Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Regional policy – European Union countries »
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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Regional policy – European Union countries"
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Horváth, Gy. « Regional Policy in Europe ». Acta Oeconomica 51, no 1 (1 février 2001) : 131–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aoecon.51.2000-2001.1.6.
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Among European Union policies, regional policy has always been considered a key domain due to its considerable role in negotiation of interests between mem-ber countries and distribution of European Union funds. Its significance, however, is expected to increase further as soon as countries of the Central Eastern Euro-pean region join the European Union and start lobbying for the concentration of European Union resources in the area. The new member states of the EU will stand on the periphery – not only in the geographical sense, but also regarding their level of economic development.
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Vosejpková, M. « Approaches to the rural development problems in the European Union and in some of the Central and Eastern European countries ». Agricultural Economics (Zemědělská ekonomika) 48, No. 4 (29 février 2012) : 171–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.17221/5299-agricecon.
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Utilisation of regional policy helps to reduce disparities among regions. The approaches to solving these problems in the European Union differ from the approaches practised in Central and Eastern European countries. The development of rural areas in the European Union is realised through the principles of regional policy and its instruments, i.e. Structural Funds, in co-operation with the Common Agricultural Policy. The applied assistance from the Structural Funds is aimed at the objectively defined areas. The situation of countries with many socio-economic problems is reflected in the weak demographic structures of these regions. Solutions of the problematic situation can be found in implementation of the approach supporting the development of multi-functional agriculture and a broader social and territorial context of economic development in all adopted tools of rural development. The way of supporting diversification of the competitive rural economic structure based on encouraging new activities leads also through integrated programmes. Regional policy realisation in the CEECs depends on the institutional framework created in the dependence of the habits applied by the past political regime of the relevant country. The basic issue for the sustainable development of rural areas can be seen in diversification of agricultural activities, creation of small firms and development of tourism together with sustaining the countryside specifics.
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Kovalevych, L. « Policy of the states of the European Union against sessesionism ». Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Geography, no 64 (2016) : 74–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2721.2016.64.13.
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The role of domestic policy in solving of inter-regional conflicts and counteracting secessionist processes are disclosed in the article. A mixed populatіon in any area can live either in peaceful coexistence and political stability or in violent conflicts. This is mostly dependent on the internal ethnic policy. Variety of the government’s reactions to the strengthening of centrifugal tendencies in some regions are explored; among which the approval of separatist demands, the advancement of conditions of underprivileged minorities, adoption of “asymmetric federalism”, allowance for minorities to participate in politіcal debate through parliamentary voting, referendums, etc., establishment of a confederation with only limited links between countries are distinguished. Another way to solve regional conflicts is to create a “multinational federation.” The main features of the state policy of the European Union’s countries which have regions with high potential secessionist conflict are analyzed. The necessities of a balanced domestic policy of the government to prevent the escalation of internal contradictions are emphasized. The influence of the form of government on minimizing of inter-regional conflicts is investigating. After correlating data about current regional conflicts and the forms of government of the hosting countries, it was found that the form of government (from unitary to federalism) is not the only decisive factor for solving of regional conflicts. However, taking into account the historical, cultural, linguistic, economic factors, it is important to understand that political mechanisms can give an initial impulse, the first impetus to resolve the conflicts. Therefore, political factors are some of the key one in regularizing of secessionism. Moreover, examples of the successful resolution of regional conflіcts by particular European states are considered. Experience of an effective resolving of regional conflicts in western European countries showed that in all the cases (Switzerland, Germany, Spain and Great Britain) the mechanisms of the institution of parliamentarism and solving of the language issue were used. The geographic decentralization policy of the supreme power (Germany) and legitimization of government decisions through referendums (Switzerland) are equally effective.
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Ryabchikov, Anton A. « REGIONAL TRADE AGREEMENTS OF THE EUROPEAN UNION : NEGOTIATION MECHANISM, CLASSIFICATION, GOALS ». SCIENTIFIC REVIEW. SERIES 1. ECONOMICS AND LAW, no 2-3 (2022) : 63–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.26653/2076-4650-2022-2-3-06.
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This article discusses the system of regional trade agreements (RTA) of the European Union (EU) as an instrument of trade policy and economic diplomacy of the Union. It analyzes the existing EU mechanism for negotiating RTAs with third countries as well as the main types of these agreements according to the classification of the European Commission. It outlines the main goals pursued by the Union when concluding the RTAs and gives an overview of the available information on the effectiveness of the EU’s network of bilateral trade agreements. It is concluded that the main objectives of the EU when using this instrument of trade policy are to promote the interests of European business, create leverage for exerting political influence on third countries and advance European ideals of democracy and a market economy around the world.
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Gänzle, Stefan, Dominic Stead, Franziska Sielker et Tobias Chilla. « Macro-regional Strategies, Cohesion Policy and Regional Cooperation in the European Union : Towards a Research Agenda ». Political Studies Review 17, no 2 (13 juin 2018) : 161–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478929918781982.
