Articles de revues sur le sujet « Regionalism – Belgium »

The article reveals the content of the terms “borrowing”, “belgicism”, “regionalism” in the framework of the comparative study of the Belgian version of the French language and the metropolitan French language. The research focuses on the regionalisms in the Belgian version of the French language, which, along with the standard Belgian French, constitute an important part of the vocabulary, have special features in terms of content or expression in comparison with lexis of the metropolitan French language. The author focuses on the contextual analysis of the lexis in the Belgian French and the standard French language in order to identify the lexical and semantic features and dynamics of linguistic processes in the territory of French-speaking Belgium. In the course of the study, dictionaries of regionalisms and belgicisms were used; the main research method is comparative.

Every spoken linguistic system shared by the community in its whole linguistic field has, in addition, structurally related regional variants covering a smaller space; for instance, present-day French soixante-dix of the common norm, has septante as a regionalism in eastern France, Belgium and French Switzerland. This implies that Proto-Romance, the mother tongue of Romance, has also had a common norm with regionalisms; the problem, however, is that the comparative method, the only one enabling us to reconstruct a proto-language, has been conceived for the reconstruction of the common norm only; fortunately, the existence of certain types of regionalisms may nevertheless be proven by means of alternative methods, as the present paper is meant to show

Regionalism denotes social demands in regions for greater autonomy from the central institutions of their state.1 Its bottom-up character sharply distinguishes it from traditional ideas of top-down regional policy.2 National law may respond to such demands with decentralizing reforms. The reforms may entail federalisation, as in Belgium, or asymmetrical devolution, as in the United Kingdom. The legal significance of the responses may be expected to vary depending on whether legislative or merely administrative powers are allocated to regional institutions and on whether legislative powers allocated are entrenched at regional level or merely delegated to regional institutions.3

While globalizing trends stimulate the creation of entirely new regions, established regional and local identities remain. Architectural historians, among others, explore the ways in which regionalism has been — and continues to be — defined and redefined. Current issues in this debate include what regional architectural traditions might be; whether regions can be defined by architecture; and how regional traditions of architecture have been defined and interpreted by artists, authors and scholars. Nineteenth-century Belgian architecture is particularly relevant in this context. The formation of Belgian Art Nouveau’s style and identity have both been the object of numerous studies, but while Art Nouveau is probably the best-known creation of Belgian nineteenth-century architecture, it is hardly the only one, nor indeed the only interesting one. One of the sources identified for Belgian Art Nouveau has been the milieu of the so-called Flemish Renaissance Revival, which produced such architectural gems as Emile Janlet’s (1839–1919) Belgian pavilion at the World Exhibition in Paris (1878) and Jean Winders’ (1849–1936) own house and studio (1882–83) in Antwerp (Fig. 1).

This paper examines the relationship between European integration and ethnonational demands with the example of selected regions in the European Union (EU). It follows the theoretical premises of new regionalism and explores the ways in which ethnonational groups use the opportunities and resources of European governance to express their identities, material interests, and political demands. Methodologically, it conducts a plausibility probe of the potential effects of European integration on ethnonationalism by testing for regional differences in identities, interests, and political attitudes. The case studies are drawn from the UK (Wales and Scotland), Belgium (Flanders), Austria (Carinthia and Burgenland), Romania (Northwest and Center regions), and Bulgaria (South-Central and South-Eastern regions) as a representative selection of regional interests in the EU. The paper finds that European integration affects ethnonational groups by reinforcing identity construction in the direction of inclusiveness and diversity. Although regional actors are more supportive of the EU than the European publics in general, they also seek access to representation in the authority structures of the state. Based on these findings, the paper concludes that European integration facilitates a growing public acceptance of its resources, in parallel with persisting allegiances to the nation-state, the community, and ethnoregional distinctiveness.

