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1
Gutkowski, Stacey Elizabeth. « Religious violence, secularism and the British security imaginary, 2001-2009 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608941.
Texte intégral
2
Ghattas, Micheline Germanos. « The Consolidation of the Consociational Democracy in Lebanon : The Challenges to Democracy in Lebanon ». PDXScholar, 2013. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1415.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This dissertation looks at democracy in Lebanon, a country that has a pluralistic society with many societal cleavages. The subject of this study is the consolidation of democracy in Lebanon, described by Arend Lijphart as a "consociational democracy". The research question and sub-question posed are:
1- How consolidated is democracy in Lebanon?
2- What are the challenges facing the consolidation of democracy in Lebanon?
The preamble of the 1926 Lebanese Constitution declares the country to be a parliamentary democratic republic. The political regime is a democracy, but one that is not built on the rule of the majority in numbers, since the numbers do not reflect the history of the country and its distinguishing characteristics. The division of power is built on religion, which defies the concept prevailing in western democracies of the separation between church and state. As the internal and the external conditions change, sometimes in a violent manner, the democracy in the country still survives. Today, after the war that ravaged Lebanon from 1975 to 1990, the Syrian occupation that lasted until 2005, the Israeli war in the summer of 2006, and the roadblocks in the face of the overdue presidential election in 2008, democracy is still struggling to stay alive in the country. There is no denying or ignoring the challenges and the attempts against democracy in Lebanon from 1975 to the present. Even with these challenges, there are some strong elements that let democracy survive all these predicaments. The reasons and events of the 1975-1995 war are still being sorted out and only history will clear that up. Can we say today that the Consociational democracy in Lebanon is consolidated? To answer this question Linz & Stepan's three elements of a consolidated democracy are used as the criteria: the constitution of the land, people's attitude towards democracy and their behavior. The analysis examines the Lebanese Constitution, surveys about people's attitude towards democracy, and reported events about their behavior, such as political demonstrations and political violence narrated in the media. The findings of this study show that although the Lebanese find democracy as being the only game in town, the consolidation of democracy in the country still faces some challenges, both internal and external. The study also shows that the criteria used for western democracies need to be adjusted to apply to a society such as the one in Lebanon: plural, religious and traditional.
3
Lamburn, D. J. « Politics and religion in sixteenth century Beverley ». Thesis, University of York, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.290476.
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4
Duce, Cristy Lee. « In love and war : the politics of romance in four 21st-century Pakistani novels ». Thesis, Lethbridge, Alta. : University of Lethbridge, Dept. of English, 2011, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10133/3127.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Writers of fiction have long since relied on love, romance, and desire to drive the
plots of their work, yet some postcolonial authors use romance and interpersonal
relationships to illustrate the larger political and social forces that affect their relatively
marginalized experiences in a global context. To illustrate this literary strategy, I have
chosen to discuss four novels written in the twenty-first century by Pakistani authors: Tbe
Reluctant Fundamentalist by Mohsin Hamid, Trespassing by Uzma Aslam Khan, The
Wasted Vigil by Nadeem Aslam, and Burnt Shadows by Kamila Shamsie. With the
geographical origin of these writers as a common starting place from which to compare
and contrast their perspectives on global politics, their understandings of gender, and
their perceptions of how the public and the private constitute and intersect each other, I
will use postcolonial theory to dissect the treatment of romance in their respective novels.v, 85 leaves ; 29 cm
5
Willi, Victor Jonathan Amadeus. « The fourth ordeal : a history of the Society of the Muslim Brothers in Egypt, 1973-2013 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b54c3cfe-14af-4bf7-8e73-fc27e6ab4ce7.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis is an internal organisational history of the Society of the Muslim Brothers in Egypt between 1973 and 2013. Based on memoires of Brotherhood leaders, as well as oral history interviews conducted in 2012 and 2013 with different rank-and-file members and dissidents, the thesis situates the life trajectories and personal experiences of these individuals within a larger national and international context. The purpose is to provide a historical account that is able to explain the reasons for the Brotherhood's cataclysmic failure of the summer of 2013. In accounting for the fall, my key argument centres on the internal rivalry between two political factions representing different "schools of thought", or visions, about the kind of organisation the Brotherhood was supposed to be. Representatives of the respective coalitions competed against each other over hegemony and organisational resources, basing their claims on contrasting intellectual traditions, political cultures and organisational values that had co-existed, sometimes uncomfortably, within the ranks of the Society since the times of Hasan al-Banna. The adherents of the "Qutbist" school of thought put forward the idea of a closed, pyramid-shaped and exclusive organisation, while those closer to 'Omar al-Tilmisani's model aspired to a reformed Society that was open to outsiders, and where internal progression was based on meritocracy, transparency and some form of democracy. I argue that it is through the holistic analysis of the complex dynamics between internal organisational politics, the use of ideology, and the personal experiences of key organisational members, that we are best able to grasp the Brotherhood's failed experience in governance in 2013.
6
Flygare, Sara. « The Cooperative Challenge : Farmer Cooperation and the Politics of Agricultural Modernisation in 21st Century Uganda ». Doctoral thesis, Uppsala : Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis : Universitetsbiblioteket [distributör], 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-7277.
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7
Kanade, Nikhil. « Tracing Islamic Extremist Ideologies : The Historical Journey of Jihad from the Late Antique Period to the 21st Century ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1389.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Popular interpretations and academic scholarship tends to emphasize the relationship between jihad, military action, and communal violence. These reinforce a sense that violence is inherent to Islam. Investigations into the contexts where jihad has been deployed highlight how its use is often a call for unity believed to be necessary for political goals. Therefore, in order to deconstruct this belief, this thesis tackles instead the relationship between textual interpretations and historical actions, and how these varied across specific moments in time. The case studies examined range from the initial evolution of a theory of jihad in the late antique world, to the Crusades in the 11th and 12th centuries, to early modern dynamics of the Ottomans and Safavids, and finally to modern state-making projects in the Arabian Peninsula These examples seek to create a comprehensive picture of the intricacies rooted in jihad and the narrative that can be associated with a religion that is most often misunderstood. The effort to shed some light on the multiple facets of jihad is hinged upon how these case studies differ from one another, thus forcing the reader to question how they previously understood the modern day phenomenon of jihad. While the conversation will reiterate various themes and concepts as discussed in previous scholarship, it should push the boundaries on how jihad has been framed as a modern day extremist ideology.
8
Munro, Marc Andrew. « Religion and revolution in Egypt ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ43921.pdf.
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Siddiqui, Shariq Ahmed. « Navigating Identity through Philanthropy : A History of the Islamic Society of North America (1979 - 2008) ». Thesis, Indiana University, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3665939.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This dissertation analyzes the development of the Islamic Society of North America (ISNA), a Muslim-American religious association, from the Iranian Revolution to the inauguration of our nation's first African-American president. This case study of ISNA, the largest Muslim-American organization in North America, examines the organization's institution-building and governance as a way to illustrate Muslim-American civic and religious participation. Using nonprofit research and theory related to issues of diversity, legitimacy, power, and nonprofit governance and management, I challenge misconceptions about ISNA and dispel a number of myths about Muslim Americans and their institutions. In addition, I investigate the experiences of Muslim-Americans as they attempted to translate faith into practice within the framework of the American religious and civic experience. I arrive at three main conclusions. First, because of their incredible diversity, Muslim-Americans are largely cultural pluralists. They draw from each other and our national culture to develop their religious identity and values. Second, a nonprofit association that embraces the values of a liberal democracy by establishing itself as an open organization will include members that may damage the organization's reputation. I argue that ISNA's values should be assessed in light of its programs and actions rather than the views of a small portion of its membership. Reviewing the organization's actions and programs helps us discover a religious association that is centered on American civic and religious values. Third, ISNA's leaders were unable to balance their desire for an open, consensus-based organization with a strong nonprofit management power structure. Effective nonprofit associations need their boards, volunteers and staff to have well-defined roles and authority. ISNA's leaders failed to adopt such a management and governance structure because of their suspicion of an empowered chief executive officer.
10
Brescia, Michael Manuel. « The cultural politics of episcopal power : Juan de Palafox y Mendoza and Tridentine Catholicism in seventeenth-century Puebla de Los Angeles, Mexico ». Diss., The University of Arizona, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/289772.
