization of the policy of integration of refugees into EU society. The main measures to implement this policy have been identified. In particular, the creation of a flexible system of social integration of migrants, which would provide for the implementation of measures for social assimilation, while preserving the basic principles of multiculturalism and freedom of religion.
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Macuka, Jekaterina. « THE MODEL OF RELATIONS BETWEEN THE STATE AND RELIGIOUS ORGANIZATIONS AND ITS IMPLEMENTATION IN THE REPUBLIC OF LATVIA ». Via Latgalica, no 2 (31 décembre 2009) : 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.17770/latg2009.2.1608.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Models of relations between the state and religious organizations and the basic principles of their implementation are analyzed with the aim to determine which model of relations is being realized in the Republic of Latvia as well as to establish whether a model of relations, secured by a normative act, corresponds to the one implemented in practice. Within this work, the method of analysis has been used when considering the models of relations between the state and religious organizations, as well as the comparative method in the comparison of application of the basic principles of these models in the Republic of Latvia. The relations between the State and religious organizations are examined from the administratively legal and constitutionally legal aspect. The normative acts of the Republic of Latvia are discussed, as well as their mutual interaction and the collisions having sprung up between them. Laws and regulations of the Republic of Latvia are evaluated in connection with the norms of other European Union Member States, which regulate the relations between the state and religious organizations, and their experience. Evaluating the practice of other countries and the implemented models of relations between the state and religious organizations monographs and scientific papers by the scientists of the respective countries have been used. The content of international legal norms regulating freedom of religion have been analyzed as well as the requirements of the normative acts of the Republic of Latvia and their interaction. As grounds for conclusions, rulings by the court are chosen in cases where the application of legal norms is adjudicated concerning the realization of the right to the freedom of religion. Three fundamental principles are pointed out in the research basing on which the relations between the state and religious organizations are formed: association between the state and religious organizations, cooperation between the state and religious organizations and segregation between the state and religious organizations. Basing on the abovementioned principles, all models of relations between the state and religious organizations are formed. The model being implemented in a state can be determined by the regulation of the activity of religious organizations ensured with normative acts, by the range of rights of religious organizations, by peculiar features of preconditions, by the range of privileges, and by the burden of responsibilities imposed on religious organizations. To a large extent, the model of relations between the state and religious organizations depends on state traditions, historical development, distribution and impact of the definite religion within the state territory. The principle of unity between the state and religious organizations indicate the unity between them, institutions of religious organizations are identified as state institutions. Implementation of the abovementioned principle can manifest as an absolute unity between the state and church when state laws are based on definite religious norms and, in case of collisions, the principles of religious doctrine are applied. Or, within the abovementioned principle, two models of relations can be distinguished: a model of religious state and a model of state religion (church). The principle of cooperation between the state and religious organizations provides for separation of the state and religious organizations, they are functioning as autonomous subjects, religious organizations form their own structure and define their inner administration, the state on its part does not interfere in the inner affairs of religious organizations. Nevertheless, the state and religious organizations cooperate in order to achieve definite aims. Such a model of cooperation can be called the model of cooperation. In countries where the principle of separation of the state and religious organizations is in force and the model of segregation is functioning, the autonomy of religious organizations and the state are strictly separated. Each of these subjects is functioning in its own sphere, in parallel to one another. Religious organizations are not vested the rights to perform the functions of the state, and they do not receive financial support. Registration of a religious organization is the starting point where the activities of the state and of religious organizations come into contact. Registration of a religious organization is a basis for the model of relations between the state and religious organizations to be implemented in the given country. In the Republic of Latvia, the process of registration of religious organizations is regulated by the Law on Religious Organizations which provides for the order of registration of religious organizations as well as the legal status of the religious organizations to be registered; registration has a multi-stage structure. Initially, a congregation is registered as reregistrable, but later it acquires a regular status and after uniting the congregations can form a religious union (church). Religious unions (churches) have the right to establish dioceses and institutions. The next step in the mentioned chain includes religious organizations whose relations with the Republic of Latvia can be regulated by special laws. The State has established special relations with Evangelical Lutheran, Roman Catholic, Orthodox, Old Believer, Methodist, Baptist, Seventh-day Adventist and Moses faith (Judaist) denominations. These denominations have a peculiar status in the Republic of Latvia, the range of their rights differs from the rights of other congregations. Relations between the religious unions (churches) of these denominations and the State are regulated by special laws that define their rights and status. The Latvian Constitution (Satversme) contains a reference to the model of relations between the Republic of Latvia and religious organizations providing that the State is separated from the church. Evaluation of the features of a model of separation and its application to the relations between the Republic of Latvia and religious organizations allows to determine whether the implemented model is a model of separation or whether the relations between the State and religious organizations realized in practice belong to quite another model. The requirement for autonomy of religious organizations and the State can be regarded as satisfied, since the demand for non-interference by the State in the inner activities of religious organizations (except for the cases of violating laws) is included in the Law on Religious Organizations. Separation of religious organizations from the public rights sector presently is not being implemented. In state schools there are religious instruction lessons, religious organizations carry out religious activity in medical institutions and prisons, a service of chaplains has been established whose activity is funded from the state budget. Equality of the forms of activity of religious organizations is not guaranteed, since there exists a multi-stage registration system. A state function of performing marriage ceremonies is delegated to religious organizations. Thus, state functions are delegated to religious organizations. Besides the religious organizations are offered direct and indirect financial support which manifests in allotting tax relief as well as allocating direct grants from the state budget. The model having been established in the Republic of Latvia is a model of cooperation between the State and religious organizations. In the Constitution no state religion is provided but also no segregation of the State and religious organizations is realized. The State acknowledges the autonomy of religious organizations, however, the religious organizations receive financial support, definite functions are delegated to them, and religious organizations are operating in the public sector. Satversme lacks provisions that would truly provide that no state church exists in Latvia, but at the same time definite procedures and operations are being delegated to the church as stated by the law. The idea of amending the Satversme of the Republic of Latvia ought to be considered that would contain the provision about the model of cooperation between the State and religious organizations being realized in practice.
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Mamiński, Marcin. « Human Rights. Poland and the UN declarations on Human Rights ». Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego. Seria Prawnicza. Prawo 31 (2020) : 169–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/znurprawo.2020.31.13.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Human rights are the foundation of democracy, a democratic society, freedom, justice and peace. Without human rights and awareness of their ownership, people cannot live in dignity. Human rights are the same for all of us, regardless of race, gender, religion, ethnicity, political or other beliefs, social origin, national origin, sexual orientation. There are cases in which human rights may be limited, but only in very specific situations, usually defined in international documents or constitutions of individual countries (e.g. due to the protection of certain values by the state, or due to threats such as war or public security). In 1948, Poland was one of the eight states that abstained from voting on the ratification of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Until the transformation of the political system between 1989–1992, the number of international conventions dealing with the issue of human rights, which the Polish state had not ratified, has increased. Along with the democratization of public life in Poland and the accession process to the European Union, successive governments have signed certain conventions, but many important documents remain unratified or unimplemented, including significant conventions regarding the status of stateless persons or related to cluster munitions. This presentation aims at indication of the relation of Polish legislation and basic legal acts to the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights and subsequent conventions aimed at protecting those rights. On the basis of a short comparative analysis, I will try to indicate how important human rights are to Poland nowadays.
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Butkevich, S. « PROGRAMMATIC DE-EXTREMIZATION OF MIGRATION PROCESSES : QUESTIONS OF THEORY AND PRACTICE ». Scientific Notes of V. I. Vernadsky Crimean Federal University. Juridical science 7, no 4 (20 février 2023) : 48–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.29039/2413-1733-2021-7-4-48-57.