In this remarkable book, Marie Béatrice Umutesi recounts what she saw and experienced in Rwanda before and during the 1994 genocide, and as a refugee in Zaire after the genocide. With its intense local level perspective, her study provides fresh insights into the Rwanda genocide and its antecedents, the massacre of Rwandan refugees during the war in Zaire of the mid-1990s, and the utter failure of the international media to understand what was happening there on the ground. Eschewing extremism of all sides, Umutesi records the experiences of ordinary people buffeted by violent events and broader political dynamics they could not control. She is a perspicacious observer—astute, courageous, engaged, and compassionate. One of the remarkable features of this narrative, however, is how little Umutesi appears in this text; it is about her experiences, to be sure, but not about “her.” It is as a testimonial to the times and the human experiences of those times that this tale has such force.The initial chapters ofSurviving the Slaughterrecount Umutesi's experiences as a student in the 1970s and mid-1980s and (having completed her university education) as a young adult managing rural development programs. Ethnic distinctions between Hutu and Tutsi held litde importance for Umutesi and her friends while she was growing up. Instead, as a Hutu from the north, she found that regional tensions among Hutu were important during the 1980s, under the Second Republic of Juvenal Habyarimana, when she witnessed regionalism in high school and college in Rwanda. Only later, when studying in Belgium, did ethnic distinctions and discrimination between Hutu and Tutsi come into play. The examples she describes show both the contingent nature of ethnic categorization and identities in Rwanda, and the importance of politics in shaping their salience.

The State reform is at the root of a deep mutation of institutions in Wallonia. Indeed, the regionalist trend has increased. With this renunciation of the French speakers from Brussels, the two political parties, FDF and PRL, have decided to join their efforts in order to safeguard their interests. A lot of Walloons get worried about federal Belgium Kingdom. Being anxious to demonstrate their attachment to Belgium, they organize a unitary demonstration and thus show their affection to late King Baudouin, symbol of national unity. 1993 is also theyear of "juridical affairs". With the investigations about the murder of André Cools, some socialist politicians are harassed. Misappropriation of stolen securities, corruption, murder are the headlines in the newspaper almost wholeyear. From an economic point ofview, the province of Hainaut region highly reached by the economic crisis gets some help from the European Community being called "Objective I Europe". In the educative field, the French speaking teaching is deeply modified.

La cuestión de la reconstrucción de Bélgica tras la guerra europea se abordará, bajo la influencia de Unwin y Berlage, desde un urbanismo planificado en el que el modelo de ciudad-jardín de casas en alquiler, apoyado por la poderosa Société Nationale des HBM creada en 1919, se alzará con el protagonismo absoluto de la lucha contra el problema de la vivienda. Toda una generación de jóvenes arquitectos socialistas vinculados a aquella entidad (Bourgeois, Van der Swaelmen...) se entusiasmará con ese modelo entendido como un símbolo de progreso y una vía posible hacia la ville moderne, desechará el regionalismo y se irá decantando en dos corrientes arquitectónicas que finalmente se convertirían en distintivo de las ciudades-jardines belgas del periodo entreguerras: "cubistas" y "simplificadores", ambas caracterizadas por la sencillez de las formas, la investigación sobre construcción económica (sistemas y materiales, estandarización, industrialización) y su vinculación a la eclosión del Movimiento Moderno.