Texte intégralRésumé :
My dissertation explores the episcopal dimensions of power as exercised by one of the more polemical figures in Mexico's colonial past, Juan de Palafox y Mendoza. Known to historians as the seventeenth-century bishop-viceroy who challenged the political, economic, and social standing of the Society of Jesus, Palafox also instituted broad ecclesiastical reforms that transformed the local spirituality of Indians and Spaniards into a new Tridentine Catholicism. While I examine the institutional sources of Palafox's episcopal power, namely the decrees of the Council of Trent, I conceive of my dissertation as a cultural history of Church power and authority in the daily lives of Indians and Spaniards in colonial Mexico. Bishop Palafox wielded his crozier, or shepherd's staff, to activate conciliar reforms in the Diocese of Puebla, an exercise that influenced the ways in which the laity experienced the sacramental and the profane. Moreover, I analyze the broad range of cultural changes that illuminate both the extraordinary and routine dimensions of Palafox's pastoral sentiment, such as daily prayer life, episcopal visitation, seminary education, overhauling the material conditions of parish churches, jurisdictional conflicts with the monastic orders and the Society of Jesus, as well as the bishop's efforts to harness the financial and human resources of the diocese to construct the material symbol of his office, the Cathedral of Puebla. Finally, I assess the bishop's capacity to structure the broader political and material contexts of Catholic culture in Mexico.
11
Newman, Christine Mary. « The Bowes of Streatlam, County Durham : a study of the politics and religion of a sixteenth century northern gentry family ». Thesis, University of York, 1991. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/14024/.
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12
Traina, Denice N. « Politics and Poetry : Not so Separate Spheres (Voice of the Minority Muse) ». Scholar Commons, 2010. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/1793.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis contributes to continuing assessments of women writers and their political activities during the long eighteenth century. Analyzing works by Aphra Behn, Hannah More, and Anna Letitia Barbauld, I assert that these writers projected their voices into public affairs, and I explore their treatment of poetic forms. Through writing, they claimed equality with fellow authors and participated as equals beside the period's political leaders, debating about and commenting upon a wide array of concerns like the Glorious Revolution, the abolition of the slave trade, British military expansion, and religious and political liberties. This thesis argues that Behn, More, and Barbauld spoke as muses for the minority causes of their historical moment; their political-poetic participation further blurs the distinction between once held perceptions of the Habermasian public sphere.
13
Maguire, Geoffrey William. « Political postmemory : childhood, memory and politics in Argentina's post-dictatorship generation (2003-2013) ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.709107.
Texte intégral
14
Win, Chit. « Explaining Myanmar's hluttaw, 2011-2016 : transitional legitimacy and the politics of legislative autonomy ». Phd thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/155530.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Transitional legislatures are essential institutions for entrenching democracy by providing legitimacy and by constraining the executive. This research examines the role of Myanmar{u2019}s legislature (the Hluttaw) during the country{u2019}s transition from the direct military rule. When it first met in January 2011, there was little disagreement that Myanmar{u2019}s legislature would serve as a rubber stamp because of the overwhelming majority of representatives from the ruling pro-military party and the military itself. Yet the Hluttaw emerged as a reform-minded lawmaking body as well as a forum for oversight of the executive. Lawmakers from the minor and ethnic parties actively engaged in the legislature alongside lawmakers from the ruling party, especially those who were pressured to contest the 2010 election.This research analyses the role of Myanmar{u2019}s legislature against four major transitional functions: (i) achieving legislative autonomy; (ii) a driving force in political and structural reform; (iii) realising democratic norms; and (iv) tackling transitional conflicts. Based on this conceptual framework, the dissertation asks, what role did Myanmar{u2019}s first legislature play during the transition from the military rule? And what were the determining factors? It argues that the Hluttaw provided transitional legitimacy by achieving legislative autonomy but its authoritarian form, and its political competition with the executive, stopped the Hluttaw from becoming a driving force in Myanmar{u2019}s transition. The dissertation also introduces the three major factors responsible for the shift from a rubber stamp to a robust legislature: (i) the speakers; (ii) non-partisanship; and (iii) co-opted lawmakers. The nexus between these factors explains what influenced the Hluttaw as well as how the Hluttaw became institutionally stronger.This research contributes to the scholarly understanding of transitional legislatures by developing a conceptual framework about how legislatures play a role in political transition as well as an explanation about how institutional rivalry can create authoritarian splits. This analysis is based on five months of fieldwork in the national legislature in Nay Pyi Taw, and the sub-national legislatures in Myanmar{u2019}s States and Regions, and content analysis of the records of the legislative plenary sessions (2011-2016). Keywords: Myanmar, Hluttaw, legislature, democratic transition
15
Wilson, Rachelle. « Historical Memory and Ethics in Spanish Narrative ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 2017. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1062813/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study traces the current status of Spanish ethics as seen through the optics of historical memory. Starting from the Spanish Civil War in 1936, the thesis relates contemporary themes to their proposed origin throughout three additional distinctive eras of the 20th and 21st century in Spain: 1982-1996 (Socialist Spain), 1997-2010 (Post-modern Spain), and 2011-present (current Spain). Spanish narratives ranging from Los Abel by Matute, La magnitud de la tragedia by Monzó, "Fidelidad" of Ha dejado de llover by Barba and Las fosas de Franco by Silva are contextualized through their ethical architecture, in accordance with their socio-political context, and relationship to past historical traumas. This work proposes that the themes of anticlericalism, the pursuit of social equality, anti bureaucracy, and political distrust are trends culminating from Kohlberg's third level of morality. The thesis aims to be an exposition and legitimization of different ethical schemas that might otherwise be polarized as wrong and inferior by others.
16
Mitchell, Stephanie Claire. « The Function of Religion in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict ». PDXScholar, 2017. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3939.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The role of religion in politics has been rising to the forefront of history in the Middle East for a number of decades and more so since 9/11, raising significant questions as to whether religion functions as a catalyst for conflict or peace. This thesis focuses specifically on the role of religion in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the manner in which actors incorporate religion into their national politics. In doing so, the inquiry focuses on the proponents of religion on both the Jewish and the Palestinian sides in addressing a) territorial rights, b) interpretations in the use of deadly force and violence, and c) interpretations of the final political goal to be attained. In the context of the broader nationalism of each side, the study reflects on different approaches to religion and how they may provide perspectives that are either catalytic to conflict or catalytic to building peace. In this light, the inquiry of this thesis analyzes and contrasts religious nationalism and pro-peace religiosity, concluding with implications and directives for conflict resolution.
17
Malcolm-Buchanan, Vincent Alan. « Fragmentation and Restoration : Generational Legacies of 21st Century Māori ». The University of Waikato, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10289/2797.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The content of this thesis is premised on a reflexive examination of some historical juxtapositions culminating in critical aspects of being Māori in the twenty first century and how such aspects have informed contemporary indigenous identity. That is, the continuing acknowledgement and exponential public recognition of critical concepts which inextricably link indigenous and civic identity. The theoretical sources for this research are, in the main, derived from anthropological and religious studies, particularly on the significance of mythologies and oral histories, as well as from the oral theorising of elders in Aotearoa New Zealand. A very significant contribution from one such elder, a senior Māori woman academic, has been included in the form of the transcript of an interview. She herself had collected the views of a number of elders on myth, creating a rare and valuable resource. In the interview she married her reflections on these with her own experiences and her cogent analyses. From the outset, it was necessary to be discerning so as to ensure the thesis workload was manageable and realistic. For this reason the selected critical aspects that have been used to frame this research are (1) a developing Western validation (that is, acknowledgement and respect) of Māori, Māori culture and their mythology; (2) oral history (genealogy) and traditions that have remained constant despite the influences of modernity; and (3) notions of fluidity, negotiation and pragmatism regarding kinship legacies and cultural heritage. The thesis is comprised of six chapters starting from a subjective narrative leading through increasingly objective discourses that culminate in a conclusion which supports a belief that modern Māori require a balancing of critical aspects of cultural heritage, with a broad understanding of the world of the 'other', in order to realise and develop their contemporary indigenous identity. Ultimately, indigenous ideologies, practices and knowledge recorded and examined in the world of academia today, become potential resources for tomorrow. The intention of this research is to aggregate and discuss intrinsic aspects of the Māori past as well as developing aspects of the present, in order to better understand the significance of the future, and to add to the growing corpus of indigenous worldviews.
