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1
Newton, Richard. « Hebrew, Hebrews, Hubris ? : Diagnosing Race and Religion in the Time of COVID-19 ». Religions 12, no 11 (19 novembre 2021) : 1020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12111020.
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This thought experiment in comparison ponders a Black man’s conviction that his Hebrew identity would make him immune to COVID-19. Surfacing the history of the claims and the scholar’s own suspicions, the paper examines the layered politics of identification. Contra an essentialist understanding of the terms, “Hebrew” and “Hebrews” are shown to be classificatory events, ones imbricated in the dynamics of racecraft. Furthermore, a contextualization of the “race religion” model of 19th century scholarship, 20th century US religio-racial movements, and the complicated legacy of Tuskegee in 21st century Black vaccine hesitancy help to outline the need for inquisitiveness rather than hubris in matters of comparison. In so doing, this working paper advances a model of the public scholar as a questioner of categories and a diagnostician of classification.
2
Altuntaş, Nezahat. « Religious Nationalism in a New Era : A Perspective from Political Islam ». African and Asian Studies 9, no 4 (2010) : 418–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156921010x534805.
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Abstract Nationalism is an ideology that has taken different forms in different times, locations, and situations. In the 19th century, classical liberal nationalism depended on the ties between the nation state and its citizenship. That form of nationalism was accompanied by “the state- and nation-building” processes in Europe. In the 20th century, nationalism transformed into ethnic nationalism, depending on ideas of common origin; it arose especially after World War I and II and after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Finally, at the beginning of 21st century, nationalism began to integrate with religion as a result of global political changes. The terrorist attack on the United States, and then the effects that the United States and its allies have created in the widespread Muslim geography, have added new and different dimensions to nationalism. The main aim of this study is to investigate the intersection points between religion and nationalism, especially in the case of political Islam.
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Meyer, Gaelin M. « Agency and the Critical Study of Religion ». Journal for the Study of Religion 35, no 1 (27 juillet 2022) : 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2413-3027/2022/v35n1a3.
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The critical study of religion is enchanted by modern problematics, and this limits the feasibility of the project. Both secularity and modernity have been deconstructed in recent decades, but the primacy of the modern and secular agentic human remains largely unchallenged. Tracing this trend back in European history shows that a definitive collapsing of agency was necessary for the development of modern political and social structures. Modern prescriptions on agency limit the study of religion - a domain which is largely constituted by narratives involving non-human agents. A remedy for the impasse may be found in looking to a nonmodern conceptual apparatus for new avenues in theory-making and applying these concepts to the critical study of religion in the 21st century.
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Zakharov, Ivan. « State Regulation of the Activities of Faith-Based Organizations in African Countries in the Late 20th — Early 21st Centuries : Macro-Regional Tendencies ». ISTORIYA 13, no 6 (116) (2022) : 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840021692-0.
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The article focuses on reasons and manifestations of restrictive policies on the operation of religious and faith-based organizations (FBO) on the example of Africa. The problem is regarded as a result of (1) intensification of religious competition during the transformation of the African religious landscape, and (2) developing self-reliance and efficiency of religious organizations and FBO’s throughout the implementation of the “humanitarian” or “civilizing” mission. The later allowed some of these organizations to take place of the key economic and political actors in the region in the end of the 20th century. The research combines quantitative and qualitative methods of geography of religion, history, political science, and incorporates a vast number of sources. It allowed to reveal shifts in the Africa religious landscape’s structure in 1910–2010; to assess the scale of “humanitarian” mission; to evaluate the legislative framework for the operation of religious organizations and FBO’s in African countries and actual restrictions applied to them. Established, that the change of historical context of religious organizations’ activities and their interaction with the authorities in the end of the 20th century manifested itself in the stricter control on the operation of organizations affiliated with religion. This claim supported by the evidence from countries of North Africa, Sudan-Sahel Corridor, Rwanda, Kenya, Zambia, etc. Governments always declare that restrictive measures are implemented due to the need to treat their citizens, but in reality, it may also pursue other aims, such as: to support of certain religions (religious favoritism), to gain or re-establish state’s monopoly of the exercise of public authority, including through the counter radical groups, which affiliate themselves with a religion. However, restrictive policies have also impacted religious organizations and FBO’s that provide essential services for the large number of vulnerable communities. Such practices may have disruptive consequences on the socio-economic and political development of the continent.
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Weller, Paul. « Religious Minorities and Freedom of Religion or Belief in the uk ». Religion & ; Human Rights 13, no 1 (27 mars 2018) : 76–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18710328-13011160.
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Abstract By particular reference to the polity of the uk, this article discusses issues and options for groups identified as “religious minorities” in relation to issues of “religious freedom”. It does so by seeking to ensure that such contemporary socio-legal discussions are rooted empirically in the full diversity of the uk’s contemporary religious landscape, while taking account of (especially) 19th century (mainly Christian) historical antecedents. It argues that properly to understand the expansion in scope and substance of religious freedom achieved in the 19th century that account needs to be taken of the agency of the groups that benefited from this. Finally, it argues this history can be seen as a “preconfiguration” of the way in which religious minorities have themselves acted as key drivers for change in relevant 20th and 21st century uk law and social policy and could continue to do so in possible futures post-Brexit Referendum.
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Cevik, Neslihan. « The Muslimist Self and Fashion : Implications for Politics and Markets ». Numen 66, no 4 (18 juin 2019) : 422–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685276-12341547.