In de historiografie werd het aandeel van het Vlaamse socialisme in de Vlaamse beweging lang miskend. Rond 1970 toonde onderzoek aan hoe het Vlaamse socialisme, ondanks een beperkt aantal volksvertegenwoordigers (drie in 1900 ten opzichte van 23 Waalse en 5 Brusselse) de taalwetten verdedigden. Na een frontale botsing met Waalse partijgenoten werd de taalkwestie in de unitaire Belgische Werkliedenpartij (°1885) in 1909 een vrije kwestie. Intussen vorderde het onderzoek. Dat maakte een nieuwe synthese mogelijk. Het opzet werd breder. In een eerste deel werd de partij doorgelicht als vertrekpunt naar communautaire tegenstellingen: een socialistisch reformisme en attentisme, het besluitvormingsproces, de interactie tussen centraal bestuur/federaties/ parlementsfractie, de ongelijkmatige economische ontwikkeling en de politieke vertaling ervan, het interne taalgebruik. Zoals elders vereenzelvigde de BWP zich steeds meer met het nationale vaderland. Brusselse, Vlaamse en Waalse socialisten vulden dit echter anders in.In een tweede deel staan de communautaire spanningen zelf centraal. Aanvankelijk leek het er op dat Vlamingen en Walen als Belgen taalkundig naar elkaar konden groeien. Dat veronderstelde gelijkheid en wederkerigheid. Het streefdoel werd dan ofwel een veralgemeende tweetaligheid ofwel een officiële eentaligheid van beide taalgebieden. Dat gebeurde niet. Na 1900 ging het Vlaamse socialisme tot de voorhoede van de Vlaamse beweging behoren, terwijl het Waalse socialisme de leiding van de Waalse beweging overnam. Dat was een complex proces. Voor de analyse ervan werd vertrokken van de argumenten die de Gentse leider Anseele in 1911 gebruikte om zijn afwachtend standpunt te verduidelijken: de Vlaamse kwestie als hoofd- of bijzaak, de toegenomen sterkte van de Vlaamse beweging, het beginselprogramma van de partij, het gevaar voor de eenheid van het Vlaamse socialisme én voor de eenheid van het Belgische socialisme.Wat alle partijgenoten bond, was een emotionele en rationele identificatie, gericht op de strijd voor politieke gelijkheid via het afdwingen van algemeen enkelvoudig stemrecht. Maar secundair botsten toenemende regionalismen. Het Vlaamse socialisme verscherpte de taalstrijd als aspect van de klassenstrijd tegen de francofone dominantie, die de emancipatie van de arbeiders bemoeilijkte. De eis tot ‘culturele autonomie’ (Otto Bauer!) vond ingang: zelfbeschikking over een Nederlandstalig onderwijs van laag tot hoog. Het Waalse socialisme duldde steeds minder de negatie van het programma door voortdurend aan de macht blijvende katholieke regeringen sinds 1884. Die steunden op Vlaanderen, terwijl in Wallonië een antiklerikale meerderheid van liberalen en socialisten bestond. De superioriteit van het Frans in België in vraag stellen of de kennis van het Nederlands aan Walen opleggen, werd geïnterpreteerd als een bijkomende discriminatie. Desnoods werd met bestuurlijke scheiding gedreigd. Toch werden in de partij mogelijkheden tot een vergelijk gezocht. België bestond uit twee volken met eigen culturele rechten. Breekpunt bleef hoe men wilde omgaan met ‘taalminderheden’ in beide landsgedeelten en hoe men die wilde definiëren.________‘Frenemies’? Communitarian tensions in the Socialist Party until 1914The contribution of Flemish socialism to the Flemish Movement has long been misunderstood in the historiography. Around 1970, research demonstrated how Flemish socialism, despite a limited number of representatives in parliament (three in 1900, in contrast to 23 from Wallonia and 5 from Brussels) defended the language laws. After a major clash with Walloon fellow party members, the language question became a free question within the Belgian Workers’ Party (*1885). In the meantime, the research kept advancing. This made a new synthesis possible. The framework became broader. In the first wave, the party was studied as a point of departure toward communitarian oppositions: a socialist reformism and ‘wait-andsee’ attitude, the decision-making process, the interaction between the central committee, federations, and the parliamentary group, uneven economic development and the political consequences thereof, internal language use. As elsewhere, the BWP identified more and more with the national fath-erland. Brussels, Flemish and Walloon socialists each understood this very differently.In the second wave, the communitarian tensions themselves take center stage. Originally, it seemed that Flemings and Walloons could grow toward one another linguistically as Belgians. This presupposed equality and reciprocity. The goal of struggle became either a general bilingualism or an official monolingualism for both language regions. That did not happen. After 1900, Flemish socialism belonged to the vanguard of the Flemish Movement, while Walloon socialism took over the leadership of the Walloon Movement. This was a complex process. The analysis of it took as a starting point the arguments that the Ghent leader Anseele used in 1911 in order to clarify his ‘wait-and-see’ point of view: the Flemish question as main or side question, the increasing strength of the Flemish Movement, the party manifesto, the concern for the unity of Flemish social-ism and for the unity of Belgian socialism.What bound all party members together was an emotional and rational identification with each other, built on the struggle for political equality through the demand for single universal suffrage. But growing regionalisms clashed under the surface. Flemish socialism increasingly emphasized the language struggle as an aspect of the class struggle against French-speaking domination, which hindered the emancipation of the workers. The demand for ‘cultural autonomy’ (Otto Bauer!) found purchase: self-determination of a Dutch-language education, from top to bottom. Walloon socialism grew more and more impatient of not being able to realise its program, due to the unbroken chain of Catholic governments in power since 1884. These governments found their support in Flanders, while an anticlerical majority of liberals and social-ists existed in Wallonia. Questioning the superiority of French in Belgium, or imposing the knowledge of Dutch on Walloons, was interpreted as another form of discrimination. If necessary there was the threat of administrative separation. Nevertheless, the party still looked for possibilities for compromise. Belgium consisted of two peoples, each with their own cultural rights. The sensitive point remained how one wanted to handle ‘linguistic minorities’ in both parts of the country, and how one wanted to define them.