18
Brewer, Angela. « Beyond Rocking the Vote : An Analysis of Rhetoric Designed to Motivate Young Voters ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 2007. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc5209/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Attempts to solve the continued problem of low youth voter turnout in the U.S. have included get out the vote drives, voter registration campaigns, and public service announcements targeting 18- to 25-year-old voters. Pay Attention and Vote added to this effort to motivate young voters in its 2006 campaign. This thesis analyzes the rhetorical strategies employed by the Pay Attention and Vote campaign advertisements, measures their effectiveness, and adds to the limited body of knowledge describing the attitudes and behaviors of young nonvoters. This thesis applies a mixed method approach, utilizing both rhetorical criticism and quantitative method. The results of both analyses are integrated into a discussion which critiques current strategies of addressing the youth voter turnout problem and offers suggestions for future research on the topic.
19
Welstead, Adam. « Dystopia and the divided kingdom : twenty-first century British dystopian fiction and the politics of dissensus ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/17104.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This doctoral thesis examines the ways in which contemporary writers have adopted the critical dystopian mode in order to radically deconstruct the socio-political conditions that preclude equality, inclusion and collective political appearance in twenty-first century Britain. The thesis performs theoretically-informed close readings of contemporary novels from authors J.G. Ballard, Maggie Gee, Sarah Hall and Rupert Thomson in its analysis, and argues that the speculative visions of Kingdom Come (2006), The Flood (2004), The Carhullan Army (2007) and Divided Kingdom (2005) are engaged with a wave of contemporary dystopian writing in which the destructive and divisive forms of consensus that are to be found within Britain's contemporary socio-political moment are identified and challenged. The thesis proposes that, in their politically-engaged extrapolations, contemporary British writers are engaged with specifically dystopian expressions of dissensus. Reflecting key theoretical and political nuances found in Jacques Rancière's concept of 'dissensus', I argue that the novels illustrate dissensual interventions within the imagined political space of British societies in which inequalities, oppressions and exclusions are endemic - often proceeding to present modest, 'minor' utopian arguments for more equal, heterogeneous and democratic possibilities in the process. Contributing new, theoretically-inflected analysis of key speculative fictions from twenty-first century British writers, and locating their critiques within the literary, socio-political and theoretical contexts they are meaningfully engaged with, the thesis ultimately argues that in interrogating and reimagining the socio-political spaces of twenty-first century Britain, contemporary writers of dystopian fiction demonstrate literature working in its most dissensual, political and transformative mode.
20
Blattner, John S. « Render Unto Caesar : How Misunderstanding a Century of Free Exercise Jurisprudence Forged and Then Fractured the RFRA Coalition ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1575.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis provides a comprehensive history of Supreme Court Free Exercise Clause jurisprudence from 1879 until the present day. It describes how a jurisdictional approach to free exercise dominated the Court’s rulings from its first Free Exercise Clause case in 1879 until Sherbert v. Verner in 1963, and how Sherbert introduced an accommodationist precedent which was ineffectively, incompletely, and inconsistently defined by the Court. This thesis shows how proponents of accommodationism furthered a false narrative overstating the scope and consistency of Sherbert’s precedent following the Court’s repudiation of accommodationism and return to full jurisdictionalism with Employment Division v. Smith (1990). It then shows how this narrative inspired a massive bipartisan coalition in favor of codifying accommodationism, and how this coalition succeeded in passing the Religious Freedom Restoration Act (RFRA) in 1993. The RFRA coalition eventually fractured, as RFRA’s implications began to conflict with principles and objectives of liberal interest groups and the Democratic Party. This thesis posits that the fracture of the RFRA coalition can be traced back directly to confusions over Sherbert’s precedent.
21
King, Marvin. « A Black/Non-Black Theory of African-American Partisanship : Hostility, Racial Consciousness and the Republican Party ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 2006. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc5264/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Why is black partisan identification so one-sidedly Democratic forty years past the Civil Rights movement? A black/non-black political dichotomy manifests itself through one-sided African-American partisanship. Racial consciousness and Republican hostility is the basis of the black/non-black political dichotomy, which manifests through African-American partisanship. Racial consciousness forced blacks to take a unique and somewhat jaundiced approach to politics and Republican hostility to black inclusion in the political process in the 1960s followed by antagonism toward public policy contribute to overwhelming black Democratic partisanship. Results shown in this dissertation demonstrate that variables representing economic issues, socioeconomic status and religiosity fail to explain partisan identification to the extent that Hostility-Consciousness explains party identification.
22
James, Serenhedd. « Archbishop George Errington (1804-1886) and the battle for Catholic identity in nineteenth-century England ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669952.
Texte intégral
23
Masseroni, Andrea. « La religione di Mussolini. Fascismo, politica e religione negli scritti e nei discorsi ». Doctoral thesis, Scuola Normale Superiore, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11384/86047.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Da qualche anno a questa parte, la figura di Benito Mussolini è tornata violentemente alla ribalta della cronaca, al punto che il quotidiano "Il tempo" ritenne opportuno dedicargli la prima pagina dell’edizione del 30 dicembre 2017 definendolo «L’uomo dell’anno». Oltre che nella cinematografia, la figura di Mussolini ritorna sulla carta stampata, anche in merito al suo sentimento religioso. Insieme a Mussolini, anche il ruolo del fascismo nella società italiana – e non soltanto – è tornato a presenziare fra forze politiche che intendono rifarsi – più o meno coscientemente – ad una ideologia e ai motti fascisti (pseudo-mussoliniani), fra personaggi della politica rivestiti di incarichi istituzionali che elogiano tanto il fascismo quanto la stessa figura di Mussolini e, non può stupire a questo punto, anche fra gli eventi della cronaca pressoché quotidiana. Che si possa parlare lecitamente o illecitamente di ritorno del fascismo è un dibattito ancora aperto; è tuttavia innegabile che qualcosa stia succedendo in seno alla democrazia repubblicana italiana. [...]
24
Tenshak, Juliet. « Bearing witness to an era : contemporary Nigerian fiction and the return to the recent past ». Thesis, University of Stirling, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/27349.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The body of writing collectively referred to as third generation or contemporary Nigerian literature emerged on the international literary scene from about the year 2000. This writing is marked by attempts to negotiate contemporary identities, and it engages with various developments in the Nigerian nation: Nigeria’s past and current political and socio-economic state, different kinds of cultural hybridization as well as the writers increasing transnational awareness. This study argues that contemporary Nigerian fiction obsessively returns to the period from 1985-1998 as a historical site for narrating the individual and collective Nigerian experience of the trauma of military dictatorship, which has shaped the contemporary reality of the nation. The study builds on existing critical work on contemporary Nigerian fiction, in order to highlight patterns and ideas that have hitherto been neglected in scholarly work in this field. The study seeks to address this gap in the existing critical literature by examining third-generation Nigerian writing’s representation of this era in a select corpus of work spanning from 2000-06: Okey Ndibe’s Arrows of Rain (2000), Helon Habila’s Waiting for an Angel (2002), Sefi Atta’s Everything Good will Come (2005), and Chimamanda Adichie’s Purple Hibiscus (2006). The four novels chosen were written in response to military rule and dictatorship in the 80s and 90s, and they all feature representations of state violence. This study finds that, despite variations in the novels aesthetic modes, violence, control, silencing, dictatorship, alienation, the trauma of everyday life and resistance recur in realist modes. Above all, the study argues that contemporary Nigerian fiction’s insistent representation of the violent past of military rule in Nigeria is a means of navigating the complex psychological and political processes involved in dealing with post-colonial trauma by employing writing as a form of resistance.