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AbstractThis article introduces the rise of a new religious expression, Muslimism, in Turkey at the turn of the 21st century. I identify Muslimism as a prominent example of a new global category of religion, New Religious Orthodoxies (NRO). Muslimism and NROs neither reject nor submit to global modernity but engage aspects of it using religious categories. I then link Muslimism and NROs to the broader discussions on Muslim subjectivity formation, looking at Islamic fashion and how Muslimists respond to global modernity and its imaginaries, practices, and institutions. My empirical findings show that, historically, Islamic fashion has functioned as a site of hybridity, allowing pious Muslim females to resist binary patterns of identity, public space, and everyday activities, to challenge authoritarian formulations of religious community and redefine the (female) self as a legitimate moral and cultural agent by tapping into key Islamic notions. These findings have broad implications. Theoretically, they show that even in an area such as Islamic fashion, reduced by many as an oxymoron created by market forces, Muslim subjectivity formation goes beyond the choices of rejection of modernity or assimilation of Islam. Mapping these possibilities reveals greater insights into how religious groups engage modernity while remaining within the limits of orthodoxy, as well as their potent agency in challenging existing sources of self-formation and collective identity. Regarding policy, Muslimism illustrates a third way between fundamentalism and aggressive secularism that can negotiate tensions between religious orthodoxy and individual rights, the secular state and moral freedoms, and the West and Islam.
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Gathogo, Julius Mutugi. « ECCLESIASTICAL AND POLITICAL LEADERSHIPS IN ONE ARMPIT : CELEBRATING THE LIFE OF THOMAS KALUME (1925-75) ». Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 41, no 3 (12 mai 2016) : 92–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2412-4265/451.
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As Kenya celebrates her 52nd year of independence on 12th December 2015, the name of Thomas Johnson Kuto Kalume re-appears, as a great hero whom Kenyans have always wanted to forget. Indeed, he was a Kenyan politician and the first Clergyman to be elected as a Member of Parliament (MP) in the history of the National Assembly. Rev. Kalume was a composer and co-producer of the Kenyan national anthem, which was recorded in English and Swahili in September 1963 and inaugurated by Kenya’s founding President, Jomo Kenyatta, at Uhuru Gardens on December 12, 1963 during the independence celebrations. Critically important is that Kalume is the second Anglican Kenyan to obtain a University degree in Theology after John Mbiti. He was followed by Henry Okullu and David Gitari who emerged fourth. The article sets out to retrace Kalume’s pedigree, theology, and philosophy, as he navigated through troubled waters in the young republic of Kenya. What led to his early death on March 15, 1975 after serving only one parliamentary term (1969-74)? What motivated him to join both the church ministry and later elective politics? How did he view the service to God and humanity? How did he juxtapose religion and politics without losing his gospel constituency? What lessons does Kalume have for the 21st century Africa, particularly with regard to keeping Ecclesiastical and Political Leaderships in one armpit? Was Kalume’s case rooted in African religious heritage, a phenomenon where there is no dichotomization between the secular (politics) and the sacred (religion)? To this end, the article focuses mainly on the manner in which the memory of Thomas Johnson Kuto Kalume has been celebrated and/or reconstructed half a century after Kenya’s independence. By use of ex-post facto design, a phenomenon where variables have already occurred and are not manipulated by the researcher, the article has endeavored to retrieve Kalume’s societal contribution largely through archival and oral sources.
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Alaverdov, Emilia. « The Politicization of Islamic Society in Post Soviet Russia ». Journal of Education Culture and Society 11, no 1 (27 juin 2020) : 303–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.15503/jecs2020.1.303.311.
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Aim. The paper analyses the Islamic revival in Russia in the late 20th century and early 21st. This was reflected in the registration of religious communities, the publication of periodicals on Muslim literature, and, in my opinion, most importantly - the construction of mosques and madrassas. It highlights the roles of mosques and madrassas built in the North Caucasus, which later became the theological centers for the spread of Islam and educated youngsters according to their propaganda.
Methods. The study mainly uses an analysis method based on the study of historicism, documents and empirical material. The basis of the source are books, scientific articles, research works conducted by Russian and foreign experts.
Results. The post-Soviet wars (1994-1996 and 1999-2000) in Chechnya contributed to the politicisation and realisation of Islam in this region. In 1996-1999 there were 26 Sharia courts, numerous Islamic parties, charitable foundations and organisations in the republic and, most importantly, structures of Wahhabi organisations (Akaev, n.d.). The process of politicisation gradually turned into organisational formations in Russia in the late 1980s and early 1990s.
Conclusion. The constructive transformation by reinforcing the modernist potentials of Islam has contributed to the real renewal of Russian Muslim societies, which led to the radicalisation of the whole region. The described events have shown that for the last 20 years, the revival of religious Islam was a revival of political organisations and activities, where religion is connected to politics and criminal activities. A small North Caucasian republic immediately turned up at the center of Russia's recent history.
Key Words: Islam, politics, revival, radicalization, Russia, North Caucasus
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Adega, Andrew Philips, Daniel Terna Degarr et Myom Terkura. « Ator A Zan Adua (Christian Traditional Rulers) and Tiv Culture in the 21st Century ». International Journal of Culture and History 8, no 2 (8 août 2021) : 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijch.v8i2.18915.
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The chieftaincy and traditional rulership institution is dynamic and one of the most enduring legacies from traditional African societies. Until the coming of the colonialists, the traditional institution led by chiefs, emirs, obas, Ezes, etc performed legislative and judicial functions as well as political, religious, social and economic roles etc. The chieftaincy and traditional rulership institution among the Tiv was not organised in a systematic manner until the creation of the Tor Tiv stool in 1946. With several reformations, the chieftaincy institution has taken a definite stage in Tiv society. However, the problem of the study has to do with the fact that there has arisen in the Tiv chieftaincy scene; the ator a zan adua (Christian traditional rulers) who rather than protect and preserve Tiv cultural heritage are in the vanguard of the corrosion of a culture they had taken an oath to protect and preserve. If prompt action is not taken by the Tiv, their culture would soon disappear as these ator a zan adua have “churchmentised” and Christianised Tiv culture. As scholars of Tiv History, Religion and Culture, the researchers are alarmed at this cultural imperialism being perpetrated by Tiv traditional rulers. The study adopts the historical, descriptive and evaluative methods. In data collection, the primary and secondary methods have been adopted. In the primary source, oral interviews and the observation methods have been used; whereas in the secondary sources of data collection, documented sources from books, journal articles, newspapers and e-sources have been employed. The study established that by the orientation of ator a zan a dua as Christians, they are on the verge of completely supplanting Tiv culture with a foreign one. The study noted that culture gives an identity to a group of people and without it, they cannot be defined. In view of this challenge, the study made various suggestions as means of preserving and sustaining Tiv cultural heritage for generations yet unborn. One of these suggestions is that traditional rulers in Tiv be made to take their oath of office by Swem (the Tiv symbol of justice) so that when they renege on their oath, they would immediately bear the consequences (death by swollen stomach, limbs and severe headache). The study concluded that Tiv culture must not be sacrificed on the altar of Christianity by anybody not even the ator (traditional rulers).