Parties participate in national politics that do not pretend to national presence. The author asks whether such parties affect policy outcomes and concludes that they do, albeit in unexpected ways. Basically, nonnational parties influence policy making under certain conditions by trading policy for authority. They help national parties get the policies they want in return for transfers of policy-making authority to regional governments. This willingness to support national policies with minimal amendment makes regional parties attractive partners for national parties in government. The author examines this argument in light of detailed evidence from Spain's minority Socialist and Popular Party governments in the 1990s, along with discussions of the role of regionalism in Belgian politics and of the relationship between the Scottish Nationalist Party and the Labour Party in the United Kingdom.

A survey amongst 602 Flemish secondary school pupils, aged 17-18, shows that a distinction can be made between two different, albeit closely related, dimensions of royalism : the emotional attachment to the king as a person and to the royal family on the one hand, and the political support for the monarchy on the other. Respondents are predominantly indifferent or negative about the monarchy, particularly on the emotional dimension. A multivariate analysis shows that male and non-churchgoing pupils are more negative on both dimensions. Pupils from migrant families are more positive on the emotional dimension. The scores on both dimensions are higher amongst pupils who identify with Belgium rather than with Flanders, who have strong patriotic feelings and who tend towards an authoritarian attitude. The scores are lower amongst pupils with apreference for a regionalist party. The hypothesis that intense royalist feelings coincide with a general attitude of trust in the political authorities was only confirmed with regard to the emotional dimension, while the political support for the monarchy appears to be detached from the trust in the political authorities.

During the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the photographic visualization of the Belgian city of Ghent is closely connected to its urban planning. On one hand, the city is transformed according to the logics of industrial modernization with its functional and spatial zoning. On the other hand, the city’s historical heritage is rediscovered and many medieval buildings were preserved and restored. The planning history of Ghent is usually described in two stages: first, the “Haussmannization” of the city, the creation of boulevards and vistas according to the model of Brussels and Paris, and second, the return to regionalism and a picturesque sensibility during the preparation of the 1913 World’s Fair. The photographic representation of the city seems to mirror this evolution, exchanging the image of the city as a series of isolated monuments for a more sensory and immersive experience. However, a close look at a broad range of images produced by both foreign and local photographers allows us to nuance this assumption. Particularly, the work of Edmond Sacré, who photographed Ghent over half a century, combines a “topographical” and a “picturesque” sensibility.

We present an annotated and illustrated catalogue of fifty type specimens of Afrotropical Tortricidae deposited in the insect collection of the Royal Museum for Central Africa. In addition to primary types, paratypes and/or paralectotypes are described and illustrated when available. Also, syntypes of the treated species deposited in other museums are listed and discussed. The taxonomic position of each species is reviewed. Three genera are described as new: Cornips Razowski, Nepheloploce Razowski, and Recaraceria Razowski. One new species, Cornips gravidspinatus Razowki, is described from the type series of Tortrix dryocausta Meyrick. Twenty-three new combinations and three new synonymies are proposed: Argyrotoxa praeconia Meyrick is transferred to Rubidograptis; Argyrotoxa canthararcha Meyrick to Accra; Homona cyanombra Meyrick, Homona myriosema Meyrick, and Catamacta manticopa Meyrick to Lozotaenia; Niphotixa dryocausta Meyrick and N. agelasta Bradley to Cornips; Tortrix enochlodes Meyrick and Tortrix scaeodoxa Meyrick to Clepsis; Catamacta imbriculata Meyrick and Capua pylora Meyrick to Epichoristodes; Homona hylaeana Meyrick to Meridemis; Argyroploce nephelopsycha Meyrick and Cydia euryteles Meyrick to Endothenia; Argyroploce nephelopyrga Meyrick to Nepheloploce; Polychrosis hendrickxi Ghesquière, Eucosma orphnogenes Meyrick and Eucosma regionalis Meyrick to Sycacantha; Argyroploce carceraria Meyrick and Olethreutes hormoterma Meyrick to Recaraceria; Laspeyresia mixographa Meyrick to Eucosmocydia; Laspeyresia gypsothicta Meyrick to Grapholita. Eucosma niveipalpis Meyrick is a new synonym of Brachioxena sparactis Meyrick; Polychrosis hendrickxi Ghesquière is a new synonym of Sycacantha nereidopa Meyrick, comb. n.; and Laspeyresia cynicopis is a new synonym of Fulcrifera periculosa Meyrick.