25
Hollands, Glenn Delroy. « The politics of planning in Eastern Cape local government : a case study of Ngqushwa and Buffalo City, 1998-2004 ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1008199.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis examines the political implications of the integrated development planning process embarked upon by South African municipalities in the period 1998-2004. Through the use of case study methodology that focuses on the Eastern Cape municipalities of Buffalo City and Ngqushwa, the conventions of municipal planning are examined. This inquiry into municipal planning draws upon official government documents and reports and publications from the nongovernment sector. The thesis is particularly focused on the claims made in policy documents and related secondary sources and compares these to more critical reports and publication as well as the author's personal experience of the integrated development planning process. Of key interest is the possibility that planning serves political interests and the material needs of an emerging municipal elite and that this is seldom acknowledged in official planning documentation or government sanctioned publications on the topic. The primary findings of the thesis are as follows: • That the 'reason' of expert policy formulations that accompanied integrated development planning has weakened political economy as a prism of understanding and separated itself from the institutional reality of municipal government • That the dominant critique of planning and other post-apartheid municipal policy is concerned with the triumph of neoliberalism but this critique, while valid, does not fully explain successive policy failures especially in the setting of Eastern Cape local government • That function of policy and its relationship to both the state and civil society is usually understood only in the most obvious sense and not as an instrument for wielding political power • That planning still derives much of its influence from its claim to technical rationality and that this underpinned the 'authority' of the integrated development planning project in South Africa and reinforced its power to make communities governable.
26
Jebahi, Nejia. « Montesquieu et le monde romain : étude politique et morale ». Thesis, Strasbourg, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019STRAC004/document.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Au cours de sa longue histoire, Rome a soumis de nombreux peuples et augmenté singulièrement la taille de son territoire au point de devenir le centre de gravité de tout l’univers antique. L’essor extraordinaire de cette cité a toujours intrigué les penseurs. Rien d’étonnant dès lors si Montesquieu, philosophe français des Lumières, a étudié à son tour le monde romain et son développement dans un grand nombre de ses ouvrages. Afin de faire comprendre les raisons de la grandeur des Romains ainsi que de leur décadence, Montesquieu a examiné l’évolution de la politique et de la morale romaines depuis la fondation de l’Vrbs jusqu’à sa chute. L’auteur analyse attentivement les institutions civiles et militaires romaines afin de déterminer leur excellence – sans oublier de signaler leurs limites. Dans sa démarche sociologique et critique, cet écrivain s’appuie sur une riche documentation livresque qui révèle la grande influence de Machiavel et de Bossuet. Néanmoins, de son œuvre se dégage un point de vue novateur qui ouvre la voie à des champs d’investigation inéditsDuring its long history, Rome has subjugated numerous peoples. Its territory increased so much that it became the center of gravity of the whole antique world. The extraordinary expansion of that city has therefore always surprised the thinkers. Understandably Montesquieu, a French philosopher of the Age of Enlightenment, has himself studied the Roman world and its development in a number of his works. In order to explain the reasons behind the magnificence and the decadence of the Romans, Montesquieu examined the evolution of Roman politics and ethics from the foundation of the Vrbs until to its decline. The author carefully analyses the Roman civil and military institutions in order to establish their excellence and even to point out their limits. In his sociological and critical approach, this writer uses a rich literature that reveals the influence of Machiavel and Bossuet. Nevertheless from his work emerges an innovative standpoint that opens up for original fields of investigation
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Veiga, Flávio Cavalcante. « Eleitos em nome de Deus : a presença de líderes e representantes de instituições religiosas nas legislaturas alagoanas, na primeira década do século XXI ». Universidade Católica de Pernambuco, 2017. http://www.unicap.br/tede//tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=1288.
Texte intégralRésumé :
O propósito dessa dissertação é investigar a presença ascendente de
representantes do pentecostalismo evangélico e dos católicos carismáticos nas legislaturas alagoanas, a partir dos anos de 1990, consolidando-se na primeira década do século XXI. Refletimos as repercussões políticas da intensa movimentação no campo religioso brasileiro a partir de 1980, provocado pelo crescimento das doutrinas evangélicas pentecostais e da reação dos católicos carismáticos. Buscamos compreender a estratégias religiosas e políticas desses
segmentos na busca por mais espaço na sociedade, e na arena política. Nesse cenário representantes e líderes dessas doutrinas religiosas passam a transitar entre o púlpito da igreja e o plenário das casas legislativas. Realidade essa também presente em Alagoas, onde parlamentares evangélicos e católicos apresentam uma agenda comprometida com o assistencialismo social e projetos políticos assentados na moral-cristã. Na década de 1990, no contexto das políticas neoliberais, Alagoas, que historicamente apresentava graves índices socioeconômicos, mergulhou numa crise política sem precedentes atingindo o executivo estadual e, diretamente, as
oligarquias tradicionais agrárias ali representadas. No legislativo, abriu espaço para novos personagens que já se destacavam com um forte trabalho assistencial e doutrinário por meio de iniciativas próprias, ou interligadas as suas respectivas igrejas. Esses personagens, suas trajetórias pessoais, políticas e religiosas e o
panorama histórico desses acontecimentos configuram essa pesquisa. Vale salientar que na elaboração desse trabalho recorremos às fontes bibliográficas e documentais: nos apoiamos nos postulados teóricos de Joanildo Burity, Leonildo de Campos, Paul Freston, René Remond e André Cellard.This dissertation purpose is to research the ascendant presence of evangelical Pentecostalism and charismatic Catholics representatives in Alagoas legislatures, beginning in the 1990s and consolidating in the first decade of 21st century. We reflect on the political repercussions of the intense movement in the Brazilian religious field since 1980, provoked by the growth of Pentecostal evangelical doctrines and by the reaction of charismatic Catholics. Seeking to understand the religious and political strategies of these segments in the search for more space in society and in the political arena. In this scenario, representatives and leaders of these religious doctrines pass between the church pulpit and the legislatives houses plenary. This reality is also present in Alagoas, where evangelical and Catholic parliamentarians present an agenda committed to social assistance and political projects based on Christian morality. In the 1990s, in the neoliberal policies context, Alagoas, which historically had severe socioeconomic indexes, plunged into an unprecedented economic and social crisis, affecting the state executive and directly affecting the traditional agrarian oligarchies represented there. In the legislative, a new space was open for new characters that had already stood out with a strong welfare and doctrinal work through their own initiatives, or interconnected by their respective Churches. These characters, their personal, political and religious trajectories, and the historical panorama of these events configure this research. It is noteworthy that in preparation for work we rely in bibliographical and documentary sources: we support the theoretical postulates of Joanildo Burity, Leonildo de Campos, Paul Freston, René Remond and André Cellard.
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Dirickson, Perry. « School Spirit or School Hate : The Confederate Battle Flag, Texas High Schools, and Memory, 1953-2002 ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 2006. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc5467/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The debate over the display of the Confederate battle flag in public places throughout the South focus on the flag's display by state governments such South Carolina and Mississippi. The state of Texas is rarely placed in this debate, and neither has the debate adequately explore the role of high schools' use of Confederate symbols. Schools represent the community and serve as a symbol of its values. A school represented by Confederate symbols can communicate a message of intolerance to a rival community or opposing school during sports contests. Within the community, conflict arose when an opposition group to the symbols formed and asked for the symbols' removal in favor of symbols that were seen more acceptable by outside observers. Many times, an outside party needed to step in to resolve the conflict. In Texas, the conflict between those in favor and those oppose centered on the Confederate battle flag, and the memory each side associated with the flag. Anglos saw the flag as their school spirit. African Americans saw hatred.
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Rhidenour, Kayla. « Ideographs, Fragments, and Strategic Absences : An Ideographic Analysis of ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 2008. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc9742/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study examined the ideograph of
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Awad, Nader. « The trumpet's blast : the political theology of John Knox ». Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=79820.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The goal of this research is to show that the Scottish reformer, John Knox, while seen by many as a political figure, was religiously motivated in his thought, writings, and ministry. Knox saw himself as an Old Testament style prophet who sought to blow his Master's trumpet by proclaiming an unpopular message to the realms of both Scotland and England. Knox was deeply rooted in the Old Testament theology of the covenant. He believed that following an idolatrous path, most notably in the continuing practice of the Catholic Mass, meant the breaking of the covenant with God, as with the transgression of the people of Israel in the Old Testament. He proposed that an aristocratic resistance by the lesser magistrates would result in deposing the idolatrous rulers and restore the realms of Scotland and England to a genuinely covenanted relationship with God.