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The article considers topical issues of the implementation of migration processes on a national and global scale. In particular, a comprehensive research of the reasons and conditions for the emergence and spread of threats of an extremist and terrorist nature connected with legal and illegal migration, including persons professing Islam, was carried out. Emphasis is placed on the prediction of the development of existing and possible migration risks due to the current geopolitical situation.
The main focus is on the analysis of the legislative initiatives of the French Republic concerning countering religious extremism caused by the intensification of migration processes from the countries of Africa and Asia. In addition, the article gives a detailed description of the problems of migrants and refugees during their assimilation, which can be used for illegal purposes, including those aimed at involving them in extremist or terrorist activities. At the same time, the state of the native (local) population associated with uncontrolled migration which can lead to migrant-phobia, protest activity, radicalization of society and destructive activity are described. Also, the interrelation of extremist activity with the radicalization of religion is not put aside.
The study of migration processes in the European Union and the law-making of the French Republic in this field made it possible to develop author’s recommendations for improving the law-making work, law enforcement practice, law enforcement and human rights activities in this segment of ensuring national and collective security.
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Prinos, Ioannis. « Golden Dawn, Media Representation and the Neoliberal Restructuring of Social Welfare : On the Greek Crisis and the Mobilization of Disidentifications ». Sociological Research Online 19, no 3 (septembre 2014) : 269–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.3431.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Due to the economic crisis in 2008, processes of restructuring and dissolution of the social welfare state have been accelerated in the European Union, especially in the context of severe austerity measures imposed in countries with sovereign debt problems such as Greece. These neoliberal policies have increasingly sought their ‘legitimizing basis’ in discourses concerning a corrupt, ineffective and oversized public realm, while simultaneously promoting the notion of ‘welfare dependency’, insinuating an absence of moral values and proper ‘work ethic’ for the poor and disadvantaged, who are the most affected by the social state's withdrawal. Additionally, such narratives seem to have benefitted from the creation of ‘moral panic’ and the associated cultural representations of underprivileged social groups through mainstream mass media. The current article focuses on the nuances of this phenomenon in Greece, arguing that the catalyst has been the popularity of the extremist, nationalistic and anti-immigrant party of ‘Golden Dawn’. It contends that the representation of Golden Dawn's rhetoric and activism by the media, triggered processes of disidentification with poverty and the underprivileged in the mind of the average Greek; processes rooted in highly emotive sentiments of patriotism, religion and national identity, while linking such groups with the supposed deviant behaviour and ‘inferior’ traits of immigrants. Furthermore, it argues that this discourse enabled the government to ‘assault’ the ideological stance and arguments of the advocates of robust public social interventions from an advantageous position, enhancing the acceptance of its neoliberal agenda regarding public social policy in the Greek populace.
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Bosetti, Giancarlo. « Introduction : Addressing the politics of fear. The challenge posed by pluralism to Europe ». Philosophy & ; Social Criticism 37, no 4 (mai 2011) : 371–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453711400998.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The introduction to this issue is meant to address the ways in which turbulent immigration is challenging European democratic countries’ capacity to integrate the pluralism of cultures in light of the current state of economic instability, strong public debt, unemployment and an aging resident population. The Reset-Dialogues on Civilizations Association has organized its annual İstanbul Seminars in order to fill the need for constructive dialogue dedicated to increasing understanding and implementing social and political change. Turkey’s accession to the European Union represents in this light a challenge to our liberal views, which must become more open-minded in order to address adequately cultural and religious differences, Islam included. We must set ourselves the task of finding a new perspective so that we may defuse the populist radicalization, fear-mongering politicians and xenophobia that are emerging in many countries. Yet it is equally essential that we reconfigure and recontextualize the traditional secular battle for freedom from the dominance of the Christian majority away from a binary opposition to a plural dimension that takes into account other religious communities. After introducing the major challenges our seminars were organized to address, the introduction will summarize and explain the articulation of the contents of this issue in the following three parts: (1) realigning liberalism in the context of globalization (with contributions by Nilüfer Göle, Alain Touraine, Albena Azmanova, Stephen Macedo, Zygmunt Bauman); (2) different paths: towards modernity and democracy from within different cultures and religions (Fred Dallmayr, Sadik Al Azm, Irfan Ahmad, Ibrahim Kalin); and (3) philosophical presuppositions of intercultural dialogue and multiculturalism (Maeve Cooke, Sebastiano Maffettone, Volker Kaul).
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Arënliu, Dr Sc Aliriza, Dr Sc Dashamir Bërxulli et Dr Sc Mytaher Haskuka. « Social distance in terms of demographic features – Kosovo population study ». ILIRIA International Review 3, no 1 (30 juin 2013) : 293. http://dx.doi.org/10.21113/iir.v3i1.113.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Kosovo aims for development of a state over the Kosovo state identity, which includes all communities living in Kosovo. Integration of all communities in public institutions and life remains one of the challenges of Kosovo society. The social distance refers to the extent of understanding of another group, which characterizes parasocial and social relations. Another definition is the lack of availability and relations in being open to others. Bogardus states that social distance is an outcome of affective distance between members of two groups. Earlier studies have shown that the social distance or gap is related to the ethnic background, education level and earlier interaction with other ethnic groups. Also, studies have shown a link with social/political activism. Further, it has been proven that social distance is manifested at three different spatial dimensions, their own self in a reciprocal co-product: physical, symbolical and geometric. The study aims to explicate social distance in a relation with demographic records of respondents to a research undertaken in Kosovo in 2010, in which 1296 citizens (64.4% Albanians, 13.9% Serbs, 6.9% Turkish, 5% Roma/Ashkali/Egyptian (RAE), 6.9% Bosnian and 2.7% others). Social distance has been measured by asking the respondents about the groups or persons they would object in terms of neighborhood: they, who speak another language, have another religion, have homosexual orientation, etc. Comparisons of average social distance in relation with ethnic sub-groups, gender, level of education, experience in earlier trips to the countries of the European Union (EU), size of settlement and the region of origin of the respondent, show significant differences, at p < 0.05. Also, the research also reviewed the link between social activism and activism in civil society and social distance. In these terms, outcomes are less clearer, thereby suggesting that social activism or activism in civil society not necessarily influences the narrowing of the social gap. Outcomes are discussed in due account of permanent efforts to involve minorities in governance and public life in Kosovo.
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Opioła, Wojciech, Bartosz Czepil, Marcin Dębicki, Ewa Ganowicz, Justyna Kajta, Katalin Kovály, Łukasz Moll, Natalia Niedźwiecka-Iwańczak, Elżbieta Opiłowska et Grigorii Pidgrushniy. « War and politics. The 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine and refugee crisis on the eastern EU border from the perspective of border studies ». Pogranicze. Polish Borderlands Studies 10, no 1 (25 avril 2022) : 7–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.25167/brs4791.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Since February 24, 2022, we have been witnessing the next stage of what began in the 2014 Russo-Ukrainian War: a full-scale military invasion of Ukraine. For the first time in the history of the European Union, the intensive armed conflict is now approaching the border of the EU and Schengen Zone. The consequences of war: the refugee crisis, humanitarian aid, and economic problems have affected EU countries both immediately and directly. While keeping in mind the human tragedy and the tragedy of Ukraine, we would like to address a few important questions from the perspective of regional and border scholars. From this perspective, the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine is another stage of the new political order in Europe, preceded by the war in Ukraine that started in 2014, the 2015 migration crisis, 2021 Belarus-EU border crisis, which altogether – from the perspective of the border studies – could be described as re-bordering and securitization of borderlands.