May I at the outset crave the reader's indulgence for focusing the subject matter very largely on metropolitan France. The regional varieties of French referred to in the title are therefore those spoken in the French regions, rather than, for example Belgian or Canadian varieties. Moreover, while it is impossible to discuss the regional languages question without taking into account the languages of the DOM-TOM and, indeed, the so-called non-territorial varieties, both of which have taken on considerable political significance in recent times, I have largely limited myself to reviewing sociolinguistic studies of ‘metropolitan’ regional (i.e. territorial) languages. I have also decided to concentrate on the present and thus may be perceived as giving short shrift to the large and growing body of excellent socio-historical work in the field.Four major approaches are reviewed: firstly, the work inspired by the dialectological tradition on French regionalisms (section 2); secondly, quantitative variationist studies (section 3); thirdly, the Imaginaire Linguistique approach to linguistic perceptions (section 4) and fourthly, the approach emerging from the notion of diglossia, as defined by Catalan and Occitan linguists (section 5). Sections 6 to 8 deal with current issues – the Poignant (1998), Carcassonne (1998) and Cerquiglini (1999) reports and the vitality of regional languages as presented in numerous surveys of largely professed practices and exposure in the audio-visual media.

The reaction in Germany indicates that in spite of World War I, the geological community was very much alive. Opinions ranged from violent and emotional rejections by prominent scientists, who saw their previously published theories challenged, to active acceptance of an exciting new concept to be tested in the various fields of geology. The French reaction, delayed by the death of many geologists during the war, and hampered by the language barrier, remained provincial and chauvinistic. Only lofty and skeptical comments were presented against what was considered an amateurish theory by a geophysicist. In reality, nobody in France, with the exception of Philibert Russo and Boris Choubert, was at the time involved in any orogenic theory or prepared to accept the challenge. The idea of continental bridges prevailed. In Switzerland, after the introduction of Wegener's ideas by Emile Argand during the war, and in spite of strong anti-German feelings, the concept was accepted quickly and enthusiastically as the best framework for solving critical problems of Alpine tectonics. Several famous Austrian geologists had published orogenic theories for the Alps based on the contraction the-ory and rejected Wegener's mobilism, but later, under the influence of Swiss geologists, they showed partial acceptance. Belgian geologists rejected Wegener's theory because they considered the beautiful symmetry of the present surface of the Earth incompatible with the assumed breaking-up of an original continental mass. Italian geologists, with a few exceptions, rejected Wegener's "aberration" while Spain, unaffected by the war, had a positive attitude which was facilitated by an early translation and a receptive academic audience. Dutch geologists, deeply involved with the Indonesian archipelago, accepted widespread mobilism with enthusiasm since it provided a spectacular answer to their problems. The Scandinavians, supportive but unable to interpret Precambrian geology with Wegener's theory, concentrated their efforts on astronomical and geodetic studies of present-day drift in the Arctic region. In summary, the reaction in Continental Europe was extremely diversified and dominated by an association of strong post World War I politics, the language barrier, the stifling of academic authority, passions of individuals, and regionalism of geology.