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Vasylenko, Dmytro. « METAPHORICAL ALLUSION IN MILITARY POLITICAL DISCOURSE ». Scientific Journal of Polonia University 50, no 1 (28 avril 2022) : 138–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.23856/5016.
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The research paper is devoted to the diachronic analysis of political metaphoric allusions based on military terms in the English language. The study determines the ways of political military discourse allusions development in the 20th and at the beginning of the 21st century. The main objective of this work is to afford deeper insights into the genuine nature of metaphoric allusions, defining their forms, types and functions. The semantic and functional issues related to metaphoric allusions in the sphere of politics are the subject of the article, which has the aim of providing their interpretations, investigating their sources and use. The methods of research: empiric research, monitoring of mass media and multimedia content, classification, content analysis, semantic analysis. War words and phrases used by politicians in public addresses prone to generate new shades of meanings through military intertextual patterns and enrich the work by association thus giving it depth by revealing an implicit nature in political discourse through allusion. Its universal character has become common knowledge and ubiquitous in all walks of life. Being a figure of speech through which some counterparts are compared on the basis of their aspects to history, culture, mythology, literature, war and religion. Metaphoric allusions fill lexical gaps, characterize and deepen the understanding of the essence of existing objects.” Using war metaphoric allusions shuffles categorization in insidious ways. As such, politicians call for obedience rather than awareness and appeal to our patriotism, not to our solidarity”. (Costanza Musu , 2020: April 8). The core ideas are often taken from common sources, like war, battle, conflict which usually refer to some sort of competition, fight, or struggle and serve as a means of intertexuality in further semantic transformation in political domain acquiring a novice emotional charge.
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Zabiyako, A. P. « Study of Religion as a Strict Science ». Concept : philosophy, religion, culture, no 3 (17 novembre 2019) : 47–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2541-8831-2019-3-11-47-64.
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The present article by Andrey Pavlovich Zabiyako, the Doctor of Philosophy, professor, the head of the department of religious studies and history, the head of the laboratory of archeology and anthropology of Amur state university, professor of department of philosophy and religious studies of School of arts and the humanities of Far Eastern Federal University, the editor-in-chief of the “Religious studies”, brings up and discusses the main questions and problems of modern religious studies as a science. According to him, religious studies arose already more than a hundred years ago, but the process of its isolation from other types of scientific and unscientific knowledge is still incomplete; therefore there is a need of an accurate boundary demarcation of religious studies as a science. First of all these lines should be drawn on the fields of contact of religious studies with philosophy and theology. Such a boundary demarcation is a guarantee of successful interaction between different types of knowledge. The development of religious studies is caused first of all by the progress of humanitarian and natural sciences. Since the beginning of the 21st century the latest discoveries in the field of anthropogenesis and culture genesis has had a particular importance for the science of religion. Huge successes of archeology and anthropology led actually to scientific revolution in understanding of the problems of origin and evolution of mankind, its culture, religion. Religious studies is a science which comprises, on the one hand, the level of knowledge of fundamental type, on the other hand, the level of applied knowledge. Religion is closely twisted in surrounding reality of social, political, ethnic life. Therefore examination problem is one of the most important issues of religious studies as a strict science. The procedure for the materials’ scientific expertise, methods of interpretation of empirical data, and outputs should be based on a uniform, strictly scientific basis within the expert community. Developing fundamental and applied components, the religious studies approves itself not only as a strict, but also as a necessary science.
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Qureshi, Faisal Ahmad. « Islam and Statism : At the intersection of the State of Medina, Modern Statism and the Islamic State ». Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 7, no 11 (2 décembre 2020) : 349–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.711.9356.
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Since the Arab Spring and the rise of Islamic State, it has become a topic of discussion whether there can be a state based on Islamic principles or values. This paper argues that in modern times there cannot be a state claiming to be Islamic. So the Islamic State of Iraq and Levant or the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria or simply the Islamic State were all misnomers. After the Hijra in 7th century CE, the short lived State of Medina incorporated some of the Islamic principles and it too did not last long enough so as to appreciate the feasibility of a State that was Islamic. However, this paper doesn’t deny the fact that the States cannot espouse Islam as a directive principle in their state policy or declaration of Islam as the state religion. Nonetheless, it is argued that no state can be Islamic post the peace of Westphalia (1648). Therefore, in the 21st century there cannot be any actualization of any Islamic State unless the postcolonial history is normatively challenged. The so-called Islamic state that emerged in Syria & Iraq was a coalition of rebel forces and Mujahideen groups that tried to form a caliphate based on Islamic socio-politico and economic principles, however a futile attempt. For any new Islamic State or a caliphate to emerge, the notion of Westphalian demarcation of boundaries stands as the greatest challenge against it.
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Popov, Maxim. « Russia’s Most Volatile Region : Contemporary Extremist Threats to Global Security in the North Caucasus ». Russian Politics 7, no 1 (8 mars 2022) : 98–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/24518921-00604013.