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Since 2009, the European Union has developed strategies for the Baltic Sea, Danube, Adriatic-Ionian and Alpine macro-regions. These macro-regional strategies represent a new tool of European Union governance that seeks to combine the community’s territorial cooperation and cohesion policy repertoire with intergovernmental ‘regional cooperation’ involving European Union member and partner countries. By establishing comprehensive governance architectures for cross-sectoral and trans-boundary policy coordination in areas such as transport infrastructure and environmental protection, macro-regional strategies seek to mobilise European Union member and non-member states alike in promoting and harmonising territorial and trans-governmental cooperation. Both the macro-regional strategies and the macro-regions themselves have been met with increasing interest across several disciplines, including geography, regional planning, political science and public administration, triggering questions and debates on issues such as their impacts on existing practices of territorial cooperation and their relation to previously established forms of regional cooperation. Authored by scholars based in the above-mentioned fields of study, this contribution seeks to take stock of research on the subject to date, reflect on conceptual starting points and highlight new directions for future research in the political sciences.
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Khairunnisa, Meyfitha Dea. « Ekspor Sampah Uni Eropa ke Indonesia sebagai Bentuk Eco-Imperialism ». Transformasi Global 8, no 2 (22 décembre 2021) : 143–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.21776/ub.jtg.2021.008.02.3.
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Environmental policy has become an important aspect in reviewing environmental issues in international relations. The European Union is a regional institution that has been very active in international environmental cooperation. However, at the same time the European Union is one of the largest waste exporters to countries in Asia, including Indonesia. Waste export is a free trade mechanism that allows developed countries to send waste to developing countries to be processed as industry materials. This then becomes contradictory to the commitment of the European Union in promoting environmentally friendly policies and policies for the export of waste are considered as a form of eco-imperialism. This article discusses how the waste export policy by the European Union has become a form of ecological colonization for Indonesia as a waste recipient. Keywords: waste export; eco-imperialism; environmental policy
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Beck, Krzysztof. « Business cycle synchronization in European Union : regional perspective ». Equilibrium 11, no 4 (31 décembre 2016) : 785. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/equil.2016.036.
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The recent turmoil in the euro area once more forces the EU authorities to reconsider the future of further monetary integration. One of the most commonly used criteria for successful monetary integration in contemporary research is business cycle synchronization (BCS). Though BCS has been vastly described at country level, not as much attention has been paid to the degree of BSC at regional level. The topic is important for two main reasons. Firstly, determining the degree of BCS at the regional level can help in the assessment of monetary policy effectiveness on the country level, as well as give a point of reference for evaluation of prospective costs of participation in a monetary union. Secondly, there is a theoretical dispute within the optimum currency areas literature between the ‘European Commission’ and the ‘Krugman’ view that can be resolved to a large extent trough regional analysis. In order to assess BCS in the EU, Hodrick-Prescott, as well as Christiano and Fitzgerald filter to time series of real GDP for 24 countries, 82 NUTS 1, 242 NUTS 2 and 1264 NUTS 3 regions over the period between 1998 and 2010. The data was later used to create bilateral measures of BSC, which gave 276 observations on the country level, 3321 on NUTS 1, 29161 on NUTS 2 and 798216 on NUTS 3 level. The results of the analysis support the ‘European Commission’ view and show a very high degree of BSC within EU countries. The country level analysis also reveals that within the EU there is a group of countries that could form an effectively working monetary union based on the BCS criterion.
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CRISTE, Adina, et Iulia LUPU. « A Comparative Analysis of Macroprudential Policy across Euro Area Candidate Countries ». Applied Finance and Accounting 7, no 1 (23 février 2021) : 10. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/afa.v7i1.5150.
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Concerns to setting an appropriate overall macroprudential policy framework have taken shape at local, regional, and global level since the onset of the global financial crisis. At regional level, a particular case is that of the European Union, given the national-supranational relationship specific to this economic region. The article aims to identify the macroprudential policy condition of the Euro Area candidate countries, by using an index built on some criteria that describe on the one hand, the capacity of macroprudential policy governance and the “activism” of macroprudential authority, and, on the other hand, the degree of compliance with the European Systemic Risk Board (ESRB) recommendations for national macroprudential authorities, given that the countries under review are member states of the European Union. Our findings show that the Euro Area candidate countries have quite different macroprudential policy features, both in terms of its governance and in terms of the “convergence” towards ESRB recommendations. Although the analysis should be extended by adding other relevant criteria, we can assert that it offers an overview of the potential role of the national macroprudential policy as a shock-absorber instrument in the perspective of a future accession to the Euro Area.
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Banta, David, Finn Børlum Kristensen et Egon Jonsson. « A history of health technology assessment at the European level ». International Journal of Technology Assessment in Health Care 25, S1 (juillet 2009) : 68–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266462309090448.