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Chiweshe, Manase Kudzai. « Farm level institutions in emergent communities in post fast track Zimbabwe : case of Mazowe district ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003096.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The thesis seeks to understand how emerging communities borne out of the Fast Track Land Reform Programme in Zimbabwe have been able to ensure social cohesion and social service provision using farm level institutions. The Fast Track Programme brought together people from diverse backgrounds into new communities in the former commercial farming areas. The formation of new communities meant that, often, there were 'stranger households'living next to each other. Since 2000, these people have been involved in various processes aimed at turning clusters of homesteads into functioning communities through farm level institutions. Fast track land reform precipitated economic and political crisis in Zimbabwe characterised by a rapidly devaluating Zimbabwean dollar, enormous inflation and high unemployment figures. This economic crisis has impacted heavily on new farmers who find it increasingly difficult to afford inputs and access loans. They have formed social networks in response to these challenges, taking the form of farm level institutions such as farm committees, irrigation committees and health committees. The study uses case studies from small-scale 'A1 farmers‘ in Mazowe district which is in Mashonaland Central Province. It employs qualitative methodologies to enable a nuanced understanding of associational life in the new communities. Through focus group discussions, in-depth interviews, narratives, key informant interviews and institutional mapping the study outlines the formation, taxonomy, activities, roles, internal dynamics and social organisation of farm level institutions. The study also uses secondary data collected in 2007-08 by the Centre for Rural Development in the newly resettled areas in Mazowe. The major finding of the study is that farmers are organising in novel ways at grassroots levels to meet everyday challenges. These institutional forms however are internally weak, lacking leadership with a clear vision and they appear as if they are transitory in nature. They remain marginalised from national and global processes and isolated from critical connections to policy makers at all levels; thus A1 farmers remain voiceless and unable to have their interests addressed. Farm level institutions are at the forefront of the microeconomics of survival among these rural farmers. They are survivalist in nature and form, and this requires a major shift in focus if they are to be involved in developmental work. The institutions remain fragmented and compete amongst themselves for services from government without uniting as A1 farmers with similar interests and challenges.
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Duke, II David Michael. « Manufacturing Consent in the Maghreb : How Mohammed VI of Morocco Survived the Arab Spring ». PDXScholar, 2016. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3413.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Arab Spring of 2011 revealed stark variation in the durability of different types of authoritarian regimes. Kings and emirs demonstrably outperformed their republican peers. This paper provides a qualitative study of the Moroccan monarchy in order to better explain this pattern. The findings of an original media content analysis support the paper's thesis that Morocco's King Mohammed VI maintained his throne by effectively using a historically derived position of concentrated power and immense wealth to manipulate potential opposition and dominate public discourse. This multi-causal mechanism of manufactured consent helped create and sustain the monarch's domestic legitimacy while alienating his opponents. Importantly, the illusion of a free media bolsters his image with Western political elites, thus, drawing greater external support and reducing the cost of repression.
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Boauod, Marai. « The Making of Modern Egypt : the Egyptian Ulama as Custodians of Change and Guardians of Muslim Culture ». PDXScholar, 2016. http://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3102.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Scholarship on the modern history of the Middle East has undergone profound revision in the previous three decades or so. Many earlier perceptions, largely based on modernization theory, have been either contested or modified. However, the perception of the Egyptian ulama (the traditionally-educated, religious Muslim scholars) in academic scholarship remains largely affected by the legacy of hypotheses of the modernization theory. Old assumptions that the Egyptian ulama were submissive to political power and passive players incapable of accommodating, let alone of fathoming, conditions of the modern world, and who chose or were forced to retreat from this world, losing much, if not all, of their relevance and significance, still infuse the scholarly literature.
Making use of materials obtained from the Egyptian National Archives, this study offers an examination of modern legal reform in Egypt from the nineteenth century through the first part of the twentieth century with the ulama and their legal institutions in mind. As the findings of this study effectively illustrate, the Egyptian ulama were by no means submissive. Rather, they were patient. Far from being passive agents of the past, the Egyptian ulama were active participants who played a critical role in the building of modern Egypt. The ulama had at their disposal sustained social and moral influence, a long-standing position as community leaders, a reputation as defenders and representatives of Islam, the power to validate or invalidate the political establishment by means of public and doctrinal legitimization, and the final authority over laws of family and personal status. Through these strengths, the ulama were able to influence the direction of change and to impact its scope and nature during transitional period that witnessed the making and remaking of modern Egypt.
Considering the nature of changes that they allowed to be introduced to the shari-based justice system and the ones they resisted, as well as their stance regarding social matters, the Egyptian ulama comprehended and recognized modernity as useful. Advanced techniques had to be embraced to strengthen state institutions. However, the ulama thwarted massive and sudden adoption of modernity's cultural elements, so that Egypt would not become a chaotic country and go astray. On the weight of their position as the ultimate authority over family law, the Egyptian ulama blocked rapid social change imposed from the top. Alterations to family law and the social structure were undertaken gradually and with a great deal of delicacy. Therefore, the long-standing social order was not suddenly destroyed and replaced with a new one. Instead, changes to the long-standing social structure were allowed to evolve slowly, while the core was largely preserved.
The ulama's far-reaching plan, which was realized in the long run, was to maintain Islam's position in modern Egypt as a guide and as the main source of legitimacy. As will be shown in this study, the history of the Egyptian ulama reveals not passivity, detachment, or submission but careful, and deliberate action.
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Leistner, Paul Roland. « The Dynamics of Creating Strong Democracy in Portland, Oregon : 1974 to 2013 ». PDXScholar, 2013. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1521.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Communities across the United States are experiencing a "civic revival" that is reconnecting community members with local decision-making and civic life in their communities. Since the 1980s, academic researchers and local governance reformers have advocated for a shift away from the traditional top-down, expert-driven approach to governance and toward a governance model in which government leaders and staff and community members work as partners to shape the community and make local decisions. Portland, Oregon, since the 1970s, has been known nationally and internationally as a city with a tradition of strong community involvement. Portland's successes and failures offer a valuable case study into what it takes to develop, implement, and sustain policies, structures, and programs that encourage greater participatory democracy.
This dissertation reviews the evolution of Portland's community and neighborhood system from its creation in the 1970s through 2013 through an examination of the many reviews of the system over the years supplemented by reviews of newspaper accounts and informal, unstructured interviews with individuals who were involved in different processes and programs. This dissertation investigates which elements are important to the success of a city-wide community and neighborhood involvement system, the factors that help or hinder the adoption and implementation of system reforms, and strategies that help embed system advances to prevent them from being eroded or undone.
This dissertation argues that a community that wants to move toward much greater participatory democracy and community governance must develop and implement a comprehensive strategy that accomplishes three goals: involving many more people in the civic life in their community, building community capacity to organize and be involved in local decision making, and significantly improving the willingness and ability of city leaders and staff to work in partnership with community members and organizations. This dissertation also argues that community and neighborhood involvement systems need to include not only traditional geographic-based neighborhood associations but also communities of people who find their community through shared identity.
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De, Villiers Shirley. « Religious nationalism and negotiation : Islamic identity and the resolution of the Israel/Palestine conflic ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007815.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The use of violence in the Israel/Palestine conflict has been justified and legitimised by an appeal to religion. Militant Islamist organisations like Ramas have become central players in the Palestinian political landscape as a result of the popular support that they enjoy. This thesis aims to investigate the reasons for this support by analysing the Israel/Palestine conflict in terms of Ruman Needs Theory. According to this Theory, humans have essential needs that need to be fulfilled in order to ensure survival and development. Among these needs, the need for identity and recognition of identity is of vital importance. This thesis thus explores the concept of identity as a need, and investigates this need as it relates to inter-group conflict. In situating this theory in the Israel/Palestine conflict, the study exammes how organisations like Ramas have Islamised Palestinian national identity in order to garner political support. The central contention, then, is that the primary identity group of the Palestinian population is no longer nationalist, but Islamic/nationalist. In Islamising the conflict with Israel as well as Palestinian identity, Ramas has been able to justify its often indiscriminate use of violence by appealing to religion. The conflict is thus perceived to be one between two absolutes - that of Islam versus Judaism. In considering the conflict as one of identities struggling for survival in a climate of perceived threat, any attempt at resolution of the conflict needs to include a focus on needs-based issues. The problem-solving approach to negotiation allows for parties to consider issues of identity, recognition and security needs, and thus ensures that the root causes of conflicts are addressed, The contention is that this approach is vital to any conflict resolution strategy where identity needs are at stake, and it provides the grounding for the success of more traditional zero-sum bargaining methods. A recognition of Islamic identity in negotiation processes in Israel/Palestine may thus make for a more comprehensive conflict resolution strategy, and make the outcomes of negotiations more acceptable to the people of Palestine, thus undermining the acceptance of violence that exists at present.