RESUMENLa historia del cristianismo no se entiende sin el complejo fenómeno mariano. El culto mariano ha afianzado la construcción de identidades colectivas, pero también individuales. La figura de la Virgen María estableció un modelo de conducta desde cada contexto histórico-cultural, remarcando especialmente los ideales de maternidad y virginidad. Dentro del imaginario católico, la Europa contemporánea ha estado marcada por la formación de una cultura aparicionista que se ha generadoa partir de diversas apariciones marianas que han establecido un canon y un marco de interpretación que ha alimentado las guerras culturales entre secularismo y catolicismo.PALABRAS CLAVE: catolicismo, Virgen María, cultura aparicionista, Lourdes, guerras culturales.ABSTRACTThe history of Christianity cannot be understood without the complex Marian phenomenon. Marian devotion has reinforced the construction of collective, but also of individual identities. 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Introduction: the political subjectivity of subnational units can be realized both through regional autonomy and self-rule and through the region participation in shared-rule and determining the national policy. Such institutional capabilities of regions to participate in regional and national political process are unevenly distributed within European regions. Subnational regional units of European nation-states, which have a significant regionalist potential, predominantly lobby the demands of regional autonomy, and often leave unarticulated the demands of region participation in the policymaking at the national level. Objectives: to determine the role of subnational regionalism (understood as a political movement aimed at acquiring and expanding the political subjectivity of the region) as a factor of the dynamics of shared-rule institutional capabilities of European regions in the 2000–2010s. Methods: Large-N comparative analysis of subnational units. Results: the analysis of 116 regions demonstrates a low level of dynamics of the shared-rule institutional capabilities in 2000–2010s. The changes in the institutional “centre-regions” interactions have been observed only in Belgium, Germany, Spain, Serbia and Switzerland. The importance of subnational regionalism as an institutional dynamics factor in the cases under studies is indirect, situational, and insignificant. The influence of subnational regionalism on the change in the shared-rule has not been registered. Conclusions: despite the conditions of low dynamics in the 2000–2010s, the configurations of the institutional capabilities of European regions acquire the features of stability and sustainability. The variability of such configurations (symmetric, asymmetric universal, asymmetric autonomous) can be associated with subnational regionalism. Devolution of institutional capability to regional level (as a political instrument of central government) depends on the strength of regionalism and the level of regionalist demands.

Mikhail Aleksandrovich Molchanov is a prominent Canadian political scholar, professor and publicist. He has worked as a senior policy analyst for the Government of Canada and a professor of political science at several Canadian universities. He held a visiting professor appointment at the American University of Sharjah, UAE, and several visiting research appointments at the United Nations University Institute of Advanced Studies, Waseda University and Aoyama Gakuin University in Tokyo, Japan, and at the United Nations University Institute of Comparative Regional Studies (UNU-CRIS) in Brugge, Belgium. Dr. Molchanovs research focuses on international relations in Eurasia and international political economy of regional integration. His research projects have been supported by the United States Institute of Peace, The Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council, the United Nations University Institute on Comparative Regional Integration Studies (UNU-CRIS), the United Nations University Institute of Advanced Studies (UNU-IAS), Japan Foundation, Soros Foundations, the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada and the New Brunswick Innovation Foundation. In 2011, he was awarded the Japan Foundations prestigious Japanese Studies Fellowship, and in 2012, elected Foreign Member of the National Academy of Educational Sciences of Ukraine. He is the winner of the inaugural Robert H. Donaldson prize of the International Studies Association for the best paper study of the post-communist region. He sits on the Board of the Global and International Studies Program, University of Salamanca, Spain. Dr. Molchanov has published extensively on comparative politics and international relations of the post-communist states. He has authored and co-authored 7 books and nearly 120 articles and book chapters, including, most recently, Eurasian Regionalisms and Russian Foreign Policy [Molchanov 2016a], and Management Theory for Economic Systems [Molchanov, Molchanova 2018], as well as Eurasian Regionalism: Ideas and Practices [Molchanov 2015], Russias Leadership of Regional Integration in Eurasia [Molchanov 2016b], The Eurasian Economic Union [Molchanov 2018a], New Regionalism and Eurasia [Molchanov 2018b], Russian Security Strategy and the Geopolitics of Energy in Eurasia [Molchanov 2019], and Eurasian Regionalisms and Russias Pivot to the East: The Role of ASEAN [Molchanov 2014]. In his interview Dr. Molchanov talks about the formation of Eurasian studies in the U.S., Europe and the post-Soviet states, leading scientists in this area and periodicals. Special attention is paid to the perception of the Eurasian space in Western countries, to the prospects for further institutionalization of the Eurasian Economic Union, to the partnership between Russia and China and to Russia - EU relations.