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Abstract At the beginning of the 21st century in the North Caucasus, the processes of depoliticizing ethnicity, which created an opportunity for a democratic restructuring of regional politics, gave way to the process of politicizing religion. A new stage of politicized regional identity, which began in the middle of the 2000s, in contrast to the beginning and the middle of the 1990s, is characterized by an active confessional factor in conflict processes in Russia’s most volatile region. Religious extremism as a protracted threat to regional and global security is becoming the main source of North Caucasian large-scale demodernization and ethnic mobilization. Current approaches to combating terrorism and extremism fuel existing social instability, inequality, disintegration, resentment and discontent with regional and federal authorities. As a result of many years of Russian counter-terrorism strategies (including the strategy of ‘collective responsibility’), the Caucasus Emirate has disintegrated and is almost non-functioning, however, this is also explained by an ideological expansion of ISIS in the region. Today, ISIS propaganda and reemerging Taliban find their audience between North Caucasian youth, agitating them to embark on the path of global jihad in Russia or abroad. Remaining unresolved and unsettled, protracted regional conflicts turn into religious extremism, giving rise to a new round of violence, the likelihood of overcoming which is significantly reduced. The long-term activities of ISIS and the growing role of the Taliban create favorable conditions for the further transformation of the North Caucasus into one of the influential geopolitical centers of contemporary jihadism.
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Ochirova, Nina, et Nadmidyn Sukhebaatar. « Kalmykia in the Space of Russian-Mongolian Relations in the 20th – Early 21st Centuries : Historical and Cultural Aspect ». Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no 5 (novembre 2021) : 191–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.5.15.
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Introduction This article within the framework of Russian-Mongolian relations examines the regional aspect of cultural cooperation between Mongolia and Kalmykia in the Soviet and post-Soviet periods. The authors investigated a wide range of problems related to the place and role of Kalmykia in the history of Russian-Mongolian relations, studied the development of multifaceted interaction between two kindred peoples. Methods and materials. From a methodological point of view, this study is an experience of building a comprehensive vision of the problem. An interdisciplinary, comprehensive approach to solving current research problems makes it possible to synthesize all relevant aspects of studying the historical and cultural aspects of regional cooperation between Kalmykia and Mongolia within the framework of Russian-Mongolian relations. Analysis. 2021 marks the 100th anniversary of the establishment of Soviet-Mongolian official diplomatic relations. The Agreement between Mongolia and Russia signed on November 5, 1921 strengthened the military-political cooperation between the two countries, served as a broad international recognition of Mongolia as a sovereign state and played an important stabilizing role in the difficult situation in the Far East. In the 90s of the last century, Russia and Mongolia engaged in profound transformations. The scale of the work carried out by our countries demanded to shift all their attention to solving internal problems, which undoubtedly had a negative impact on the level of relations between the two states. Later, having solved the problems of radical transformations of society, Russia and Mongolia began to restore relations, but on completely new principles. In these conditions, along with other industries, the sphere of cultural interaction between Russia and Mongolia, the development of regional cooperation, becomes significant. One of the Russian regions is Kalmykia, which is linked with Mongolia by ancient historical roots, the unity of culture, religion, language and tradition. These factors play an important role in the further strengthening of good neighborly relations between Russia and Mongolia, in the development of regional cultural cooperation. Results. Studying the history of interaction between the two fraternal peoples in the past and present in the aspect of Russian-Mongolian relations provides rich material for an objective assessment of events in specific historical conditions. Kalmykia, like the border regions of Russia, makes a certain contribution to the strengthening of Russian-Mongolian relations.
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Ermolin, Evgeniy A. « Dialogue of cultures in the aspect of modern educational strategies : problems of studying Chinese culture in Russian education process ». World of Russian-speaking countries 3, no 9 (2021) : 91–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.20323/2658-7866-2021-3-9-91-103.
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The article is devoted to the dialogue of cultures in the context of modern educational strategies and justifies the importance of Chinese themes in Russian culture. Despite the fact that until very recently the Russian-Chinese dialogue has mainly taken place in the political and economic space, and the actual cultural communications were selective and unsystematic, in the 21st century the Great Silk Road has a chance to become a signal artery for Eurasia, a chord of permanent intercultural communications, and an instrument of cultural transfer. The author proves that an urgent task today is the reflection of the prospects in Russian-Eastern (and Russian-Chinese in particular) polylogue in the sphere of culture and educational activity, substantiates the importance of learning the basics of Far Eastern Chinese civilization and creating the potential for mutual understanding and productive dialogue. The author focuses on educational perspectives of such a dialogue in contemporary Russia, describing a project to mobilize the resources of cultural polylogue that he personally implemented at the Yaroslavl state pedagogical university named after K. D. Ushinsky, as well as at universities in Moscow (Moscow State University, Institute for the History of Cultures) and at the Mirzo Ulugbek National University (Tashkent). The presented program of studying classical Chinese culture is based on providing students with a systematic and holistic view of cultural synthesis in China as a sophisticated, bright intellectual, aesthetic and practical experience of harmonizing multidirectional spiritual principles, which allows to talk about the deep integrity of culture, its richness, its actualization potential, about the basis of religion and philosophy, about art, way of life, and mentality.
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Drinova, Elena. « Political and Communicative Interaction in Public Space Between the Russian Government and the Russian Orthodox Church : Directions and Priorities ». Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no 4 (août 2021) : 41–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.4.4.