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Araújo, Maria do Socorro de Sousa 1954. « Territórios amazônicos e Araguaia mato-grossense : configurações de modernidade, políticas de ocupação e civilidade para os sertões ». [s.n.], 2013. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280819.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Orientador: Paulo Celso MiceliTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-22T12:19:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Araujo_MariadoSocorrodeSousa_D.pdf: 3478272 bytes, checksum: 20587b21ea1335d9f698e0b10ca531f0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013
Resumo: Este trabalho de pesquisa tem por finalidade apresentar e problematizar várias práticas de ocupação, bem como os usos políticos dos territórios amazônicos, no decorrer do século XX, e em destaque, a Amazônia mato-grossense - o vale do Araguaia. Para tanto, na perspectiva da História Cultural, o conjunto dos discursos que se aloja nas fontes documentais revela as estratégias de ação com as quais a multiplicidade de agentes sociais conduz seus propósitos. Nas arenas dos jogos de interesses distintos, estão imbricadas as dimensões do público e do privado, do geral e do particular, do formal e do informal, da ética e da estética. Nesse caminho, os resultados da pesquisa dão visibilidade aos múltiplos comportamentos individuais e coletivos que produzem encontros e desencontros, parceiros e adversários, aliados e inimigos, a partir das concepções que os grupos sociais formulam sobre o mundo em que vivem e, com elas, constroem suas experiências de vida. Na segunda metade do século passado, o "inventário" dos territórios amazônicos, com fins de exploração econômica, que se estabeleceu a partir das políticas governamentais, tem como suporte maior os conflitos agrários em função dos "negócios fundiários", em que se transformou o uso das terras. Nestas práticas de violência, se enfrentaram (e continuam se enfrentando) Igreja católica, empresários, poderes públicos (Executivo, Legislativo e Judiciário), representações sociais como sindicatos, CNBB, ONG's, OAB, etc., o que tem chamado a atenção de jornalistas e intelectuais. Por último, a pesquisa, no seu todo, também aponta aspectos singulares de um tempo carregado de representações da modernidade, cujas ações colocam à prova, valores e tradições. As formas de agir, portanto, dão sentido às escolhas, aos comportamentos político-sociais e culturais, às vitórias e até aos fracassos com que as populações sertanejas (índios, ribeirinhos, agricultores pobres e imigrantes) constroem suas experiências de vida na dimensão e nas tramas do progresso
Abstract: This research aims to present and discuss various forms of occupation and the political uses of Amazon territories in the twentieth century, highlighting the Amazon in Mato Grosso - the Araguaia valley. Therefore, from the perspective of Cultural History, the set of discourses that constitute the documentary sources reveals the strategies of action with which the various social agents operate their purposes. In different games of interest, dimensions of public and private are intertwined, as well as the general and the particular, the formal and the informal, ethics and aesthetics. In this way, research results show the various individual and collective behaviors that produce meetings and disagreements, partners and adversaries, allies and enemies, from the conception that social groups formulate about the world they live in and, with them, build their life experiences. In the second half of the last century, the "inventory" of the Amazon spaces for economic exploitation purposes, which is established from government policies, originated many land conflicts on the basis of "land deals" that turned into land use. In these practices of violence, Catholic Church, entrepreneurs, government (Executive, Legislative and Judicial), social representations such as syndicate, CNBB, NGOs, OAB, etc., faced (and have been facing). And it has drawn the attention of journalists and intellectuals. Finally, research on the whole indicates the unique aspects of a historical time laden with representations of modernity, whose actions put values and traditions to the test. The forms of action, therefore, give meaning to the choices, political-economic and socio-cultural behaviors, victories and even failures with which the region's people (Indians, riverine, poor farmers and immigrants) build their life experiences in dimension and frames of progress
Doutorado
Historia Cultural
Doutora em História
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Fogelholm, Jens. « Lost in Space : Sökandet efter mening hos människan i Titan A.E ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-339480.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis deals with the depiction of meaningfulness and meaning-making, as seen in human characters in the 2000 animated science fiction film Titan A.E. (directed by Don Bluth). The analysis aims to show how Titan A.E. portrays a collective humanity in their search for a meaningful existence, given the outer space setting of its story. Evil is also brought up, in the context of how it creates meaning within the main narrative of the story. The emotions expressed by the story's characters are treated as if they were real. Meaningfulness and meaning-making get exemplified in both dialogue and visual components seen in the film. In addition to this, some reflection is made on the promotional trailers of Titan A.E. and how their displayed contents differ from the finished product. In parallel to the main analysis, there is a wider discussion made about the relationship between films and their real-world process of production, especially regarding whether theological reflection and the film industry can intersect or not.
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Feinman, David Eric. « Divided government and congressional foreign policy a case study of the post-World War II era in American government ». Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2011. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/4891.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The purpose of this research is to analyze the relationship between the executive and legislative branches of American federal government, during periods within which these two branches are led by different political parties, to discover whether the legislative branch attempts to independently legislate and enact foreign policy by using "the power of the purse" to either appropriate in support of or refuse to appropriate in opposition to military engagement abroad. The methodology for this research includes the analysis and comparison of certain variables, including public opinion, budgetary constraints, and the relative majority of the party that holds power in one or both chambers, and the ways these variables may impact the behavior of the legislative branch in this regard. It also includes the analysis of appropriations requests made by the legislative branch for funding military engagement in rejection of requests from the executive branch for all military engagements that occurred during periods of divided government from 1946 through 2009.ID: 029809199; System requirements: World Wide Web browser and PDF reader.; Mode of access: World Wide Web.; Thesis (M.A.)--University of Central Florida, 2011.; Includes bibliographical references (p. 110-112).
M.A.
Masters
Political Science
Sciences
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Kay, Simon Michael Gorniak. « Literary, political and historical approaches to Virgil's Aeneid in early modern France ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/13837.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis examines the increasing sophistication of sixteenth-century French literary engagement with Virgil's Aeneid. It argues that successive forms of engagement with the Aeneid should be viewed as a single process that gradually adopts increasingly complex literary strategies. It does this through a series of four different forms of literary engagement with the Aeneid: translation, continuation, rejection and reconciliation. The increasing sophistication of these forms reflects the writers' desire to interact with the original Aeneid as political epic and Roman foundation narrative, and with the political, religious and literary contexts of early modern France. The first chapter compares the methods of and motivations behind all of the sixteenth-century translations of the Aeneid into French; it thus demonstrates shifts in successive translators' interpretations of Virgil's work, and of its application to sixteenth-century France. The next three chapters each analyse adaptation of Virgil's poem in a major French literary work. Firstly, Ronsard's Franciade is analysed as an example of French foundation epic that simultaneously draws upon and rejects Virgil's narrative. Ronsard's poem is read in the light of Mapheo Vegio's “Thirteenth Book” of the Aeneid, or Supplementum, which continues Virgil's narrative and carries it over into a Christian context. Next, Agrippa d'Aubigné's response to Virgilian epic in Les Tragiques is shown to have been mediated by Lucan's Pharsalia and its anti- epic and anti-imperialist interpretation of the Aeneid. D'Aubigné's inversion of Virgil is highlighted through comparison of attitudes to death and resurrection in Les Tragiques, the Aeneid and Vegio's Antoniad. Finally, Guillaume de Salluste du Bartas' combination, in La Sepmaine and La Seconde Sepmaine of the hexameral structure of Genesis with Virgil's narrative of reconciliation after civil war is shown to represent the most sophisticated understanding of and most complex interaction with the Aeneid in sixteenth-century France.