In this joint editorial, we address four main questions. Firstly, how we can interpret the Russian invasion in the wider, historical context, taking the frontier thesis as an explanatory category developed by Turner (1994). Secondly, the Ukrainian refugee crisis, in the context of the previous Belarusian-EU border crisis, is a multi-layered issue, where religion, gender, geopolitics, and rationales meet. Thirdly, apart from the military and political actions, war and refugee flux could be seen from the perspective of a grassroots movement of aid. Fourthly, the war in Ukraine brings uncertainty and questions about democracy and peace in Western Europe.
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Akova, Sibel, et Gülin Terek Ünal. « THE CULTURE OF COEXISTENCE AND PERCEPTION OF THE OTHER IN THE WESTERN BALKANS ». Journal Human Research in Rehabilitation 5, no 1 (avril 2015) : 39–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.21554/hrr.041505.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Throughout the 550 year Ottoman rule over the Balkan lands, where even today internal dynamics threaten peace and justice, how and through what means the Ottoman Empire achieved consistency, security and peace is a question to which a number of political scientists, sociologists, communication scientists and history researchers have sought an answer. The most interesting point of the question is that the peoples of the Balkans, a living museum comprising a number of different ethnic groups and religious beliefs, have reached the point where the culture of coexistence has been internalised and dynamics have moved from the conflict of identities to cultural integration. The Balkans are a bridge to the East from Europe and indeed to the West from Turkey, incorporating a patchwork political and cultural geography, the geopolitical location and a richness of culture and civilization, being one of the areas attracting the attention of researchers from different disciplines and capturing the imagination of the peoples of the world throughout history. Balkan studies are almost as difficult as climbing the peaks in the areas and meaningful answers cannot be reached by defining the area on a single parameter such as language, culture or traditions, while the phenomenon of the other can also be observed within the culture of coexistence in this intricate and significant location. Different ethnic groups with different cultures, such as the Southern Slavs (Bosniaks, Montenegrans, Serbs, Croats and Slovenes) as well as Turks, Albanians, Bulgarians, Balkan Jews, Balkan Romany and Wallachians (Romanians and Greeks). Although these peoples may have different religious beliefs, in the ethnically rich Balkan region, religion, language, political and cultural differences are vital in the formation of a mosaic, making the discourse of coexistence possible and creating common values and loyalties, breaking down differences. The Serbian and Montenegrin peoples, belonging to the Greek Orthodox Church, the Croat and Slovene peoples belonging to the Catholic Church and the Muslin Bosniaks have shared the same lands and livee in coexistence throughout the historical process, despite having different beliefs. However, in some periods the other and the perception of the other have replaced common values, leading to conflicts of interest, unrest and religion based wars. After the breakup of the Yugoslavian Federal Socialist Republic, Slovenia, Croatia, the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Montenegro and Kosovo, defined by the European Union as the Western Balkans, have established themselves as nation states of the stage of history. The scope of our study is these Western Balkan Countries, and we will use the terminology Western Balkans throughout.
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Jovanovic, Mihailo. « Inter-state trade within the European Union ». Medjunarodni problemi 57, no 1-2 (2005) : 58–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0502058j.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Trade is the most important integration link in the overall world production. After the Second World War it induced the establishment of economic integrations. In the last three decades international trade has been more dynamic than the growth of the world production. The data show that the commodity trade is the strongest component of the world purchase and sale, although the international trade in services has grown a bit faster than the commodity trade. However, the share of services in the world trade does not exceed 20 per cent. International trade has most developed among developed countries, keeping up the mutual development of foreign direct investments and know-how and technology transfer. The empirical research shows that apart from the benefits gained by capitalisation of comparative advantages the trade growth is also influenced by benefits resulting from the impact of the economy of scale, competition and spreading of knowledge. Reduction of tariff and elimination of non-tariff barriers constantly opens new opportunities to benefit from international trade in commodities and services. Commodity trade of OECD countries confirms that the volume of trade does not depend only on liberalisation of tariff and non-tariff barriers, but growth to a certain degree reflects the size of the country, geographic elements and transport costs. Therefore, the empirical works predominantly analyse the power of trade as an indicator of the manifested commodity trade, embracing the characteristics such as competition pressures, but not including some deeper political meaning. The previously mentioned factor is significant, since given the policy and competition small countries are naturally more dependent on foreign trade, although competition pressures among big countries largely result from competition inside themselves. A significant change in the trade structure has been recorded in the period of over two years. At first, intra-industrial trade became equal to traditional inter- industrial production, and afterwards it has even exceeded it. For a long time the factors of foreign trade growth have been disputable. The works of Baier and Berstrand show that income growth and reduction of customs produce the main impact on foreign trade growth. In their opinion liberalisation of trade within GATT and WTO is one of the main driving forces in international trade. Reduction of trade costs also produces some impact on foreign trade growth, while approximation of incomes is less significant. Badlinger and Breuss have explored the elements that in the last four decades of the last century made an impact on faster growth of inter-trade of EU-15 member countries. They have estimated the relative impact of the income growth, income equalisation as well reduction of tariffs and trade costs on the intra-trade of EU-15 member countries. The results show that the income growth increases by 70 per cent the intra-trade of these countries. Also, the European integration and liberalisation of GATT and WTO increase by 25 per cent the commodity intra-trade of EU-15.
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Kraciuk, Jakub. « FOOD SECURITY OF THE EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES ». Annals of the Polish Association of Agricultural and Agribusiness Economists XIX, no 3 (22 août 2017) : 150–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0010.3238.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The aim of the study was to show the state of food security in European Union countries and defines the basic factors determining the level of this security. There is a large disproportion in the state of food security between individual European Union countries, especially between old and new EU countries. It was determined that in the analyzed years average prices of products and their quality deteriorated in the countries of the European Union. The unfavorable changes that have taken place were not too great. On the other hand, the average indicator for the analyzed countries regarding access to food has clearly improved.
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Palić, Petra, Nikolina Pejović et Ana Pavković. « The State of Social Entrepreneurship in Selected European Union Countries ». Acta economica et turistica 8, no 1 (27 juin 2022) : 3–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.46672/aet.8.1.1.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Social entrepreneurs create value. Global problems such as poverty have been heightened by the economic crisis lately and continue to affect the lives of many people all over the world and bring a great deal of interest to the social economy. Social entrepreneurship is an important determinant of the social economy and describes a set of exceptional behaviors. This paper analyzes the notion, perception, and degree of social-economic development with an emphasis on social entrepreneurship in the selected countries of the European Union and Croatia. The analysis encompasses the concept and development of selected older members of the European Union and relies on post-socialist countries at the same time as the newest members of the European Union. By analyzing the facts it is trying to prove that the social economy and social entrepreneurship are more developed and more fragmented in the older and more developed countries of the European Union. Further evidence of this fact is the level of employment in the social economy in the European Union, where the postsocialist countries lag behind the more developed countries of the European Union.