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Introduction. The aim of the work was to analyze the leading directions of interaction between the state and religious authorities in the modern public space. It is shown that the result of this interaction was the politicization of the Russian Orthodox Church (hereinafter ROC). It is proved that in recent decades the Church continues to exert direct and indirect influence on the state, which, in turn, uses its spiritual potential to stabilize the socio-political system. Methods and materials. Institutional and modernization approaches were used as the research methodology. Within the framework of the institutional approach, an analysis of the interaction of government structures and the ROC in the context of adaptation, cooperation and competition in the course of democratic transformations in the country was carried out. Within the framework of the modernization approach J. Haber formulates the fundamental thesis on the increasing role of religion in a secular (modernizing) society and its strengthening in the national state. Analysis. It is noted that in the 1990s the leading direction of interaction between the state and the ROC was exclusively the political sphere, which was associated with the democratization of public life, the involvement of the clergy in political modernization. At the beginning of the 21st century the state proclaimed a course towards depoliticizing the institution of religion. The activities of political religious parties were prohibited. Subsequently, the ruling United Russia party began to focus on mutually beneficial partnership with the ROC, priority was given to the patriotic education of young people. The result of joint activities of the Main Military-Political Directorate of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation and the ROC was the formation of a new type of soldier, a bearer of spiritual and moral values, a statesman, defender of the Fatherland. The ROC, as the dominant religious figure in the public space, actively participates in the domestic and foreign policy of the country, challenging other confessional structures. The highest officials of the state and the church share the common values of conservatism, but at the same time, each of them defends its own interests, which initiates the limitation of their mutual support. Results. The state power, together with the ROC, solves internal political problems, including the formation of spiritual, moral, patriotic constants in modern Russian society. In the context of the sanctions policy, the activity of the ROC as a conductor of the “soft power” of the state contributes to the improvement of the countrys image. The result of the interaction of state and religious structures is the formation of a new ideological paradigm based on the principles of religious ethics, conservative values, as well as national identity, patriotism.
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Lydin, Nikolai N. « Main Scientific Fields of Modern English-Language Historiography of the Thirty Years' War History ». Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no 472 (2021) : 128–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/472/15.
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The article explores the history of the Danish period of the Thirty Years' War in the English-language historiography of the 20th and 21st centuries. The main characteristics of British historiography at the beginning of Modern History are presented. The article gives a brief overview of the main scientific patterns of studying events of the Danish period. English-language historiography refers not only to achievements of scientists from the United Kingdom and the United States, but also to publications of any other European historians made in English and actively used in historical society. In general, the use of achievements of scientists from other countries in the study of the Thirty Years' War history is quite typical for English-language historiography. This can be explained by the situation when parallelly with this “continental” war came the outcome of the English Civil War, which is steadily more interesting for British historians. The English-language historiography of the Thirty Years' War at the present stage represents both traditional themes of military history and new topics that appeared in the second half of the 20th century. Among the traditional, we can highlight descriptions of various military campaigns and battles, biographies of talented generals, kings and politicians. Among the new, we can note different attempts to expand the chronological and territorial framework of the war, as well as the use of the Thirty Years' War as one of the illustrations of the processes of military revolution or evolution in the European military art and technologies of the 16th-17th centuries. In relation to the Danish period, the concept that evaluates the war as a catalyst for further changes in the Danish political structure seems to be the most relevant. In general, the historiography of the Thirty Years' War can be characterized as successive, using many of predecessors' achievements; on the other hand, there is a high degree of openness in British and American scientific community for foreign researchers and the emergence of a sufficiently large number of fundamentally new areas of research. At the same time, unfortunately, the Thirty Years' War is still not the most demanded topic of military history, substantially inferior to the national English and American, as well as Modern History, topics. The Danish period of the war turned out to be the least interesting for historians. Its chronological arrangement between the issues of religion and the alignment of forces at the beginning of the war and the Swedish “military revolution” leads to the fact that the Danish period remains a rather poorly studied stage of the Thirty Years' War.
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BURKE, PETER. « Introduction ». European Review 14, no 1 (3 janvier 2006) : 99–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798706000081.
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A preoccupation with hybridity is natural in a period like ours marked by increasingly frequent and intense cultural encounters. Globalization encourages hybridization. However we react to it, the globalizing trend is impossible to miss, from curry and chips – recently voted the favourite dish in Britain – to Thai saunas, Zen Judaism, Nigerian Kung Fu or ‘Bollywood’ films. The process is particularly obvious in the domain of music, in the case of such hybrid forms and genres as jazz, reggae, salsa or, more recently, Afro-Celtic rock. New technology (including, appropriately enough, the ‘mixer’), has obviously facilitated this kind of hybridization.It is no wonder then that a group of theorists of hybridity have made their appearance, themselves often of double or mixed cultural identity. Homi Bhabha for instance, is an Indian who has taught in England and is now in the USA. Stuart Hall, who was born in Jamaica of mixed parentage, has lived most of his life in England and describes himself as ‘a mongrel culturally, the absolute cultural hybrid’. Ien Ang describes herself as ‘an ethnic Chinese, Indonesian-born and European-educated academic who now lives and works in Australia’. The late Edward Said was a Palestinian who grew up in Egypt, taught in the USA and described himself as ‘out of place’ wherever he was located.The work of these and other theorists has attracted growing interest in a number of disciplines, from anthropology to literature, from geography to art history, and from musicology to religious studies. In this issue, the contributions discuss Africa, Japan and the Americas as well as Europe and range from the 16th century to the 21st, from religion to architecture and from clothing to the cinema.
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Agensky, Jonathan C. « Recognizing religion : Politics, history, and the “long 19th century” ». European Journal of International Relations 23, no 4 (12 janvier 2017) : 729–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066116681428.
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Analyses of religion and international politics routinely concern the persistence of religion as a critical element in world affairs. However, they tend to neglect the constitutive interconnections between religion and political life. Consequently, religion is treated as exceptional to mainstream politics. In response, recent works focus on the relational dimensions of religion and international politics. This article advances an “entangled history” approach that emphasizes the constitutive, relational, and historical dimensions of religion — as a practice, discursive formation, and analytical category. It argues that these public dimensions of religion share their conditions of possibility and intelligibility in a political order that crystallized over the long 19th century. The neglect of this period has enabled International Relations to treat religion with a sense of closure at odds with the realities of religious political behavior and how it is understood. Refocusing on religion’s historical entanglements recovers the concept as a means of explaining international relations by “recognizing” how it is constituted as a category of social life. Beyond questions of the religious and political, this article speaks to renewed debates about the role of history in International Relations, proposing entanglement as a productive framing for international politics more generally.
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KAPLAN, GRANT. « GETTING HISTORY INTO RELIGION ? APPROPRIATING NOSTRA AETATE FOR THE 21ST CENTURY ». Heythrop Journal 52, no 5 (26 juillet 2011) : 802–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2265.2011.00680.x.