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McKeogh, Katie. « Sir Thomas Tresham (1543-1605) and early modern Catholic culture and identity, 1580-1610 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c6d9ffcd-570e-4334-acd4-735c656c0a1f.
Texte intégralRésumé :
What did it mean to be a Catholic elite in Protestant England? The relationship between the Protestant crown and its Catholic subjects may be examined fruitfully through a study of an individual and his world. This thesis examines this relationship through the example of Sir Thomas Tresham, who has often been seen as the archetypal Catholic loyalist. It is argued that the notion of Catholic loyalism must be reconfigured to account for the complexities inherent in the relationship between Catholics and the government. The duty to honour the monarch's authority was bound up with social and national sentiment, but it often accompanied criticisms of the practice of that authority, and the ways in which it encroached on personal experience. Intractable tensions lay behind expressions of loyalty, and this thesis travels in these undercurrents of cultural, social, religious, and political conflict to investigate the nuanced relationship between English Catholics and English society. Political resistance as classically understood - actions which directly opposed and undermined government policy - risks the exclusion of culture and identity, through which resistance was redefined. It is argued that Tresham's participation in elite activities became vehicles for resistance in the Catholic context. Book-collecting, reading, and the donation of books to an institutional library are framed as forms of resistance which countered the spirit of government legislation, and provided for the continuation of a robust tradition of Catholic scholarship on English soil. Through artistic and architectural projects, Tresham found ways to participate in elite culture which were not closed off to him, and in which Catholicism and gentility could sit side by side. These activities were also avenues for resistance, whereby the erection of stone testaments to Tresham's faith defied the government's attempts to redefine Englishness and gentility in Protestant terms, to the devastation of Catholicism. These artistic works combined piety, gentility, and resistance, and, together with Tresham's two Catholic libraries, they were to be his legacy.
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Hogan, Marina. « The fictional Savonarola and the creation of modern Italy ». University of Western Australia. European Languages and Studies Discipline Group. Italian Studies, 2009. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2010.0035.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis deals with Girolamo Savonarola and with his place in the imagination and collective memory of Italians from the early nineteenth century to the present. It examines the works of a variety of Italian fictional authors who turned to Savonarola in the belief that he could help them pursue objectives which, in their opinion, Italy and Italians should strive to achieve. At first, he was called upon by nationalist writers of the Risorgimento to inspire a people and convince it of the need for a free, united Italy. Later, as the new nation began to consolidate and Italians came to realize that unification had not delivered all that it had promised, Savonarola was employed in a negative way to show that military action and force were necessary to ensure Italy's progress to the status of great power. As Italians became more aware of the grave social issues facing their nation, he was called upon, once again, to help change social policy and to remind the people of its civic responsibility to the less fortunate members of society. The extent of Savonarola's adaptability is also explored through the analysis of his manipulation by the writers of Fascist Italy. Remarkably, he was used to highlight to Italians their duty to stand by Mussolini and the Fascist Regime during their struggle with the Catholic Church and the Pope. At the same time, however, one writer daringly used Savonarola's apostolate to condemn the Regime and the people's blind adherence to its philosophies. As Fascism fell and Italy began to rebuild after the Second World War, there was no longer a need for Savonarola to be used for political or militaristic ends. In recent times, emphasis has been placed on the human side of the Friar and he has been employed solely to guide Italians in a civic, moral and spiritual sense. From the Risorgimento to the present, the various changes in Italian history have been foreshadowed in the treatment of Savonarola by Italian fictional authors who turned to him in difficult times to help define what it is to be Italian.
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Barratt, Elizabeth. « Choosing to be part of the story : the participation of the South African National Editors' Forum in the democratising process / ». Thesis, Link to the online version, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10019/29.
Texte intégral
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HOLMSEN, Jenny. « Believe it or not : the new face of religion in international affairs : a case study of Sant'Egidio ». Doctoral thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/60219.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 11 December 2018Examining Board: Professor Olivier Roy, European University Institute (Supervisor) ; Professor Marc Gopin, George Mason University ; Dr Ole Jacob Sending, Norwegian Institute of International Affairs ; Professor Jennifer Welsh, European University Institute.
In this dissertation I seek to contribute to our understanding of the recasting of religion in the global order. I approach this by conducting a case study of a prominent practitioner of religious diplomacy: the Italian Catholic Community of Sant’Egidio. I suggest that faith-based mediation is an important arena in which the meaning and role of religion in international politics and diplomacy is (re)negotiated, and seek to develop our understanding of two lacunae in the academic research on faith-based mediation: the operational dynamics of faithbased mediation and its links and contact points with international politics. With a view to developing a comprehensive and contextualized study of the Sant’Egidio community, I draw upon practice theory and mediation theory and propose a three-layered research design focusing on: the internal religious practices of the community; its conflict mediation practices; and, finally, its role and impact as a global entrepreneur of religion and politics. I show that faith-based mediation - when performed by a transnational, professionalized religious network such as Sant’Egidio - is likely to take on some distinctive characteristics that do not necessarily resonate with the findings established in the academic literature on faith-based mediation and religious peacemaking. I further argue that the Sant’Egidio community - through its status and role as a leading practitioner of religious diplomacy -is entrenched in a broader transformative process affecting both dominant ways of “thinking” religion in the current global order as well as traditional modes of conducting international diplomacy and politics.
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Ori, Konye Obaji. « Conceptualizing Boko Haram : victimage ritual and the construction of Islamic fundamentalism ». Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/4079.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)In this study, rhetorical analysis through the framework of victimage ritual is employed to analyze four Boko Haram messages on You Tube, five e-mail messages sent to journalists from leaders of Boko Haram, and a BlogSpot web page devoted to Boko Haram. The aim of this analysis is to understand the persuasive devices by which Boko Haram leaders create, express, and sustain their jurisprudence on acts of violence. The goal of this study is to understand how leaders of Boko Haram construct and express the group’s values, sway belief, and justify violence. The findings show that Boko Haram desire to redeem non-Muslims from perdition, liberate Muslims from persecution, protect Islam from criticism, and revenge perceived acts of injustices against Muslims. The group has embarked on this aim by allotting blame, vilifying the enemy-Other, pressing for a holy war, encouraging martyrdom, and alluding to an apocalypse. Boko Haram’s audience is made to believe that Allah has assigned Boko Haram the task to liberate and restore an Islamic haven in Nigeria. Therefore, opposition from the Nigerian government or Western forces is constructed as actions of evil, thus killing members of the opposition becomes a celestial and noble cause. This juxtaposition serves to encourage the violent Jihad which leaders of Boko Haram claims Allah assigned them to lead in the first place. As a result of this cyclical communication, media houses, along the Nigerian government, Christians and Western ideals become the symbolic evil, against which Muslims, sympathizers and would-be-recruits must unite. By locking Islam against the Nigerian government, Western ideals and Christianity in a characteristically hostile manner, Boko Haram precludes any real solution other than an orchestrated Jihad-crusade-or-cleanse model in which a possible coexistence of Muslims and the enemy-Other are denied, and the threat posed by the enemy-Other is eliminated through conversion or destruction. As a result, this study proposes that Boko Haram Internet messages Boko Haram’s mission reveals a movement of separatism, conservatism, and fascism. A movement based on the claim that its activism will establish a state in accordance with the dictates of Allah.