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Hossain, Arif. « Peace, Conflict and Resolution (Good vs. Evil) ». Bangladesh Journal of Bioethics 4, no 1 (26 mars 2013) : 9–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/bioethics.v4i1.14264.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The immense structural inequalities of the global social /political economy can no longer be contained through consensual mechanisms of state control. The ruling classes have lost legitimacy; we are witnessing a breakdown of ruling-class hegemony on a world scale. There is good and evil among mankind; thus it necessitates the conflict between the good and evil on Earth. We are in for a period of major conflicts and great upheavals. It's generally regarded that Mencius (c.371- c.289 B.C) a student of Confucianism developed his entire philosophy from two basic propositions: the first, that Man's original nature is good; and the second, that Man's original nature becomes evil when his wishes are not fulfilled. What is good and what is evil? Philosophers of all ages have thought over this question. Each reckoned that he had solved the question once and for all, yet within a few years the problem would re-emerge with new dimensions. Repeated acts of corruption and evil action makes a man corrupt and takes away a man from his original nature. Still now majority of the people of the world give compliance to corruption because of social pressures, economic pressures, cultural pressures and political pressures. The conflict between good and evil is ancient on earth and is prevalent to this day. May be the final confrontation between the descendants of Cain and Abel is at our doorsteps. During the 2nd World War America with its European allies went into world wide military campaign to defeat Germany, Italy and Japan. When the Second World War ended in 1945 the United States of America came out as victorious. America was the first country to detonate atomic bomb in another country. During that period Russia fell into competition with America in politically colonizing countries after countries. With the fall of Communism Russia terminated its desire wanting to be the champion of the oppressed of the world. The situation in Russia continues to deteriorate, a country which until only a few years ago was a superpower. Russians are deeply disillusioned today with the new politicians in Russia, who they says "promise everything and give nothing." The Russians still strongly oppose a world order dominated by the United States. If anyone looks at or investigates the situations in other countries it can be seen that at present almost all countries of the world are similar or same in the forms of structures of corruption and evil. The Worldwide control of humanitys economic, social and political activities is under the helm of US corporate and military power. The US has established its control over 191 governments which are members of the United Nations. The last head of state of the former Soviet Union, Mikhail Gorbachev on December 2012, at a conference on the future of the Middle East and the Black Sea region in the Turkish city of Istanbul, has warned the US of an imminent Soviet-like collapse if Washington persists with its hegemonic policies. Mass public protest occurred against US hegemony are mainly from Muslim countries of South East Asia, South Asia, Central Asia, West Asia, North Africa and Africa. The latest mass protests erupted in September 2012 when the divine Prophet Muhammad (pbuh) was insulted by America and Israel. There were strong mass protests by people from Indonesia to Morocco and in the European countries by mostly immigrants and Australia were there are Muslim populations. This worldwide protest had occurred while the rise of the masses is ongoing against corrupt rulers in West Asia and North Africa. The masses of the people are thirsty and desperate for justice, dignity, economic welfare and human rights. Most major religions have their own sources of information on the Last Age of Mankind or the End of Times, which often include fateful battles between the forces of good and evil and cataclysmic natural disasters. Humans are evolving to a final stage of their evolution towards a 'New Age that is to come which the corrupt does not understand. At present times a final battle of good versus evil on Earth will ensue. The World powers (leaders) and their entourages who are really detached from the masses have organized to keep aloft the present world order that degenerates the masses in corruption, keeps the people in unhappiness, and deprives the masses from economic well being, education and keeps promoting wars and conflicts to support corruption and evil. We are at the ?End of Times?. The Promised Messiah will come to set right what is wrong, no doubt. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/bioethics.v4i1.14264 Bangladesh Journal of Bioethics 2013; 4(1):9-19
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Hossain, Arif. « Peace, Conflict and Resolution (Good vs. Evil) Part 2 ». Bangladesh Journal of Bioethics 4, no 2 (9 septembre 2013) : 9–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/bioethics.v4i2.16372.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The immense structural inequalities of the global social /political economy can no longer be contained through consensual mechanisms of state control. The ruling classes have lost legitimacy; we are witnessing a breakdown of ruling-class hegemony on a world scale. There is good and evil among mankind; thus it necessitates the conflict between the good and evil on Earth. We are in for a period of major conflicts and great upheavals. It's generally regarded that Mencius (c.371-c.289 B.C) a student of Confucianism developed his entire philosophy from two basic propositions: the first, that Man's original nature is good; and the second, that Man's original nature becomes evil when his wishes are not fulfilled. What is good and what is evil? Philosophers of all ages have thought over this question. Each reckoned that he had solved the question once and for all, yet within a few years the problem would re-emerge with new dimensions. Repeated acts of corruption and evil action makes a man corrupt and takes away a man from his original nature. Still now majority of the people of the world give compliance to corruption because of social pressures, economic pressures, cultural pressures and political pressures. The conflict between good and evil is ancient on earth and is prevalent to this day. May be the final confrontation between the descendants of Cain and Abel is at our doorsteps. During the 2nd World War America with its European allies went into world wide military campaign to defeat Germany, Italy and Japan. When the Second World War ended in 1945 the United States of America came out as victorious. America was the first country to detonate atomic bomb in another country. During that period Russia fell into competition with America in politically colonizing countries after countries. With the fall of Communism Russia terminated its desire wanting to be the champion of the oppressed of the world. The situation in Russia continues to deteriorate, a country which until only a few years ago was a superpower. Russians are deeply disillusioned today with the new politicians in Russia, who they says "promise everything and give nothing." The Russians still strongly oppose a world order dominated by the United States. If anyone looks at or investigates the situations in other countries it can be seen that at present almost all countries of the world are similar or same in the forms of structures of corruption and evil. The Worldwide control of humanitys economic, social and political activities is under the helm of US corporate and military power. The US has established its control over 191 governments which are members of the United Nations. The last head of state of the former Soviet Union, Mikhail Gorbachev on December 2012, at a conference on the future of the Middle East and the Black Sea region in the Turkish city of Istanbul, has warned the US of an imminent Soviet-like collapse if Washington persists with its hegemonic policies. Mass public protest occurred against US hegemony are mainly from Muslim countries of South East Asia, South Asia, Central Asia, West Asia, North Africa and Africa. The latest mass protests erupted in September 2012 when the divine Prophet Muhammad (pbuh) was insulted by America and Israel. There were strong mass protests by people from Indonesia to Morocco and in the European countries by mostly immigrants and Australia were there are Muslim populations. This worldwide protest had occurred while the rise of the masses is ongoing against corrupt rulers in West Asia and North Africa. The masses of the people are thirsty and desperate for justice, dignity, economic welfare and human rights. Most major religions have their own sources of information on the Last Age of Mankind or the End of Times, which often include fateful battles between the forces of good and evil and cataclysmic natural disasters. Humans are evolving to a final stage of their evolution towards a ?New Age that is to come which the corrupt does not understand. At present times a final battle of good versus evil on Earth will ensue. The World powers (leaders) and their entourages who are really detached from the masses have organized to keep aloft the present world order that degenerates the masses in corruption, keeps the people in unhappiness, and deprives the masses from economic well being, education and keeps promoting wars and conflicts to support corruption and evil. We are at the ?End of Times?. The Promised Messiah will come to set right what is wrong, no doubt. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/bioethics.v4i2.16372 Bangladesh Journal of Bioethics 2013; 4(2) 9-21
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Irimia, Ana Irina. « The European Union and Minorities ». Scientific Bulletin 20, no 1 (1 juin 2015) : 138–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bsaft-2015-0021.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract We are currently in the process of making a Europe where the elements of national sovereignty will be narrowed through the sharing of sovereignty and for collective security. Another trend in the field was that of regionalization of the importance and implications of this issue, explicitly or implicitly considered as belonging to Central and Eastern Europe. Such an assessment neglects the significance of a number of factors pertaining to the historical and political developments has on the matter, particularly regarding economic development of Central and Eastern Europe areas, and that the conflictual degeneration of perceiving ethnical, cultural and regional otherness is not a phenomenon which affects this space alone, but also the West. In contradiction with this point of view, some foreign experts in the field say it is a social reality that discrimination and intolerance connected to religion and ethnicity can be found in all meetings of the world and in countries with different economic development phases.