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Chibi, Andrew A., et Ian W. Archer. « Religion, Politics, and Society in Sixteenth-Century England ». Sixteenth Century Journal 36, no 3 (1 octobre 2005) : 857. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20477515.
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Nader, Helen, Ian Macpherson et Angus MacKay. « Love, Religion and Politics in Fifteenth Century Spain ». Sixteenth Century Journal 32, no 2 (2001) : 471. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2671756.
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Loades, David. « Review : Religion, Politics and Society in Sixteenth-Century England ». English Historical Review 120, no 485 (1 février 2005) : 212–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cei067.
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Di Stefano, Roberto. « Religion, Politics and Law in 19th Century Latin America ». Rechtsgeschichte - Legal History 2010, no 16 (2010) : 117–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.12946/rg16/117-120.
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Breen, John. « “CONVENTIONAL WISDOM” AND THE POLITICS OF SHINTO IN POSTWAR JAPAN ». POLITICS AND RELIGION JOURNAL 4, no 1 (1 juin 2010) : 68–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj0401068b.
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In January 2010, the Supreme Court delivered a historic verdict of unconstitutionality in a case involving Sorachibuto, a Shinto shrine in Sunagawa city, Hokkaido. All of the national newspapers featured the case on their front pages. As the case makes abundantly clear, issues of politics and religion, politics and Shinto, are alive and well in 21st century Japan. In this essay, I seek to shed light on the fraught relationship between politics and Shinto from three perspectives. I first analyze the Sorachibuto case, and explain what is at stake, and why it has attracted the attention it has. I then contextualize it, addressing the key state-Shinto legal disputes in the post war period: from the 1970s through to the first decade of the 21st century. Here my main focus falls on the state, and its efforts to cultivate Shinto. In the final section, I shift that focus to the Shinto establishment, and explore its efforts to reestablish with a succession of post LDP administrations the sort of intimacy, which Shinto enjoyed with the state in the early 20th century.
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Aune, Kristin. « Representations of Religion on the British Feminist Webzine The F Word ». Religion and Gender 5, no 2 (19 février 2015) : 165–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.18352/rg.10122.
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In 21st century Europe, where religion is a more visible focus in local, national and global politics, how do feminist organisations and groups approach religion? This article explores this through analysis of representations of religion on a prominent British feminist webzine, The F Word. In academic literature and public debates, two dominant viewpoints are articulated in debates on women’s rights, religion and secularism: feminist secularism and religious inclusion. In the context of these debates, the study asks how The F Word writers approach religion, and whether and how their representations of religion reflect these academic and public debates. The analysis identifies four dominant approaches to religion, and two underlying themes, and sets these approaches in their wider social context.
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Zahariadis, Nikolaos. « Orthodox Christianity in 21st Century Greece : The Role of Religion in Culture, Ethnicity and Politics ». Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies 14, no 4 (décembre 2012) : 476–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19448953.2012.747875.
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Dépret, Isabelle. « Orthodox Christianity in 21st Century Greece : the Role of Religion in Culture, Ethnicity and Politics ». Religion, State and Society 40, no 3-4 (septembre 2012) : 419–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09637494.2012.734466.
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Reynolds, Jonathan T. « The Politics of History ». Journal of Asian and African Studies 32, no 1-2 (1997) : 50–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685217-90007281.
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The influence of religion in Nigerian politics can be traced in particular to the Islamic/political legacy of the nineteenth-century Sokoto Caliphate. The legacy of this Islamic state has dramatically influenced Nigerian politics, which became particularly evident during the period of political activity in the 1950s and the subsequent events that stemmed from this activity. The Sokoto Caliphate as a model of government in northern Nigeria was in fact problematic because it only represented part of an historical tradition that was strongly affected by violence and resistance to Islamic expansion. Hence the Caliphate has been a source of tension rather than integration at the national level.
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Fuller, Louise. « Religion, politics and socio-cultural change in twentieth-century ireland ». European Legacy 10, no 1 (février 2005) : 41–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1084877052000321976.
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Draženko, Tomić, et Vladimir Legac. « REGION, RELIGION AND POLITICS PRESENTED ON RADIO BY PROFESSOR MANDICA MANJA KOVAČEVIĆ, PH.D. » Különleges Bánásmód - Interdiszciplináris folyóirat 6, no 3 (29 septembre 2020) : 111–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.18458/kb.2020.3.111.
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Doctor Mandica Manja Kovačević (1929–2011) was a professor at several Croatian teacher training colleges (Čakovec, Kutina, and Gospić) and the author of three books and some 60 papers in various journals. She moderated a weekly ten-minute program for the local radio station in Gospić in the first decade of the 21st century. Thus, more than 300 radio contributions were produced, of which seventy were published in the book “Life on the Highest Wave” (Gospić, 2010). By researching and presenting phonographic recordings not included in the aforementioned book, this paper focused on the topics dealing with the affairs from the Croatian society in the first decade of the 21 century serving as an original sample by means of which Professor Kovačević had presented her personal views and attitudes resulting from life experience and local and traditional expectations. Professor Kovečević’s original reviews have attracted the attention of a large number of listeners because they have been able to find answers to questions that are usually contemplated by a contemporary man torn apart between existential challenges and spiritual search.
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Raja, Muhammad Yasin Sultan, Muhammad Rehan Zafar et Sidra Sulman Malik. « Dynamics of Sino Russian Cooperation : History and future Prospects ». Global International Relations Review V, no III (30 septembre 2022) : 35–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/girr.2022(v-iii).05.