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This study summarizes the experience with health technology assessment (HTA) at the European level. Geographically, Europe includes approximately fifty countries with a total of approximately 730 million people. Politically, twenty-seven of these countries (500 million people) have come together in the European Union. The executive branch of the European Union is named the European Commission, which supports several activities, including research, all over Europe and in many other parts of the world. The European Commission has promoted HTA by several policy positions and has funded a series of projects aimed at strengthening HTA in Europe. Around fifteen of the European countries now have formal national programs on HTA and some also have regional public programs. All countries that are members of the European Union and do not have a national approach to HTA have an interest in becoming more involved. The HTA projects sponsored by the European Commission have focused on networking and collaboration among established agencies and institutions for HTA, however, also on capacity building, support, and facilitation in creating mechanisms for HTA in European countries that still do not have any program in the field.
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Zeko-Pivač, Ivan. « The role of the European Union macroregional strategies ». Zbornik Pravnog fakulteta Sveučilišta u Rijeci 43, no 1 (2022) : 231–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.30925/zpfsr.43.1.12.
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The European Union macro-regional strategies represent a policy framework that aims to enable EU Member States and third countries sharing common interests to better coordinate their potentials in order to make the best possible use of available opportunities. This paper looks into the specificities of four EU macro-regional strategies covering 19 European Union Member States and nine non-EU countries. Given the challenging situation caused by the COVID-19 pandemic, it also considers the future perspectives of EU macro-regional strategies as well as their adaptability to new circumstances. More specifically, it focuses on intergovernmental initiatives and their implementation, underlying the importance of the application of the principle of subsidiarity. In addition, the aim of the paper is to provide a critical overview of the subject by highlighting two pivotal elements. First, it assesses whether the EU macro-regional strategies could be genuinely successful, given the fact that they do not have their separate allocation but use the existing funding instead. Second, it explores the ability of the EU macro-regional strategies to bridge wider EU-level policies on the one hand and local policies on the other. Finally, the idea of the paper is to offer an overview of the state of affairs when macro-regions are concerned.
Thèses sur le sujet "Regional policy – European Union countries"
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Wang, Jia. « Research on EU regional policy : its selective mechanisms, effects and role for EU integration, with reflections on its possible meaning for China ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555597.
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Egbe, Daniel Enonnchong. « The Global Mediterranean Policy : the evolution of the EU-Mediterranean countries relations during 1976-1998 / ». free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p9998481.
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Alakbarov, Gurban. « Die Energieressourcen der kaspischen Region und ihre Auswirkungen auf die Energiesicherheit der Europäischen Union ». Bochum [u. a.] : Europäischer Univ.-Verl, 2008. http://www.gbv.de/dms/zbw/568950232.pdf.
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Kostera, Thomas. « When Europa meets Bismarck : cross-border healthcare and usages of Europe in the Austrian healthcare system ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209268.
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In a series of landmark rulings on patient mobility and cross-border healthcare, the European Court of Justice (ECJ) has made clear that Member States’ healthcare systems have to comply with the rules of the EU’s Internal Market when it comes to individual patient rights and the non-discrimination of healthcare providers. The rulings increased the possibilities for EU Member State citizens to get medical treatment in another Member State (“cross-border healthcare”), yet providing that under certain conditions the home Member State has to pay for these treatments in the other country. After a decade of negotiations, these rulings have been codified in a European Directive. Assuming that European integration has an impact on national welfare states and taking the example of European rules on access to cross-border healthcare, this thesis suggests analyzes the domestic impact of European integration in terms of Europeanization of the Austrian healthcare system within the context of the interplay between actors’ interests and practices on the one hand, and institutional effects on the other. European cross-border healthcare in forms of regional projects and privately or publicly organized healthcare arrangements has already become a reality in many European countries, especially in border regions. The main research questions which guides this thesis can be be put as follows: How does European integration in healthcare impact on the interests, practices and strategies of national actors that operate between national institutional constraints and European opportunities? And if national actors’ interests and strategies change, does this in turn have repercussions on the national institutional rules of healthcare governance? Given that European integration in healthcare delivery is a rather a “recent” phenomenon, and based on the assumption that actors’ strategies change more easily than national institutions, the following hypothesis is tested: Even if national healthcare actors use Europe – and hence their practices and strategies change – their interests remain largely determined by the national institutional set-up of the healthcare system. The institutional boundaries of the national healthcare system may have become porous, but for the time being they remain intact. The main findings of this study confirm the hypothesis and can be summarized as follows: Austrian actors responsible for the delivery of healthcare actively integrate various usages Europe into their existing practices of healthcare governance. These usages of Europe are more frequent at European level than at national level. Those actors who have important legal competencies, financial resources, and hence power in healthcare governance at national level, are also in a better position to use Europe effectively than those actors who lack such national resources. Limited usages of Europe at national level by corporate actors can best be accounted for by practices of consensually governing a typically Bismarckian healthcare system. None of the actors analysed, no matter how critical their stance vis-à-vis their own healthcare system might be, puts into question the legitimacy of the national healthcare system in the light of increased European competencies in regulating cross-border healthcare. Advancing European integration, mainly through the ECJ’s rulings on cross-border healthcare, might have rendered national institutional boundaries porous, but national institutions retain – at least for the time being – their power of channelling actors’ interests and of influencing corresponding practices of healthcare governance. These results invite us to further investigate which kind of healthcare governance structures are being developed at European level in parallel to those existing at national level, and to what extent Bismarckian welfare regimes might be showing resistance to institutional change induced by European integration.Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Jansky, Radomir. « The cognitive dimension of European Union policy making : the role of evaluation in European Union regional policy ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.422437.