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Kanunnikov, A. A. « European Civil Society or Civil Society of the European Countries ? » RUDN Journal of Political Science, no 3 (15 décembre 2016) : 61–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2016-3-61-70.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article is devoted to the study of civil society in the European Union. It shows the existence of two terms - “European civil society” and “civil society in Europe”. There is a vagueness of the term “European civil society” because it does not disclose the principle of belonging to a “European civil society” - a socio-cultural or geographical. There is a doubt about the possibility of the application of the civil society concept developed to describe the realities at the level of the nation-state, to the description of the phenomenon at a transnational level, for example, in the case of the European Union. The article shows three periods of civil society participation in the European integration process. The article concludes that is premature to consider the European civil society as an autonomous social sphere, opposing the state.
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Park, Soo-Young. « European Union and Hungarian Language Policy ». International Area Review 8, no 2 (juin 2005) : 155–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/223386590500800208.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Eastern European countries has been historically multiracial European countries, therefore, the language policy of EU becomes a test case for the practical lives of peoples on the question of the preservation of national identities without national boundaries. This thesis shows what kind of language policy that EU practices to integrate its member states' peoples which practically transcend the borders and how each state deals with these necessities with European Integration and the Globalization. In my paper, Hungary was analyzed as an example.
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Gregor, Jiří. « Political Budget Cycles in the European Union ». Acta Universitatis Agriculturae et Silviculturae Mendelianae Brunensis 64, no 2 (2016) : 595–601. http://dx.doi.org/10.11118/actaun201664020595.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper provides research on the theme of the political budget cycles. The goal is to find out whether or not the government tries to manipulate the state budget and its components for the purpose of re-election across the countries of the European Union. In order to verify this theory a dynamic panel data model was used. The results were significant, but only if predetermined elections were not counted into the estimations. In that case, the theory of the political budget cycles could be accepted as valid for the EU countries. The main driving force of the political budget cycles across the countries of the European Union is fluctuation of the government expenditures. During the election year, the government expenditures are higher, and a year after the election, government expenditures are lower. This is reflected into the state budget balance.
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Ribberink, Egbert, P. Achterberg et Dick Houtman. « Are All Socialists Anti-religious ? Anti-religiosity and the Socialist Left in 21 Western European Countries (1990-2008) ». RUDN Journal of Political Science, no 4 (15 décembre 2016) : 66–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2016-4-66-85.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The political situation in the Soviet Union during the twentieth century has led some to suggest that socialism is some kind of secular religion as opposed to ‘normal’ religion. In modern Europe, however, there have been vibrant Christian socialist movements. This article looks into the different attitudes of socialists towards religion and answers the question whether it is pressure of religious activity or pressure of religious identity that makes socialists resist religion. The results from a multilevel analysis of three waves of the European Values Study (1990-2008) in 21 Western European countries specifically point to an increase in anti-religiosity by socialists in countries marked by Catholic and Orthodox religious identities.
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Brkic, Luka. « European Union : From social integration to social state ». Medjunarodni problemi 56, no 4 (2004) : 447–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0404447b.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper analyzes recent free trade arrangements from a positive political economy perspective. In contrast to most other literature, which fails to take into account geographical factors, it is argued here that proximity and transportation costs play an important role in trade arrangements. Another important also largely neglected factor is the degree of social cohesion in terms of labor standards among potential trading partners. Accepting social integration might also be a condition for admitting those countries to the agreement. Changes of trade policy over time can therefore be explained by changes in the relative political influence of the sectors considered. The other important factors are, of course, a change in the degree of retaliation, leading to lower tariffs under higher retaliation, and a leveling of social standards. Redistribution across countries could also considerably change the optimal rate of tariff. The EU with its regional cohesion funds might be a good example of how those are used as a side-payment for diminishing the social divergence in the member countries. Countries with higher standards should only be willing to integrate when others raise their social standards as well. The negotiations about the social protocol in the EU indicate that this is in fact the case. More than 40 years of European integration have led to an habituation of thinking of the European Community as something ideologically neutral, which transcends normal political debate. European issues, it seems, do not fit the structure of the usual right-left ideological controversy. The only open fault-line in European politics is between advocates of "more" and those of "less" integration. The paper explores the potential cognitive and political gains of a change of perspective. It argues that the issue of more or less integration is often not interesting in itself but only to the degree that it influences the content of policies. It further shows that the policies at stake are normally such, that they can be usefully debated in the right-left framework. The decision about the site of policy control - national or European - is often only the guise in which a decision about the redrawing of the boundary between market and state, between the sphere of competitive allocation and the sphere of political coordination, materializes. This paper aimed at stressing the fundamental differences between conventional and contractarian constitutional orders. To achieve it, we have used the concept of common knowledge and have related it to its political philosophy background, especially with regard to communication and induction. The former generates a spontaneous social order - it is an evolutionist view that belongs to the Hume - Menger - Hayek tradition. The latter produces a contractarian vision shared by the Brennan-Buchanan-Tullock tradition. We consider here a basic distinction between institutions and conventions. An institution is considered as a formal, explicit rule, while a convention appears to be a tacit, implicit agreement. The former can be associated with contractarian constitutionalism, whereas the latter is related to evolutionism. In this context, institutions should not be understood as formalized conventions (such as law in Hayek). They are rather the expression of a voluntary and deliberate agreement, of a covenant. The application describes features relevant to the development of a European constitution and the corresponding unified legal system. It requires a clear vision of what a European "state" is meant to be or become. Then, once a constitutional setting is chosen, one must address the question of legal organization, in particular the nature of administrative law. Two different acceptation of law are thus associated with the two concepts of convention and contractarian institution. The former can be regarded as customary rule a kind of common knowledge that emerges from tradition and sympathy. By contrast, the latter is the place of explicitly created common knowledge. If it is to become more integrated, Europe will have to tackle this constitutional question, either in an evolutionary or in a contractarian way.
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Keighley, Tom. « Accession to the European Union 2001–2010 ». Nursing Ethics 19, no 1 (14 juin 2011) : 160–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0969733011404587.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Since 2001, the Commission of the European Union has instigated Peer Reviews to help countries preparing to accede to the European Union. Added to this has been the provision of workshops and individual expert inputs. This article recounts the experiences of the author in this process. It focuses on how a single directive has revealed major ethical challenges for nurses, their national associations and state governments as they seek to implement the changes required. In particular a sub-agenda has emerged relating to general education, access to higher education and the position of women in these countries. The ethical challenges include freedom to practice and creation of competent authorities to provide proper oversight of the health care professions. In 2011, the directive is being reviewed and this article offers arguments for its continuation, even in an unreformed state.
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Schuck, Martin. « Verwirklichungsformen der Religionsfreiheit in Europa ». Zeitschrift für Evangelische Ethik 46, no 1 (1 février 2002) : 270–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.14315/zee-2002-0144.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract The article describes the different systems of religious right in the European Union as a result of the different historical developments in the European countries. ln the declaration of the Amsterdam- Treaty of 1997 was fixed, that the European Union respects the status, churches and ideological communities take within the member states. At the perspective of the churches this guarantee of continued existence is important, but it is not enough to realize full individual and institutional freedom of religion.
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Zdioruk, Serhiy I. « Socio-religious relations in Ukrainian realities and European Union policy ». Ukrainian Religious Studies, no 50 (10 mars 2009) : 21–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2009.50.2028.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The problems of the functioning of religion in the countries of the European Union (EU) are extremely complex and ambiguous. The EU is primarily political and economic. It is in these areas that active intra-integration processes are observed: introduction of a single currency, single payment system, actual “blurring” of borders between member states, development of the Constitutional Treaty, orientation towards the creation of a common market, a common transport network, harmonization of educational systems, etc.