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After the end of the cold war international politics had moved from bi-polar to uni-polar resulting in instability. The United States of America to achieve her geo strategic interests took aggressive action which made other states insecure. We have witnessed a rise in the number of wars happened in the last decade of the 20th century and the first decade of the 21st century. The Middle East is still facing the aftershocks of Arab Spring and the Europe is still divided the way it was during the cold war. To counter the hegemonic designs of the United States of America and its allies Sino Russian cooperation has tried to balance the dynamics of International power power politics. This Sino Russian cooperation is based on an economic, strategic and political level. The very nature of this Sino Russian cooperation revolves around the integration of interests and inclusiveness of other likeminded states. In the second decade of the 21st Century this cooperation has evolved at the international level as an alternative to the Western political block led by the USA
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Balot, Ryan K. « Epilogue : Identity, Politics, Power : From Classical Antiquity to the 21st Century ». Polis : The Journal for Ancient Greek and Roman Political Thought 38, no 1 (14 janvier 2021) : 127–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340311.
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Benedict, Philip, et Jill Raitt. « The Colloquy of Montbeliard : Religion and Politics in the Sixteenth Century. » American Historical Review 99, no 5 (décembre 1994) : 1677. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2168441.
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Boafo-Arthur, Kwame. « Chieftaincy in Ghana : Challenges and Prospects in the 21st Century ». African and Asian Studies 2, no 2 (2003) : 125–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920903322149400.
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AbstractThe paper delineates what is seen as key challenges to the chieftaincy institution in Ghana. Historical challenges in the form of colonial attempts to sidestep the institution and the attempts by the immediate post independence governments to subjugate and divest them of their economic strength through drastic laws, never cowed the institution. Currently, the 1992 Fourth Republic Constitution bars chiefs from participating in partisan politics thus infringing on their inalienable right of free association. The responses of chiefs to current challenges include the setting up of education funds, participating in HIV/AIDS education, and sensitizing the people on the dangers of environmental degradation. In sum, the noted resilience of the institution will once more assist in containing the challenges to the institution in the 21st century.
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Moore, Jacqueline. « The New Politics of Race : From Du Bois to the 21st Century ». Journal of American Ethnic History 23, no 3 (1 avril 2004) : 134–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27501479.
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Wile, Douglas. « Taijiquan y Taoísmo. De religión a arte marcial, de arte marcial a religión ». Revista de Artes Marciales Asiáticas 3, no 1 (19 juillet 2012) : 8. http://dx.doi.org/10.18002/rama.v3i1.345.
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<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; margin: 0cm 0cm 6pt;"><span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;" lang="EN-GB"><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;">This study explores the ways in which the construction and deconstruction of a martial arts-Daoism connection has figured in political ideology, national iden-tity, and commercial interest during the past 400 years of Chinese history. Focusing on the taijiquan-Daoism-Zhang Sanfeng nexus, it traces the wrapping of a martial art in indigenous religious garb during the periods of Manchu rule, Japanese occupation, and post-Mao 21st century. It concludes by reporting on a contemporary movement in China to revive the cult of Zhang Sanfeng and to cast taijiquan as a form of religious practice. In this light, taijiquan emerges as an important site of constructing “Chinese-ness” in the face of state appropriation and Western cultural imperialism.<strong style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"></strong></span></span></span></p>
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von Klimó, Árpád. « ST STEPHEN'S DAY : POLITICS AND RELIGION IN 20TH-CENTURY HUNGARY ». East Central Europe 26, no 2 (1999) : 15–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633099x00185.
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Tyrrell, Alex. « Religion, politics and history in late nineteenth century Britain, progress and pessimism ». History of European Ideas 8, no 3 (janvier 1987) : 386–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0191-6599(87)90020-9.
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Pétursson, Pétur. « Religion and Politics – The Icelandic Experiment ». Temenos - Nordic Journal of Comparative Religion 50, no 1 (16 juin 2014) : 115–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.33356/temenos.46253.
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In a comment on Richard F. Tomasson’s 1980 book about Iceland, the American sociologist Seymour Martin Lipset notes that Tomasson ‘traces the ways in which Icelandic culture developed out of the medieval pre-Christian society – in its language, relations between the sexes, egalitarianism and the high frequency of illegitimate births. He also points out the areas of contradictions and discontinuity, noting that Iceland has been transformed in the twentieth century by modernization of the society and international influences upon the culture.’ The purpose of this essay is to give a more in-depth analysis of some of Tomasson’s observations with regard to the status and role of religion in this society. Iceland appears to be a very secular society, but up to very recent times, the national church had a strong position in Icelandic society, and its participation in the life-rituals of families, in national festivals, and in local rituals and festivities has been considered self-evident by the authorities and a large majority of the people. A very homogeneous culture and strong nationalism have a role here to play, but there were also seeds of individualism and pragmatism which may have led the way to differentiation and secularization. Secularization and modernization went hand in hand with the national liberation movement, but nevertheless the national church also made a major contribution to the nation-state building process. It would seem that the Icelanders have throughout their history been more political than religious – and often they seem to have been tolerant in religious and moral issues but fundamentalists in political matters. At least it seems profitable to analyse the reli- gious history of Iceland – the conversion of Iceland at the Alþingi in the summer of 1000; the Reformation in the mid-16th century, and the rapid process of modernization in Iceland – in the context of the political history. Foreigners have often wondered about the liberal attitude of Icelanders in relation to premarital sex, and often they ask why spiritualism and belief in elves and hidden people seem to have survived modernization and secularization. Other possible paradoxes include the very recent appearance of non-Christian religions, such as the Asa faith (which is supposed to revive the pre-Christian religion in Iceland), Islam and Buddhism. And how are we to understand the general support, even among the clergy, for same-sex marriages? In my essay I will try to contextualize these and related questions into an overall picture of the religious history of the Icelandic people.
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Ambros, Barbara. « Practical Pursuits : Religion, Politics, and Personal Cultivation in Nineteenth-Century Japan ». Monumenta Nipponica 60, no 1 (2005) : 128–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mni.2005.0002.
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Rieber, Alfred J. « Politics and Technology in Eighteenth-Century Russia ». Science in Context 8, no 2 (1995) : 341–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889700002052.