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Pūtys, Mantas. « Europos Sąjungos neefektyvaus bendradarbiavimo su Viduržemio jūros pakrantės Artimųjų Rytų šalimis priežasčių tyrimas ». Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2015. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2014~D_20150108_193919-06142.
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Magistro baigiamajame darbe išanalizuoti trys ES ir Viduržemio jūros pakrantės Artimųjų Rytų regiono šalių bendradarbiavimo etapai, remiantis politinėmis teorijomis nurodytos neefektyvų bendradarbiavimą įtakojusios priežastys ir pateikti siūlymai kaip ateityje užtikrinti efektyvų bendradarbiavimą. Pirmoje dalyje analizuojamos dvi politinės teorijos – patobulinto autoritarizmo ir realizmo –, kurios šiame darbe naudojamos kaip teorinė prieiga neefektyvaus bendradarbiavimo tarp ES ir Viduržemio jūros pakrantės Artimųjų Rytų šalių priežastims tirti ir paaiškinti. Antroje dalyje atskirai nagrinėjami ES ir Viduržemio jūros pakrantės Artimųjų Rytų regiono šalių trys bendradarbiavimo etapai: 1) Nuo 1995 m. iki 2004 m. Barselonos procesas; 2) nuo 2004 m. iki 2008 m. Europos kaimynystės politika; ir 3) nuo 2008 m. Viduržemio jūros regiono valstybių sąjunga. Šioje dalyje kritiškai vertinama ES bendradarbiavimo politika, išskiriami teigiami ir neigiami aspektai bei nurodomos neefektyvaus bendradarbiavimo priežastys.Master’s work analyses three stages of co-operation between the European Union and the Mediterranean countries of the Middle East, indicates reasons for ineffective cooperation by using political theories and presents suggestions for achieving effective cooperation in the future. Political theories of authoritarian upgrading and realism that are used as theoretical framework for indicating and explaining reasons for ineffective cooperation between the European Union and the Mediterranean countries of the Middle East are presented in the first part of this work. Three stages of cooperation between the European Union and the Mediterranean countries of the Middle East: 1) From 1995 until 2004 the Barselona Process; 2) from 2004 until 2008 European Neighborhood Policy; 3) from 2008 Union for the Mediterranean are presented in the second part of this work. Critical view of the EU policies as well as its positive and negative aspects, and reasons for ineffective cooperation are also presented in this part.
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KARAGIANNIS, Yannis. « Preference heterogeneity and equilibrium institutions : The case of European competition policy ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/15460.
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Defence date: 21 December 2007Examining board: Prof. Adrienne Héritier (EUI)(Supervisor) ; Prof. Christian Joerges (EUI, Law Department) ; Prof. Jacint Jordana (Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Barcelona) ; Prof. Hussein Kassim (Birkbeck College, University of London)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
One characteristic of European competition policy is its complex governance structure. On the one hand, the European competition regulator has always enjoyed a high degree of formal autonomy from national governments. On the other hand, that regulator has always been embedded in a multi-task and collegial organisation that mirrors intergovernmental politics. Although the literature has often disapprovingly noted this complexity, it has not been explained. Part I elaborates on the theoretical lens for understanding the governance structures of EC competition policy. Despite the prominence of principal-agent models, transaction cost economics seems to offer a more promising venue. The assumption that Member States maximise their total expected gains and postpone excessive bargaining costs leads to the following hypothesis: the greater the preference heterogeneity (homogeneity) between Member States, the higher (lower) the asset-specific investments involved, hence the higher (lower) the risk of post-contractual hold-ups, and hence the more (less) integrated the governance structures created to sustain future transactions. Alternatively, this logic leads to a deterministic hypothesis about the sufficiency of preference heterogeneities for the production of complex governance structures. Part II examines this deterministic hypothesis. Using various sources, and conducting both within- and comparative case- studies, it analyses three important cases: the negotiations of the Treaty of Paris (1951), of the Treaty of Rome (1957), and of the two implementing Council Regulations (1962 and 2003). The evidence shows that (a) the relevant actors do reason in terms of transaction cost-economising, and (b) in the presence of preference heterogeneity, actors create complex governance structures. Nevertheless, it is also found that (c) the transaction cost-economising logic is not as compelling as it may be in private market settings, as bargaining costs are not systematically postponed to the post-contractual stage, and (d) the transaction costs between Member States are not the only relevant costs.