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Galushko, Dmitriy Viacheslavovich, Natalya Valerievna Oganova, Andrey Leonidovich Belousov, Elena Valerievna Grigorovich et Aleksey Valerievich Sereda. « The EU law and the law of third countries : problems of interaction ». SHS Web of Conferences 118 (2021) : 02003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/202111802003.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article discusses the problems of the interaction process of legal systems of international integration organizations with law of states that are not members of those entities. The research has been conducted on the example of the European Union. The authors conclude that the degree of influence of the international treaties between the EU and third countries on the legal orders of these states differs depending on the level of cooperation between the parties, which is precisely determined by such agreements. The European Union law is the main means of spreading the influence of the European Union on the legal systems of non-member states. Approximation of national legislation with the European Union’s acquis is a consistent process of approximation of the legal system of the state, including legislation, lawmaking, legal technique, law enforcement practice in accordance with the criteria set by the Union. Peculiarities of the legal approximation of law of particular states with law of the European Union are determined by the nature of the relationship between those subjects, by the goals set for such cooperation and fixed in mutual international treaties, as well as by the peculiarities of the state mechanism and the legal system of the respective state. Consequently, regarding European Union – Russia interaction in the field, regulatory engagement can be hardly called as efficient, smooth, and cloudless.
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Cohen, Ariel. « Power or Ideology ». American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 22, no 3 (1 juillet 2005) : 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v22i3.463.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The DebateQuestion 1: Various commentators have frequently invoked the importance of moderate Muslims and the role that they can play in fighting extremism in the Muslim world. But it is not clear who is a moderate Muslim. The recent cancellation of Tariq Ramadan’s visa to the United States, the raids on several American Muslim organizations, and the near marginalization of mainstream American Muslims in North America pose the following question: If moderate Muslims are critical to an American victory in the war on terror, then why does the American government frequently take steps that undermine moderate Muslims? Perhaps there is a lack of clarity about who the moderate Muslims are. In your view, who are these moderate Muslims and what are their beliefs and politics?
AC: I would like to say from the outset that I am neither a Muslim nor a sociologist. Therefore, my remarks should be taken as those of an interested and sympathetic outsider. I do not believe at all that the American government “undermines” moderate Muslims. The problem is more complicated. Many American officials abhor engagement in religion or the politics of religion. They believe that the American Constitution separates religion and state and does not allow them to make distinctions when it comes to different interpretations of Islam. For some of them, Salafiya Islam is as good as Sufi Islam. Others do not have a sufficient knowledge base to sort out the moderates from the radicals, identify the retrograde fundamentalists, or recognize modernizers who want political Islam to dominate. This is wrong. Radical ideologies have to do more with politics and warfare than religion, and, in some extreme cases, should not enjoy the constitutional protections of freedom of religion or free speech. There is a difference between propagating a faith and disseminating hatred, violence, or murder. The latter is an abuse and exploitation of faith for political ends, and should be treated as such. For example, the racist Aryan Nation churches were prosecuted and bankrupted by American NGOs and the American government. One of the problems is that the American government allows radical Muslims who support terrorism to operate with impunity in the United States and around the world, and does very little to support moderate Muslims, especially in the conflict zones. To me, moderate Muslims are those who do not view the “greater jihad” either as a pillar of faith or as a predominant dimension thereof. A moderate is one who is searching for a dialogue and a compromise with people who adhere to other interpretations of the Qur’an, and with those who are not Muslim. Amoderate Sunni, for example, will not support terror attacks on Shi`ahs or Sufis, or on Christians, Jews, or Hindus. Moderate Muslims respect the right of individuals to disagree, to worship Allah the way they chose, or not to worship – and even not to believe. Amoderate Muslim is one who is willing to bring his or her brother or sister to faith by love and logic, not by mortal threats or force of arms. Amoderate Muslim decries suicide bombings and terrorist “operations,” and abhors those clerics who indoctrinate toward, bless, and support such atrocities. The list of moderate Muslims is too long to give all or even a part of it here. Shaykh Muhammad Hisham Kabbani (chairman of the Islamic Supreme Council of America) and Sheikh Abdul Hadi Palazzi (secretarygeneral of the Rome-based Italian Muslim Association) come to mind. Ayatollah Ali Sistani may be a moderate, but I need to read more of his teachings. As the Wahhabi attacks against the Shi`ah escalate, Shi`i clerics and leaders are beginning to speak up. Examples include Sheikh Agha Jafri, a Westchester-based Pakistani Shi`ah who heads an organization called the Society for Humanity and Islam in America, and Tashbih Sayyed, a California-based Pakistani who serves as president of the Council for Democracy and Tolerance. I admire the bravery of Amina Wadud, a female professor of Islamic studies at Virginia Commonwealth University who led a mixed-gender Friday Islamic prayer service, according to Mona Eltahawy’s op-ed piece in The Washington Post on Friday, March 18, 2005 (“A Prayer Toward Equality”). Another brave woman is the co-founder of the Progressive Muslim Union of America, Sarah Eltantawi. And the whole world is proud of the achievements of Judge Shirin Ebadi, the Iranian human rights lawyer who was awarded the Nobel peace prize in 2003. There is a problem with the first question, however. It contains several assumptions that are debatable, to say the least, if not outright false. First, it assumes that Tariq Ramadan is a “moderate.” Nevertheless, there is a near-consensus that Ramadan, while calling for ijtihad, is a supporter of the Egyptian Ikhwan al-Muslimin [the Muslim Brotherhood] and comes from that tradition [he is the grandson of its founder, Hasan al-Banna]. He also expressed support for Yusuf al-Qaradawi (and all he stands for) on a BBC TVprogram, and is viewed as an anti-Semite. He also rationalizes the murder of children, though apparently that does not preclude the European Social Forum from inviting him to be a member. He and Hasan al-Turabi, the founder of the Islamic state in Sudan, have exchanged compliments. There are numerous reports in the media, quoting intelligence sources and ex-terrorists, that Ramadan associates with the most radical circles, including terrorists. In its decision to ban Ramadan, the United States Department of Homeland Security was guided by a number of issues, some of them reported in the media and others classified. This is sufficient for me to believe that Ramadan may be a security risk who, in the post-9/11 environment, could reasonably be banned from entering the United States.1 Second, the raids on “American Muslim organizations” are, in fact, a part of law enforcement operations. Some of these steps have had to do with investigations of terrorist activities, such as the alleged Libyan conspiracy to assassinate Crown Prince Abdullah of Saudi Arabia. Others focused on American Islamist organizations that were funding the terrorist activities of groups on the State Department’s terrorism watch list, such as Hamas. To say that these criminal investigations are targeting moderate Islam is like saying that investigating pedophile priests undermines freedom of religion in the United States. Finally, American Muslims are hardly marginalized. They enjoy unencumbered religious life and support numerous non-governmental organizations that often take positions highly critical of domestic and foreign policy – something that is often not the case in their countries of origin. There is no job discrimination – some senior Bush Administration officials, such as Elias A. Zerhouni, head of the National Institutes of Health (NIH), are Muslims. American presidents have congratulated Muslims on religious holidays and often invite Muslim clergymen to important state functions, such as the funeral of former president Ronald Reagan.
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Cohen, Ariel. « Power or Ideology ». American Journal of Islam and Society 22, no 3 (1 juillet 2005) : 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v22i3.463.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The DebateQuestion 1: Various commentators have frequently invoked the importance of moderate Muslims and the role that they can play in fighting extremism in the Muslim world. But it is not clear who is a moderate Muslim. The recent cancellation of Tariq Ramadan’s visa to the United States, the raids on several American Muslim organizations, and the near marginalization of mainstream American Muslims in North America pose the following question: If moderate Muslims are critical to an American victory in the war on terror, then why does the American government frequently take steps that undermine moderate Muslims? Perhaps there is a lack of clarity about who the moderate Muslims are. In your view, who are these moderate Muslims and what are their beliefs and politics?