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The ArgumentThe question posed by this paper is why the Russian autocracy failed to pursue successfully Peter the Great's conscious policy of creating a society dominated by technique and competitive with technological levels achieved by Western Europe. The brief answer is that Peter's idea of a cultural revolution that would create new values and institutions hospitable to the introduction of technology clashed with powerful interests within society. The political opposition centered around three groups which were indispensable to the state in fulfilling his vision: the nobility, the clergy, and the scientific establishment. Peter's original intention was to combine theoretical models and technology transfer from the West with educational reforms in Russia to produce new cadres of technical specialists. He attempted to adapt the Leibniz-Wolff cosmology to Russian conditions in order to reconcile ideological conflicts between military service and technical training, science and religion, theory and practice. The embodiment of his ideas in Russian science and religion were Mikhail Lomonosov and Feofan Prokopovich. Under his successors Peter's supporters encountered increased resistance: from the nobility to technical education, from the clergy to the scientific outlook, and from the Academy of Sciences to practical work. All three interest groups were willing to sacrifice real political rights for a recognition by the states of their autonomy to define their social roles. In the end the compromise was effected at the expense of Peter's ideal of the society dominated by technique.
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Ribić, Biljana. « RELATIONS BETWEEN CHURCH AND STATE IN REPUBLIC OF CROATIA ». SECULARISM VERSUS RELIGION 3, no 2 (1 décembre 2009) : 197–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj0302197r.
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This article offers an analyze of the relation between the state and the Roman Catholic Church in Croatia in the end of 20th and in the beginning of 21st century and shows how political pluralism and democracy have created conditions for a new, greater and more important role of religion in Croatian society and politics. On the first democratic elections held in spring 1990 important role of the Roman Catholic Church in Croatia was emphasized as well as its influence onto newly formed political parties and their voters alike. The approach which is in particular adopted in this article is a comparative study of position of the Roman Catholic Church in Croatia in two periods, straight after the first democratic elections, i.e. during 1990s and in more recent years, i.e. in the first decade of 21st century.
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Jacob, Margaret C., et James E. Bradley. « Religion, Revolution, and English Radicalism : Nonconformity in Eighteenth-Century Politics and Society ». Journal of Interdisciplinary History 24, no 1 (1993) : 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/205111.
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Murdock, G. « Jesuits and the Politics of Religious Pluralism in Eighteenth-Century Transylvania : Culture, Politics and Religion, 1693-1773 ». English Historical Review CXXIV, no 507 (1 avril 2009) : 430–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cep071.
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Graf, Friedrich Wilhelm, et Lutz Raphael. « Einleitung Christliche Glaubenswelten im 20. Jahrhundert ». Journal of Modern European History 3, no 2 (septembre 2005) : 140–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/1611-8944_2005_2_140.
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Spheres of Christian Belief in the 20th Century From the current perspective, religion, Christianity and the Church have been gaining greater importance for 20th century European history than had been accorded them for a long time by contemporary historians. The articles in this periodical take up some key themes of the history of religion: A primary dimension addresses interrelations of religion and politics, the state and Christian Churches, political and religious movements; the presence of religion and the Church in the new media of the century, that is, radio, film and television, opens up a second dimension. A third key topic of a history of European religion of the last four decades addresses the interaction of social change with the genesis of new forms of belief and religiosity. Investigating all these subjects as well as numerous other themes requires opening up the methodology of the study of the history of religion to approaches of «religious economics», the precise knowledge of theological approaches to and interpretations of problems and the intensive intellectual exchange with the other disciplines of religious scholarship.
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Fitzgerald, Timothy. « Japan, Religion, History, Nation ». Religions 13, no 6 (27 mai 2022) : 490. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13060490.
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I connect the invention of Japanese ‘religion’ since the Meiji era (1868–1912) with the invention of other modern imaginaries, particularly the Japanese Nation State and Japanese History. The invention of these powerful fictions in Japan was a specific, localised example of a global process. The real significance of this idea that religion has always existed in all times and places is that it normalises the idea of the non-religious secular as the arena of universal reason and progress. The invention of Japanese ‘religion’ had—and still has—a significant function in the wider, global context of colonial capital and the continual search for new ‘investment’ opportunities. Meiji Japan illustrates, in fascinating detail, a process of cognitive hegemony, and the way a globalising discourse on ‘progress’ transformed the plunder of colonial sites into a civilising mission. The idea that there is a universal type of practice, belief or institution called ‘religion’ as distinct from government, ‘politics’ or ‘science’ was not only new to Japan. It hardly existed in England or more widely in Protestant Europe and North America until the eighteenth or even 19th century. The idea of a secular constitutional nation state was only emergent in the late 18th century with the Declaration of Independence and the US Constitution. Most of Europe—including the colonial powers England and France—were still Christian confessional church states through most of the 19th century. The franchise was granted only to Christian men of substantial property, and denied to women, servants, wage labour, colonised subjects, and slaves. This critical, deconstructive narrative helps us to see more clearly the ideological function of the generic category of religion in the wider configuration of modern secular categories such as constitutional nation state, political economy, nature, history, and science. I also discuss the relation between History as a secular academic science, and the invention of ‘the Past’ in universal Time. I argue here that the invention of the Past by professional Historians has a significant role in transforming modern inventions such as ‘religion’ and the secular categories into the inherent and universal order of things, as though they have always been everywhere. I reveal this on-going process of ideological reproduction by close readings of some recent ‘histories of Japan’ and the way they uncritically construct ‘the Past’ in the terms of contemporary configurations.
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Horwitz, Henry, et James E. Bradley. « Religion, Revolution, and English Radicalism : Nonconformity in Eighteenth-Century Politics and Society. » American Historical Review 97, no 1 (février 1992) : 196. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2164595.
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Innes, Joanna, et James E. Bradley. « Religion, Revolution, and English Radicalism : Nonconformity in Eighteenth-Century Politics and Society. » William and Mary Quarterly 49, no 3 (juillet 1992) : 549. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2947121.
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Daadaoui, Mohamed. « The Maghrib in the New Century : Identity, Religion and Politics ». Middle Eastern Studies 45, no 1 (janvier 2009) : 155–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263200802576866.
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