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FERNANDES, Daniel. « Governments, public opinion, and social policy : change in Western Europe ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/75046.
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Defence date: 21 November 2022Examining Board: Prof. Ellen Immergut (EUI, Supervisor); Prof. Anton Hemerijck (EUI); Prof. Christoffer Green-Pedersen (Aarhus University); Prof. Evelyne Hübscher (Central European University)
This dissertation investigates how public opinion and government partisanship affect social policy. It brings an innovative perspective that links the idea of democratic representation to debates about the welfare state. The general claim made here is that social policy is a function of public and government preferences. This claim hinges on two critical premises. The first relates to the general mechanisms that underlie government representation. Politicians have electoral incentives to align their actions with what citizens want. They may respond to public opinion indirectly by updating their party agendas, which can serve as the basis for social policy decisions in case they get elected. They may also respond directly by introducing welfare reforms that react to shifts in public opinion during their mandates. The second premise concerns how citizens and politicians structure their preferences over welfare. These preferences fall alongside two dimensions. First, general attitudes about how much should the state intervene in the economy to reduce inequality and promote economic well-being (how much policy). Second, the specific preferences about which social programmes should get better funding (what kind of policy). The empirical analysis is split into three empirical chapters. Each explores different aspects of government representation in Western European welfare states. The first empirical chapter (Chapter 4) asks how governments shape social policy when facing severe pressures to decrease spending. It argues that governments strategically reduce spending on programmes that offer less visible and indirect benefits, as they are less likely to trigger an electoral backlash. The experience of the Great Recession is consistent with this claim. Countries that faced the most challenging financial constraints cut down social investment and services. Except for Greece, they all preserved consumption schemes. The second empirical chapter (Chapter 5) explores how public opinion affects government spending priorities in different welfare programmes. It expects government responsiveness to depend on public mood for more or less government activity and the most salient social issues at the time. Empirical evidence from old-age, healthcare and education issue-policy areas supports these claims. Higher policy mood and issue saliency is positively associated with increasing spending efforts. Public opinion does not appear to affect unemployment policies. vii The third empirical chapter (Chapter 6) examines how party preferences affect spending priorities in unemployment programmes. It claims that preferences on economic intervention in the economy and welfare recalibration affect different components of unemployment policy. Evidence from the past 20 years bodes well with these expectations. The generosity of compensatory schemes depends on economic preferences. The left invests more than the right. The funding of active labour-market policies depends on both preference dimensions. Among conventional parties, their funding follows the same patterns as compensatory schemes. Among recalibration parties, parties across the economic spectrum present comparable spending patterns.
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BAHMER, Larissa Elisabeth. « Chutes, ladders, snakes and surprises : policy durability and policy flexibility in EU energy and climate governance based on the governance regulation ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2020. https://hdl.handle.net/1814/69195.
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Award date: 26 September 2020Supervisor : Professor Joanne Scott (European University Institute)
Whether the EU will live up to its leadership ambition in mitigating climate change to no little extent depends on whether the Governance Regulation will prove successful or whether it will add to the list of climate and energy policies which aimed high but performed low. This thesis analyses the legal arrangements of the Governance Regulation as embedded in the EU constitutional and administrative law framework in light of policy durability and policy flexibility, with the aim of assessing whether the Governance Regulation promises to build a long-lasting yet adaptable foundation for EU energy and climate governance that facilitates ratcheting up ambition and progress toward a ‘climate neutral’ Union.
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Bai, Xue. « Evaluation and suggestions on EU development assistance policy ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2595841.
Texte intégralLivres sur le sujet "Regional policy – European Union countries"
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Gavin, McCrone, David Hume Institute et Bank of Scotland Colloquium, dir. European monetary union and regional development. Edinburgh : Edinburgh University Press, 1997.
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J, Baun Michael, et Marek Dan 1969-, dir. EU cohesion policy after enlargement. New York, NY : Palgrave Macmillan, 2009.
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1952-, Hajdú Zoltán, Horváth Gyula Dr, Allen Kevin 1941- et Magyar Tudományos Akadémia. Regionális Kutatások Központja (Pécs, Hungary)., dir. European challenges and Hungarian responses in regional policy. Pécs : Centre for Regional Studies, Hungarian Academy of Science, 1994.
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1940-, Chʻoe Sang-chʻŏl, dir. Reshaping regional policy. Cheltenham, U.K : Edward Elgar, 2011.
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The European union and its citizens : The social agenda. Westport, Conn : Greenwood Press, 1994.