AC: I would like to say from the outset that I am neither a Muslim nor a sociologist. Therefore, my remarks should be taken as those of an interested and sympathetic outsider. I do not believe at all that the American government “undermines” moderate Muslims. The problem is more complicated. Many American officials abhor engagement in religion or the politics of religion. They believe that the American Constitution separates religion and state and does not allow them to make distinctions when it comes to different interpretations of Islam. For some of them, Salafiya Islam is as good as Sufi Islam. Others do not have a sufficient knowledge base to sort out the moderates from the radicals, identify the retrograde fundamentalists, or recognize modernizers who want political Islam to dominate. This is wrong. Radical ideologies have to do more with politics and warfare than religion, and, in some extreme cases, should not enjoy the constitutional protections of freedom of religion or free speech. There is a difference between propagating a faith and disseminating hatred, violence, or murder. The latter is an abuse and exploitation of faith for political ends, and should be treated as such. For example, the racist Aryan Nation churches were prosecuted and bankrupted by American NGOs and the American government. One of the problems is that the American government allows radical Muslims who support terrorism to operate with impunity in the United States and around the world, and does very little to support moderate Muslims, especially in the conflict zones. To me, moderate Muslims are those who do not view the “greater jihad” either as a pillar of faith or as a predominant dimension thereof. A moderate is one who is searching for a dialogue and a compromise with people who adhere to other interpretations of the Qur’an, and with those who are not Muslim. Amoderate Sunni, for example, will not support terror attacks on Shi`ahs or Sufis, or on Christians, Jews, or Hindus. Moderate Muslims respect the right of individuals to disagree, to worship Allah the way they chose, or not to worship – and even not to believe. Amoderate Muslim is one who is willing to bring his or her brother or sister to faith by love and logic, not by mortal threats or force of arms. Amoderate Muslim decries suicide bombings and terrorist “operations,” and abhors those clerics who indoctrinate toward, bless, and support such atrocities. The list of moderate Muslims is too long to give all or even a part of it here. Shaykh Muhammad Hisham Kabbani (chairman of the Islamic Supreme Council of America) and Sheikh Abdul Hadi Palazzi (secretarygeneral of the Rome-based Italian Muslim Association) come to mind. Ayatollah Ali Sistani may be a moderate, but I need to read more of his teachings. As the Wahhabi attacks against the Shi`ah escalate, Shi`i clerics and leaders are beginning to speak up. Examples include Sheikh Agha Jafri, a Westchester-based Pakistani Shi`ah who heads an organization called the Society for Humanity and Islam in America, and Tashbih Sayyed, a California-based Pakistani who serves as president of the Council for Democracy and Tolerance. I admire the bravery of Amina Wadud, a female professor of Islamic studies at Virginia Commonwealth University who led a mixed-gender Friday Islamic prayer service, according to Mona Eltahawy’s op-ed piece in The Washington Post on Friday, March 18, 2005 (“A Prayer Toward Equality”). Another brave woman is the co-founder of the Progressive Muslim Union of America, Sarah Eltantawi. And the whole world is proud of the achievements of Judge Shirin Ebadi, the Iranian human rights lawyer who was awarded the Nobel peace prize in 2003. There is a problem with the first question, however. It contains several assumptions that are debatable, to say the least, if not outright false. First, it assumes that Tariq Ramadan is a “moderate.” Nevertheless, there is a near-consensus that Ramadan, while calling for ijtihad, is a supporter of the Egyptian Ikhwan al-Muslimin [the Muslim Brotherhood] and comes from that tradition [he is the grandson of its founder, Hasan al-Banna]. He also expressed support for Yusuf al-Qaradawi (and all he stands for) on a BBC TVprogram, and is viewed as an anti-Semite. He also rationalizes the murder of children, though apparently that does not preclude the European Social Forum from inviting him to be a member. He and Hasan al-Turabi, the founder of the Islamic state in Sudan, have exchanged compliments. There are numerous reports in the media, quoting intelligence sources and ex-terrorists, that Ramadan associates with the most radical circles, including terrorists. In its decision to ban Ramadan, the United States Department of Homeland Security was guided by a number of issues, some of them reported in the media and others classified. This is sufficient for me to believe that Ramadan may be a security risk who, in the post-9/11 environment, could reasonably be banned from entering the United States.1 Second, the raids on “American Muslim organizations” are, in fact, a part of law enforcement operations. Some of these steps have had to do with investigations of terrorist activities, such as the alleged Libyan conspiracy to assassinate Crown Prince Abdullah of Saudi Arabia. Others focused on American Islamist organizations that were funding the terrorist activities of groups on the State Department’s terrorism watch list, such as Hamas. To say that these criminal investigations are targeting moderate Islam is like saying that investigating pedophile priests undermines freedom of religion in the United States. Finally, American Muslims are hardly marginalized. They enjoy unencumbered religious life and support numerous non-governmental organizations that often take positions highly critical of domestic and foreign policy – something that is often not the case in their countries of origin. There is no job discrimination – some senior Bush Administration officials, such as Elias A. Zerhouni, head of the National Institutes of Health (NIH), are Muslims. American presidents have congratulated Muslims on religious holidays and often invite Muslim clergymen to important state functions, such as the funeral of former president Ronald Reagan.
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Schutte, Camilo B. « Spain Tribunal Constitucional on the European Constitution. Declaration of 13 December 2004 ». European Constitutional Law Review 1, no 2 (19 mai 2005) : 281–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019605002816.
Texte intégralRésumé :
When thinking about the integration of the European sovereign states in the European Union, one does not need to be a euro-sceptic to perceive a big fish devouring little fish. Of course, the individuality of the different countries is assured in the European Union. Article I-5(1) of the European Constitution establishes that the Union shall respect their national identities inherent in their fundamental structures, political and constitutional, and their essential state functions, including ensuring the territorial integrity of the State, maintaining law and order and safeguarding national security. Europe is to be ‘United in diversity’. Yet, however considerate the Union may be of the various European countries, unity can exist only by the grace of all member states' loyally fulfilling their European obligations.
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Lytvynchuk, Anna. « Environmental aspects of agricultural policies of the European Union countries ». University Economic Bulletin, no 50 (31 août 2021) : 136–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.31470/2306-546x-2021-50-136-144.
Texte intégralRésumé :
At present, the state of the economy of the agricultural sector in many countries of the world, including in the countries of the European Union (EU), inherent in developed industry, has led to the transition to a new environmentally oriented agricultural policy. An important role is assigned to state support of agricultural producers, through subsidies, preferential credit policy, and in some countries, the complete abolition of taxation of entrepreneurial activity in rural areas, which confirms the relevance and national economic significance of the article. In domestic agroeconomic science and practice, there is no scientific concept of state participation in the process of bringing the agricultural sector out of the crisis. Research objectives – consider the development policy of the agricultural sector of the EU countries; study the level of state support for agricultural producers. The purpose of the work is to consider the degree of development of the agricultural policy of the EU countries in the context of ensuring food security. The methods and methodology of the research were general scientific, particular methods of cognition, including the historical and logical, the method of observation and comparison. Shows the main approaches to state regulation of the development of the agro-industrial sector at the level of the European Union as a whole and in the context of member countries; characteristic features and principles that determine the success and integrity of a unified agricultural policy; factors contributing to the productivity of agricultural land; agro-ecological requirements restricting the import of genetically modified products; the main tasks in the development of a new policy of the agrarian sector of the economy; priority directions of regulation of measures to support agricultural producers, integrated development of rural areas, increasing the competitiveness of the EU agricultural sector. The practical significance of the work lies in the fact that this study will allow the state bodies of Belarus to better understand how it is necessary to form an agricultural policy in the context of ensuring food security.