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XANTHOPOULOU, DIMITRIADOU Parthena. « Discursive movement politics of the crisis : frames, 'subjects' and cultures of sociopolitical contestation : a comparative analysis of the anti-austerity and pro-democracy mobilizations of Greece and Spain ». Doctoral thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/54664.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 17 May 2018Examining Board: Prof. Donatella della Porta, SNS Florence (former EUI) | Supervisor; Prof. Olivier Roy, EUI; Prof. Maria Kousis, University of Crete; Prof. Cristina Flesher Fominaya, Loughborough University
The financial crisis of 2008, which plunged the global economy into unprecedented recession caused a dramatic downturn in economic activity and exceptionally increased political instability. In the years of the crisis civil unrest became part of the daily routine of afflicted countries around the world, reaching its peak in the global wave of anti-austerity and pro-democracy mobilizations of late 2010-2011. Protesting the politics of austerity and the diminished solvency of the political system, the mobilizations rose above the business-as-usual type of protesting and summoned an exceptionally heterogenous population raising strong demands for democratization and the political empowerment of the people. The characteristically heterogeneous constituency of the mobilizations, the characteristically broad demand for democratization and the fact that in many instances this demand was raised in sociopolitical contexts of consolidated democracies highlighted a central puzzle with three angles: What does the demand for democratization mean, when it is raised in already democratic contexts? What does the mobilizations’ demand for democracy practically imply? Who constitute the ‘subject’ of the mobilizations and through what processes have they been ‘constructed’ as a collective demanding democracy? Narrowing down the focus on the European wave of mobilizations, this research seeks to find answers to these questions by examining comparatively the antiausterity mobilizations of Greece and Spain. The hypothesis of this comparative examination is that the mobilizations’ commonly raised demands for democratization and their similar advocacies -for ‘Direct Democracy’ in Greece and ‘Real Democracy’ in Spain- are effectively filtered through the lens of nation-specific cultures of contestation. Relying on qualitative methods of analysis, this research examines patterns of contestation and relationships in the Greek and Spanish anti-austerity mobilizations and demonstrates that the Greek and Spanish movement politics of the crisis represent distinct examples of contemporary sociopolitical contestation that cannot be comprehensively understood on the basis of some sort of European -or for that matter Southern European- sameness, despite their firm embeddedness in the European wave of anti-austerity and pro-democracy mobilizations of late 2010-2011.
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DAMHUIS, Koen Henricus Bernardus. « Roads to the radical right : understanding different forms of electoral support for radical right-wing parties in France and the Netherlands ». Doctoral thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/60251.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 14 December 2018Examining Board: Prof. Stefano Bartolini, European University Institute; Prof. Mark Bovens, Utrecht University; Prof. Daniel Gaxie, University Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne (Co-supervisor); Prof. Hanspeter Kriesi, European University Institute (Supervisor)
The aim of this dissertation is to shed new light on the electoral support for radical rightwing parties (RRP). Whereas most existing investigations assume a form of causal homogeneity, the starting point of this research project is based on what I call electoral equifinality : the coexistence of multiple causal paths leading towards different forms of support for the same political party. In order to discern and understand different forms of RRP support, the study takes both the supply and the demand side into account. Regarding the supply side, I link cleavage theory and conflict sociology to the Laclauian notion of equivalence , arguing that the electoral appeal of RRP relies on their capacity to coherently unify a multiplicity of heterogeneous demands along the same main antagonism: national versus foreign. Following Weber’s and Parkin’s thoughts on social closure, I theorize that this nativist core conflict is invoked according to a specific tripartite structure, which, to my knowledge, has remained quite unnoticed in the existing literature. In accordance with this theory, a new dataset is developed (n = 1,378), based on the tweets of Le Pen and Wilders, to compare the political supply of their parties in terms of forms of closure, reference groups and issue categories. Pertaining to the demand side, a sequential mixed methods design is followed, focusing quantitatively on the structural heterogeneity within RRP constituencies along three dimensions within a Bourdieusian framework of social space: social characteristics (who); political preferences (why) and political interest (how). Subsequently, the second qualitative research step is based on life history interviews with 125 RRP voters in France and the Netherlands, leading to a typology of radical right support. Taken together, these findings contribute to a more fine-grained understanding of RRP support in Western Europe and open up theoretical and empirical perspectives for future research.
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ZHURAVLEV, Oleg. « Microsociology of big events : the dynamics of eventful solidarities in "for fair elections" and Euromaidan protest movements ». Doctoral thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/59572.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 22 October 2018Examining Board: Professor Donatella della Porta, Scuola Normale Superiore, supervisor; Professor László Bruszt, Central European University; Professor Nina Eliasoph, University of Southern California; Professor Laurent Thévenot, Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales.
The thesis is devoted to a micro-sociological analysis of "big" protests. Comparing Russian "For fair elections" movement with Ukrainian Euromaidan, I study how eventful identities, solidarities, and cultural representations that emerged in the course of the protests then developed and changed contributing to either socio-political change, or reproduction. I analyze dynamics of both the uprisings themselves and the dynamics of post-protest collective action. The first part of the text analyzes a phenomenon new to Russia: the politicized local activism that has emerged in the wake of the "For fair elections" protests. Urban activism in Russian has been rarely politicized; rather, it addressed "familiar", "close to home" problems and that kept distance from "politics". Anti-Putin rallies of 2011-2012 changed the landscape of Russian civic activism. Inspired by the experience of collective actions, protesters resolved to keep it going in their own neighborhoods, establishing local activist groups and tackling smaller-scale problems typical of apolitical activism, e.g., defending parks from deforestation and buildings from demolition, and working for improvements. However, activists attributed oppositional and "political" meanings to practices that had been rather apolitical before the protests of 2011-2012. Thus, my study revealed the significant eventful change in the political culture of Russian urban activism. At the same time, in many cases mass events lead to the intensifying of pre-existing political and cultural structures, cultures, identities and discourses. In the second part of the text I show that Euromaidan consecutively first weakened and then enforced the ethno-cultural and political split between Western and Eastern Ukranian citizens. While “Euromaidan” initially succeeded at creating a new civic identity that united the protesters, this identity failed to spread beyond the event. Paradoxically, the initial push for civic unity and inclusivity, when intensified, transformed into a tool of promoting exclusivity. The text is based on the analysis of in-depths interviews and focus-groups. The conclusions address the theoretical discussions within the eventful approach in social science, pragmatic and cultural sociology.
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Mahuku, Darlington Ngoni. « Militarizing politics or politicizing the military ? Interactions between politicians and the military in Zimbabwe, 2000-2013 ». Thesis, 2017. https://hdl.handle.net/10539/24724.
Texte intégralRésumé :
A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, 2017The thesis analyses civil-military relations in Zimbabwe since independence, but especially during the period from 2000 through 2013. A central question is why an outright military coup has not occurred, despite severe political and economic crises. Thequestion is broken down into two linked sub- -military relations question of why the military have not seized power from civilians and (2) the question why no "populist military revolt" has occurred, despite the kind of hyperinflation that has triggered such revolts in countries like Ghana and Ethiopia: [Abbreviated Abstract. Open document to view full version]
XL2018
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Block, Kristen. « Faith and fortune religious identity and the politics of profit in the seventeenth-century Caribbean ». 2007. http://hdl.rutgers.edu/1782.2/rucore10001600001.ETD.15789.
Texte intégral
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PORTOS, GARCÍA Martín. « Voicing outrage, contending with austerity : mobilisation in Spain under the Great Recession ». Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/45426.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 17 January 2017Examining Board: Professor Donatella della Porta, Scuola Normale Superiore/ formerly EUI (supervisor); Professor Hanspeter Kriesi, EUI; Professor Eva Anduiza, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona; Professor Robert M. Fishman, Universidad Carlos III de Madrid
This thesis deals with the Spanish cycle of protest in the shadow of the Great Recession. It has a twofold aspiration. On the one hand, from a process-based approach, it seeks to unravel the timing of the cycle of contention that evolved in light of the recession scenario between 2007 and 2015. I argue that the peak of protest persisted for a long time (from mid-2011 until 2013) because institutionalisation was postponed and radicalisation contained. Specifically, I focus on three aspects, key to understanding the trajectory of collective actions: 1) issue specialisation of protest after the first triggering points, 2) alliance building between unions and new actors, and 3) the transition process towards more routinised repertoires of action that came about as protests declined. On the other hand, the thesis aims at shedding light on the role that grievances play for mobilisation dynamics in a context of material deprivation. Covering multiple levels of analysis, the main argument developed here is that the effects of objective-material aspects and socioeconomic grievances are mediated by political attitudes, especially political dissatisfaction. To empirically test my arguments, I use qualitative data from semi-structured interviews, which are combined with information from a self-collated protest event analysis and different statistical analyses based on time series, panel data and other survey materials.
Chapter 3 of the thesis is based on an article published in Partecipazione e conflitto (2016)