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Scott, Joanne. Development dilemmas in the European Community : Rethinkingregional development policy. Buckingham : Open University Press, 1995.
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Scott, Joanne. Development dilemmas in the European Community : Rethinking regionaldevelopment policy. Buckingham : Open University Press, 1994.
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Regional economic development in the European Union and North America. Westport, Conn : Praeger, 1999.
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Andrés, Rodríguez-Pose, et SpringerLink (Online service), dir. Innovation and Regional Growth in the European Union. Berlin, Heidelberg : Springer-Verlag Berlin Heidelberg, 2011.
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Scott, Joanne. Development dilemmas in the European Community : Rethinking regional development policy. Buckingham [England] : Open University Press, 1995.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Regional policy – European Union countries"
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Jinji, Naoto, Xingyuan Zhang et Shoji Haruna. « Conclusion and Policy Implications ». Dans Advances in Japanese Business and Economics, 145–59. Singapore : Springer Singapore, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-5210-3_8.
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AbstractAfter about a quarter century of countries having pursued deep regional integration through negotiating on deep regional trade agreements (RTAs), we observed a number of historical events that symbolize the curbing of the trend of globalization in 2016. On June 24, 2016, the people of the United Kingdom voted to leave the European Union (EU) in a referendum. On November 8, 2016, Mr. Donald Trump, who proposed the “America First” policy and a number of protectionist policies, such as the withdrawal from the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement and the construction of a substantial wall on the United States–Mexico border, during his presidential campaign, won the US presidential election.
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Griffith-Jones, Stephany, et Bettina De Souza Guilherme. « Introduction ». Dans Financial Crisis Management and Democracy, 1–7. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54895-7_1.
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AbstractThis book is the result of the first 3 years of the comparative and multidisciplinary Jean Monnet Network, “Crisis-Equity-Democracy for Europe and Latin America”, of senior academics and policy advisors from four European and three Latin American countries, including experts on the European Union and Latin American regionalism. The rationale of the project and the common link is that both Europe and Latin America can learn from their respective experiences on “crisis”, its management and the distributive and democratic implications at national and regional level. The main purposes of the joint research can be summarised as to (1) locate in the current global financial system as one of the very major causes of the financial and debt crises in the EU and Latin America; (2) demonstrate the impact of the paradigm change on global and EU economic governance; (3) analyse key systemic aspects of the global crisis, i.e. climate change, macro-financial instability and the weakening of democracy and their inter-connections; (4) map and evaluate how both regions and individual countries within both regions have tried to manage these crises; (5) discuss the economic, political and social effects of these crises on both regions and individual countries; (6) finally, to make policy suggestions on how to transition from finance capitalism to a more sustainable real capitalism, on how both regions can better manage/govern/respond to such systemic pressures and on how they can increase their cooperation.
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Malacka, Michal. « Sharia – Conflict of Law and Culture in the European Context ». Dans Universal, Regional, National – Ways of the Development of Private International Law in 21st Century, 54–80. Brno : Masaryk University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cz.muni.p210-9497-2019-3.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Sharia and its conflict with the private law within the EU is one of the most current problems in the conflict of laws. In accordance with the doctrine of ordre public, a foreign law that is otherwise applicable is disregarded if its application would violate some fundamental interest, basic policy, general principle of justice, or prevailing concept of good morals in the forum state. This doctrine is used and followed by judicial procedures not only at “the old continent” but also in Islamic countries. This article shows the basic aspects of Sharia, Islamic legal tradition and the reflection of all the connected aspects in European Union private law and legislation. Some selected chapters analyse the most important differences in the legislation and judicial practice in the EU member states.
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Mahmutaj, Noela. « Russian Government Policy in the Western Balkans ». Dans Securitization and Democracy in Eurasia, 125–35. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16659-4_8.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractThis article aims to explain the nature of Russian foreign policy towards the Western Balkan states, taking into account the role of other actors such as the European Union, an increasingly important player in this radically changed geopolitical context. Since the fall of the communist regime, the Western Balkans have faced major challenges and have been at the forefront of debates on critical issues such as transatlantic relations (with regard to NATO and EU enlargement, as well as EU defence policy and security). In recent times, the Balkan region has come under the influence of the Great Powers. Therefore, as a Great Power, Russia is building a foothold in the Balkans, a move criticized and not welcomed by other countries or actors. Furthermore, Moscow is unique in terms of its range of capabilities, including its “hard” and “soft power.” This article aims to understand and analyse Russia’s policy and strategy in the Western Balkans.
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Olsen, Jonathan. « The Single Market, Monetary Union, and Regional Development Policy ». Dans The European Union, 199–215. Seventh edition. | New York, NY : Routledge, 2021. : Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429440724-12.
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Atkinson, Ben. « Trade Policy and Preferences ». Dans The European Union and Developing Countries, 305–21. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230509184_21.