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Pawlikowski, John T. « Religion and Secularism in the European Union : State of Affairs and Current Debates ». Polish Review 64, no 4 (1 décembre 2019) : 108–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/polishreview.64.4.0108.
Texte intégral
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Miroshnikova, Elena, et Mikhail Smirnov. « Transformation of Religion in the European Union Countries as a Subject of Academic Research ». Contemporary Europe 5, no 91 (1 octobre 2019) : 122–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope52019122131.
Texte intégral
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Kulkova, A. Yu. « Religion or Communist Legacy ? (Influence of Religion on Attitudes towards Welfare State in European Countries) ». Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia 86, no 3 (2017) : 117–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2017-86-3-117-135.
Texte intégral
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Kuzmin, Sergey B. « Risk of Environmental Management in Countries of European Union ». Issues of Risk Analysis 18, no 3 (2 juillet 2021) : 46–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.32686/1812-5220-2021-18-3-46-63.
Texte intégralRésumé :
An assessment of the risk of environmental management for the countries of the European Union was carried out on the basis of two main criteria — natural hazard and protection from natural disasters. Natural hazard consists of natural processes of various origins — lithospheric, hydrospheric, atmospheric and biospheric, which are considered dangerous within the entire state according to official data, as well as protection from natural disasters and disasters at the state level. The last criterion is calculated on the basis of a number of socio-economic and environmental indicators for the EU countries: gross domestic product, the share of the working-age population and the population living below the poverty line, telecommunications and transport coefficients, life expectancy and literacy of the population, child mortality, and the intensity of environmental problems. The relationship between the level of economic development and the level of risk of environmental management in individual EU countries has not been established. So, highly developed countries fall into all risk categories: Italy. Austria and Germany — high risk, France, Netherlands and Belgium — medium risk, Luxembourg, Sweden, Denmark — low risk. Conversely, underdeveloped countries are also present in all categories: Cyprus, Bulgaria, Romania — high risk, Latvia. Lithuania — medium risk, Estonia — low risk. Therefore, when assessing the risk of environmental management, its subsequent analysis and management of natural and natural-man-made emergencies, one should not rely only on indicators of the level of economic development in countries, for example, GDP, as well as on environmental standards established, albeit at the international level, such as MPC, MPI of harmful substances in soils, plants, water bodies, atmospheric air, etc. Taking into account direct indicators and damage from past events in assessing the risk of natural resource use also suffers from a number of drawbacks. A differentiated approach is required.
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Grecu, Robert-Adrian. « Synchronization of Business Cycles in European Union Countries ». Proceedings of the International Conference on Business Excellence 16, no 1 (1 août 2022) : 217–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/picbe-2022-0021.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract The COVID-19 pandemic has affected economic activity worldwide. Despite the progress made by vaccination campaigns, important uncertainties still linger amid persistent global value chains disruptions and the ongoing energy crisis. A proper understanding of the behavior of the economy is therefore essential for future policy decisions. While there are plenty of studies regarding business cycles, using various methods from univariate filters to more complex methods, less papers focus on large scale comparisons. In this paper, we provide an overview of business cycles in European Union countries. We use the Hodrick-Prescott filter in order to measure the cyclical component of the gross domestic product and the Bry-Boschan-Quarterly algorithm for further analysis, namely the duration and the amplitude of the business cycles. Our results show that their size in European Union countries varies from 2.7 to 6 years and their amplitude is between 1.6 and 5.6 percentage points. We show that in developed economies, business cycles are more stable. Furthermore, strong correlations in terms of business cycles are found in the case of certain groups of countries, such as the Baltic ones or Belgium, Austria and France. In the case of Romania, its business cycle is more similar to the one of Bulgaria, Croatia and Slovenia. These results could provide useful information for policymakers in terms of future policy decisions conditional on both the current state of the economy and its structural characteristics. Under these circumstances, support measures should also take into consideration such properties of the economy.
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Nuszkiewicz, Krzysztof. « STATE AND PROSPECTS OF RENEWABLE ENERGY SOURCES IN SELECTED COUNTRIES OF THE EUROPEAN UNION ». sj-economics scientific journal 22, no 3 (31 octobre 2016) : 406–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.58246/sjeconomics.v22i3.304.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article presents the significance of renewable energy sources in selected countries of the European Community. These include the power of water, geothermal heat, sunlight, wind and biomass. Supporting the development of renewable energy resources has become an important objective of the European Union. Development of renewable energy resources use in the European Union has been given a priority status, both in political declarations as well as, most importantly, in the specific programmes implementation. Development of renewable energy industry is justified by a number of social, economic as well as ecological benefits.
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OROSZ, Ágnes, et Norbert SZIJÁRTÓ. « A MACRO-COMPARATIVE ASSESSMENT OF WELFARE STATE CONVERGENCE IN THE EUROPEAN UNION ». Management of Sustainable Development 13, no 1 (1 juin 2021) : 26–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.54989/msd-2021-0005.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In this paper, we provide a macro-comparative assessment of welfare state convergence. Using the welfare state regime approach, the paper analyses the development of main welfare state indicators within in the enlarged European Union. In this study we capitalize on descriptive statistics and a single convergence analysis based on standard deviation in order to capture alterations in national welfare models of 26 European countries and among acknowledged welfare regimes. Our fundamental aim is to seize on long-term processes (convergence, divergence, or persistence), so we cover almost a two-decade period starting at 2000. Our results, in general, suggest that convergence among welfare states (different indicator of social spending) of European countries is particularly weak, however convergence inside welfare regimes is significantly stronger apart from the Anglo-Saxon group. The pre-crisis period was characterized by a stronger convergence among European countries as a consequence of economic prosperity and intense EU intervention.
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Khúlová, Lucia. « Export into EFTA and transportation costs ». Studia Commercialia Bratislavensia 9, no 35 (1 décembre 2016) : 313–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/stcb-2016-0030.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract The Member States of the European Free Trade Association are the considerable opportunity for export, especially for countries of the European Union. The European Economic Area unites the Member States of European Union and Norway, Liechtenstein and Iceland (the three EFTA countries) into an Internal Market. The paper deals with comparison the basic data of EFTA Member States such as geography, infrastructure, GDP. Due to Logistics Performance Index, it is possible to compare the level of logistics and transportation conditions in selected countries. The export costs and delivery time from a one Member State of European Union to capital cities of EFTA Member States are identified by using online calculator of chosen integrators.
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Winzen, Thomas, et Frank Schimmelfennig. « Explaining differentiation in European Union treaties ». European Union Politics 17, no 4 (8 juillet 2016) : 616–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116516640386.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Since the early 1990s, European integration has become increasingly differentiated. Analysing the conditions under which member states make use of the opportunity to opt out of, or exclude other countries from, European integration, we argue that different explanations apply to treaty and accession negotiations, respectively. Threatening to block deeper integration, member states with strong national identities secure differentiations in treaty reform. In enlargement, in turn, old member states fear economic disadvantages and low administrative capacity and therefore impose differentiation on poor newcomers. Opt-outs from treaty revisions are limited to the area of core state powers, whereas they also occur in the market in the context of enlargement.
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Hoła, B., et M. Szóstak. « Analysis of the State of the Accident Rate in the Construction Industry in European Union Countries ». Archives of Civil Engineering 61, no 4 (1 décembre 2015) : 19–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ace-2015-0033.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article presents an analysis and evaluation of the accident rate in selected European Union countries. On the basis of available statistical data, the analysis of accidents in various sectors of the European Union economy was carried out. Afterwards, a ranking of countries regarding accidents in the construction industry was developed. For the selected representative countries, analysis of changes in the indicators which characterize the accident rate during the period between 2008 and 2012 was carried out. Conclusions resulting from the conducted research were formulated.