In 1830 werd België een onafhankelijke unitaire staat. Het Frans werd de bovenregionale standaardtaal, hoewel de meerderheid van de bevolking Vlaams sprak. Het geleidelijk ontbindingsproces had verschillende oorzaken. Er ontstond een politieke polarisering tussen een overwegend geïndustrialiseerd en socialistisch Wallonië én een overwegend agrarisch en katholiek (later christendemocratisch) Vlaanderen. Daarnaast was er een taalprobleem. Een Vlaamse beweging reageerde tegen de taaldiscriminatie en eiste een gelijke behandeling van het Nederlands. Toen een veralgemeende tweetaligheid van het land op hevige Waalse weerstand stuitte, werd in de jaren 1930 het territorialiteitsprincipe ingevoerd: in Vlaanderen Nederlands, in Wallonië Frans, gevolgd door een taalgrens. Ten slotte was er de demografische, economische en financiële evolutie. Demografisch overwoog de Vlaamse bevolking steeds meer, zodat ze in het parlement een meerderheid werd en men aan Waalse kant voor minorisering vreesde. Tegelijkertijd kwijnde de verouderde Waalse industrie weg, met grote werkloosheid tot gevolg, en werd de regio door een meer moderne Vlaamse economie voorbijgestoken. Daarop eiste het Waalse socialisme gewestelijke zelfbeschikking.De eerste communautaire grondwetsherziening van 1970 nam afscheid van de unitaire staat, voerde grendels in ter bescherming van de minderheid en voerde een eerste vorm van autonomie in: culturele autonomie ten opzichte van de Vlaamse eis, economische autonomie ten opzichte van de Waalse eis. Dat vertaalde zich in twee begrippen: ‘gemeenschappen’ en ‘gewesten’. Vanaf het begin stonden twee standpunten tegenover elkaar. Vlaanderen legde de nadruk op de Franse en de Vlaamse Gemeenschap, met een bijzonder statuut voor Brussel en voor de kleine Duitse Gemeenschap, het 2+2 principe. Franstalig België wilde een staatshervorming gebaseerd op de drie gewesten: het Vlaamse, het Waalse en het Brusselse Gewest. De volgende vijf staatshervormingen zorgden voor een institutioneel kluwen omdat men elke crisis telkens pragmatisch pacificeerde, zonder blauwdruk. Daarin speelden ook de financiële transfers van Vlaanderen naar Wallonië een belangrijke rol.Brussel was de hoofdstad van België en werd het belangrijkste communautaire probleem. In ruil voor een emanciperende taalwetgeving voor Vlaanderen, had de Vlaamse beweging moeten afzien van beschermende maatregelen in Brussel, waardoor de Brusselse agglomeratie (van 9 naar 19 gemeenten) stelselmatig verfranste, zowel vanwege sociologische druk (de status van het Frans) als door een doelbewust institutioneel taalbeleid. Vanaf het moment dat een staatshervorming onvermijdelijk werd, zou de Brusselse francofonie de Waalse visie voor een gewestvorming met drie bijtreden. In 1970 werd de bescherming van de Franstaligen op Belgisch niveau gekoppeld aan een gelijkaardige bescherming van de Nederlandstalige minderheid in de Brusselse agglomeratie. Bij gebrek aan een Brusselse cultuur werden de Franse en de Vlaamse Gemeenschap daarvoor bevoegd, alsook voor onderwijs. Voor het eerst kwam een efficiënt Nederlandstalig onderwijsnet tot stand. Met groot succes omdat het inzette op meertaligheid in tegenstelling tot het Franstalig onderwijs. Met het oog op de sterke Vlaamse economie en de arbeidsmarkt, alsook de europeanisering en internationalisering van de stad, trok het vele kinderen uit homogeen Franstalige en homogeen anderstalige gezinnen aan. Het marktaandeel steeg tot zo’n 20%, veel hoger dan het electorale Nederlandstalige percentage.Een keerpunt was de oprichting van het Brusselse Hoofdstedelijk Gewest in 1989, eveneens met een parlement en met een regering, en met waarborgen voor de Nederlandstalige minderheid. Drie evoluties versterkten elkaar. Instellingen kregen een eigen dynamiek. Nieuwe communautaire onderhandelingen inzake Brussel werden grotendeels aan de Brusselaars zelf overgelaten. Na een Vlaams nationalisme en een Waals nationalisme (‘regionalisme’) ontwikkelde zich ook een Brussels nationalisme (‘patriottisme’): een Brussel-gevoel, gevoed door een kosmopolitische en meertalige retoriek en dat in fine Vlaanderen uit Brussel weg wil. Dit artikel gaat in op de huidige complexe situatie aan de hand van een taalbarometer en enkele recente publicaties. Op tafel ligt onder meer de evolutie naar vier deelstaten, waarbij de gewesten de bevoegdheden van de gemeenschappen zouden overnemen. Pièce de résistance blijft de vraag hoe de Nederlandstalige minderheid in Brussel verder moet beschermd worden, hoe de band met Vlaanderen blijft voortbestaan of versterkt wordt, hoe gelaagde identificaties (multiple identities) evolueren. Ter afsluiting wordt aandacht besteed aan een aantal paradoxen en botsende scenario’s.