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Buzogány, Aron. « Neighbourhood Countries : Promoting Environmental Protection Close to Home ». Dans European Union External Environmental Policy, 233–52. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-60931-7_12.
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Hewitt, Adrian. « Reform in the British and European Community Aid Programmes : Implications for the Pacific Countries ». Dans European Union Development Policy, 119–30. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-26858-0_9.
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Lemaître, Marc. « EU Textiles Policy and Developing Countries ». Dans The European Union and Developing Countries, 322–35. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230509184_22.
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Matláry, Janne Haaland. « Energy Policies in the EU Countries ». Dans Energy Policy in the European Union, 25–44. London : Macmillan Education UK, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-25735-5_3.
Texte intégralActes de conférences sur le sujet "Regional policy – European Union countries"
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İncekara, Ahmet, et Burcu Kılınç Savrul. « Regional Development Policies of the European Union : An Evaluation in the Framework of Structural Funds and Other Financial Instruments ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c02.00307.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Regional policy of the European Union (EU) is implemented in order to improve welfare and quality of life in specific regions of EU member countries, minimize inter-regional income differences and restructure less developed industrial areas. regions of the EU countries has urban and regional development differences in themselves. Regional policies have gained importance in the process of EU enlargement. Increases regional disparities has been observed to occur with the first expansion. Although the tools that the Community could use for regional inequality were initially limited, they began to increase over the years in the process of development of regional policy of the EU.
In this respect, this study will focus primarily on the EU regional development policies, the structural funds in line with the measures taken to ensure economic and social cohesion in EU countries and European Investment Bank and the new tools such as community tool will be discussed.
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Dudaiti, A. K., E. V. Galkina et B. G. Koibaev. « Problems of Interaction of the European Union with the South Caucasian Countries as Part of the European Neighborhood Policy ». Dans International Session on Factors of Regional Extensive Development (FRED 2019). Paris, France : Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/fred-19.2020.118.
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Ivanov, Metodi. « INTEGRATING SPATIAL PLANNING SYSTEMS IN THE FORMING OF REGIONAL POLICY IN CERTAIN COUNTRIES OF THE EUROPEAN UNION ». Dans 5th INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC CONFERENCE GEOBALCANICA 2019. Geobalcanica Society, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.18509/gbp.2019.63.
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Ivanov, Metodi. « SPECIFIC FEATURES OF ENVIRONMENTAL MANAGEMENT POLICY AND ITS IMPACT ON REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES ». Dans 22nd SGEM International Multidisciplinary Scientific GeoConference 2022. STEF92 Technology, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgem2022/5.1/s23.098.
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The environmental management system should be considered as part of the overall management system. This involves looking at the organizational structure, planning activities, responsibilities, practices, procedures, processes and resources for developing, implementing, achieving, reviewing and maintaining environmental policy. Basic principles and requirements of the environmental management system are aimed at identifying, researching, controlling and reviewing the factors influencing the environment, which allow businesses and public organizations to formulate policies and objectives aimed at protection of the environment. By introducing an environmental management system, organizations simultaneously declare, declare their commitment and guarantee to society as a whole that they are genuinely committed to solving environmental problems. European environmental policy is based on the principle of precautionary measures, preventive action and the elimination of pollution at source, as well as on the principle of "polluter pays". The European Union has the power to take action on all matters of environmental policy such as air and water pollution, waste management and climate change. Although some powers are limited as a result of the principle of subsidiarity and the requirement for unanimous agreement in the Council on fiscal issues, issues related to urban and spatial planning, land use, quantitative management of water resources, choice of energy sources and the structure of energy supply. The purpose of this article is to present specific features of environmental management policy and its impact on regional development in developing countries.
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Chrenová, Martina. « Analýza činnosti vybranej samosprávy v oblasti environmentálnych investičných projektov ». Dans XXV. mezinárodní kolokvium o regionálních vědách. Brno : Masaryk University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cz.muni.p280-0068-2022-12.
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The European Union considers itself to be the difference between its municipalities, regions and countries. The European Union has set priorities and objectives in the field of environmental policy, which individual member states strive to meet through the implementations of specific measures. The easiest way to evaluate of innovation in cities and municipalities is to analyze individual environmental projects that are to improve the lives of local residents. The paper focuses on investment projects of the city of Trnava. The aim of the paper is to analyze environmental projects that have been carried out in the territory of the selected municipality. Using a case study, we analyze environmental projects in the field of green infrastructure. The main methods we will use include analysis of data from project documentation and summarization of investments divided into several parts (own investments, European Union projects, other projects, etc.). The paper opens a discussion about investment projects, possible changes and solutions that would lead to a shift in the environmental policy agenda, whether in the municipality or throughout Slovakia. In the end, the evaluation of investment projects of the Trnava municipality is summarized.
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Ozolina, Velga, et Astra Auzina-Emsina. « Macroeconometric Input-Output Model For Transport Sector Analysis ». Dans 35th ECMS International Conference on Modelling and Simulation. ECMS, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.7148/2021-0082.