__________ New Models for Brussels. Reinforcing or weakening Belgium? In 1830, Belgium became an independent unitary state, making French the standard language, even though a majority of the population spoke Flemish [Dutch]. The gradual process of institutional disintegration has various causes. A political cleavage emerged between the predominantly industrialised region of Wallonia and the predominantly agrarian and Catholic (later Christian-democratic) region of Flanders. At the same time a Flemish movement reacted against linguistic discrimination, demanding equal treatment of the Dutch language. A general bilingual status for the country met with fierce Walloon opposition. From 1930 on Flanders became monolingually Dutch, Wallonia French, separated by a linguistic border. Finally, there were the demographic, economic, and financial evolutions. The Flemish population gradually expanded its demographic hegemony, resulting in the acquisition of a majority of allocated seats in parliament and the growing Walloon fear of becoming an oppressed minority. Simultaneously, the old Walloon industry became obsolete, causing rising unemployment. When the region was surpassed by a modern Flemish economy, especially the Walloon socialists demanded regional self-government.The first constitutional reform in 1970 resulted in the abolition of the unitary state and the protection of the Walloon minority by a right of veto. Cultural autonomy, a Flemish demand, and economic autonomy to address the Walloon demand, were introduced. This led to ‘communities’ and ‘regions’. Flanders emphasized the Francophone and Flemish communities, ascribing a distinct statute to Brussels and the small German community – known as the ‘2+2 principle’. Francophone Belgium, by contrast, wanted a reform of the state based on three regions: a Flemish, a Walloon and a Brussels region. The five following state reforms resulted in an institutional labyrinth as each crisis was resolved pragmatically without any blueprints. The financial transfers from Flanders towards Wallonia played a role as well. Brussels, as the Belgian capital, became an important issue. In exchange for an emancipatory linguistic policy in Flanders, the Flemish movement had to refrain from any protective measures in an expanding Brussels agglomeration, leading to Frenchification. This was due to sociological pressures – connected to the social status of the French language – as well as a deliberate institutional language policy. From the 1960s on Francophone Brussels supported the Walloon view of three regions. In 1970, the protection of the Francophones on a Belgian level was connected to a similar protection of the Dutch-speaking minority in Brussels. Both the French and Flemish community became responsible for the development of culture, language and education in the capital. For the first time an efficient and successful Dutch educational system in Brussels was introduced. Contrary to the Francophone system multilingualism was emphasized, in addition to the city’s Europeanisation and internationalisation. Moreover, the knowledge of Dutch became more important thanks to the strong Flemish economy and the linguistic demands of the labour market. Hence, it attracted a large number of children from homogenously French or foreign language families. So the Dutch educational system acquired a market share of about 20 percent, which was much higher than the electoral results.A turning point was the founding of the Brussels-Capital Region (19 communes) in 1989, which included the establishment of an own parliament and an own government with virtually the same powers as the two other regions, and guarantees for the Dutch-speaking minority. Three evolutions would benefit one another. Institutions acquired their own dynamics. New negotiations concerning Brussels were mostly left to the Brussels politicians. Next to a Flemish nationalism and a Walloon nationalism (‘regionalism’), a Brussels nationalism (‘patriotism’) developed. A distinct Brussels feeling emerged, marked by a cosmopolitan and multilingual rhetoric which ultimately wants to see Flanders leave Brussels. This article examines the contemporary complex situation, using a language barometer and recent publications. It analyses the possible evolution towards four federal states, in which the regions would take over the powers of the communities. The pièce de résistance, however, remains the question how the Dutch-speaking minority must continue to be protected, how the connection to Flanders continues to exist and how multiple identities may evolve. In the conclusion, a number of paradoxes and conflicting scenarios are addressed.