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Effective government transport policy can be based only on realistic data, sophisticated and detailed transport sector analysis, and productive modelling. The aim of the paper is to demonstrate the main elements used to develop a relatively small macro-economic input-output model with the emphasis on transport for one European Union (EU) country. Transport sector faces similar problems in various countries linked with emissions, transport flows, road accidents and other issues hence appropriate modelling tool should be selected. The model presented in this article consists of econometric and input-output relations. The research analyses and examines three scenarios and stresses the importance of the transport investment not only for development of the transport sector, but also for the economic development in general. The scenarios imply zero, 9 million and 6.7 million additional investment in transport sector eligible to the EU funding. As the result of additional investment, GDP recovers faster leading to 0.3-1.7%points faster growth rates as compared to the base scenario with no additional investment leading to faster cohesion with the average EU level, as well as higher number and turnover of passengers in the public and commercial transport, while the number of passenger cars is lower. The model can also be applied to study regional development, if it is possible to distinguish, which regions will benefit from the investment, as well as influence on fuel consumption and CO2 emissions, if the investments are targeted to specific means of transport.
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Samardžić, Radovan. « LEADERSHIP AND MANAGEMENT OF INVESTMENT FUNDS OF MONTENEGRO AND OTHER COUNTRIES IN THE REGION IN TIMES OF THE INTEGRATION OF RESEARCH AND INNOVATION POLICY BEFORE THE IMPLEMENTATION OF NEW DIRECTIVES OF EUROPEAN UNION ». Dans 4th International Scientific – Business Conference LIMEN 2018 – Leadership & Management : Integrated Politics of Research and Innovations. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia et all, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/limen.2018.650.
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Ballı, Esra, et Gülçin Güreşçi Pehlivan. « Economic Effects of European Neighborhood Policy on Countries ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00777.
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After the fifth enlargement of European Union in 2004 and with the expansion of European Unions borders and new neighbors, it became one of the important policies to provide security, stability and prosperity, and develop relationship between neighborhood countries. Although, enlargement process provide some opportunities to the member states of European Union, it brings about some difficulties. The differences at the life standards, environment, public health, prevention and combating organized crime between European Union and neighbor countries caused to create new policies. European Neighborhood Policy was launched in 2004, and consists of 16 countries, namely: Israel, Jordan, Moldova, Morocco, The Palestinian Authority, Tunisia, Ukraine, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Egypt, Georgia, Lebanon, Algeria, Syria, Libya and Belarus. European Union and the partner country sign the Partnership and Cooperation Agreements or Association Agreements, and then the Agreement Action Plans are mutually adapted. Action Plans include privileged relationship, mutual commitment to common values, democracy and human rights, legal and market economy principles, good governance, sustainable development, energy and transportation policies. Within the framework of European Neighborhood Policy, the main aim is to arrange the relationship between the neighbors of European Union. In this study, economic effects of the European Neighborhood Policy will be examined for the relevant countries.
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Borychowski, Michał, et Sebastian Stępień. « Ecological Policy in the Selected Countries of the European Union ». Dans Hradec Economic Days 2019, sous la direction de Petra Maresova, Pavel Jedlicka et Ivan Soukal. University of Hradec Kralove, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.36689/uhk/hed/2019-01-008.
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Mujkić, Alisa, Jasmin Jusić et Damir Šaljić. « EUROPEAN UNION REGIONAL POLICY : LESSONS FOR BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA ». Dans Local Economic and Infrastructure Development of SEE in the Context of EU Accession. Academy of Sciences and Arts of Bosnia and Herzegovina, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.5644/pi2013-153-19.
Texte intégralRapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Regional policy – European Union countries"
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Bourrier, Mathilde, Michael Deml et Farnaz Mahdavian. Comparative report of the COVID-19 Pandemic Responses in Norway, Sweden, Germany, Switzerland and the United Kingdom. University of Stavanger, novembre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31265/usps.254.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The purpose of this report is to compare the risk communication strategies and public health mitigation measures implemented by Germany, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom (UK) in 2020 in response to the COVID-19 pandemic based on publicly available documents. The report compares the country responses both in relation to one another and to the recommendations and guidance of the World Health Organization where available. The comparative report is an output of Work Package 1 from the research project PAN-FIGHT (Fighting pandemics with enhanced risk communication: Messages, compliance and vulnerability during the COVID-19 outbreak), which is financially supported by the Norwegian Research Council's extraordinary programme for corona research. PAN-FIGHT adopts a comparative approach which follows a “most different systems” variation as a logic of comparison guiding the research (Przeworski & Teune, 1970). The countries in this study include two EU member States (Sweden, Germany), one which was engaged in an exit process from the EU membership (the UK), and two non-European Union states, but both members of the European Free Trade Association (EFTA): Norway and Switzerland. Furthermore, Germany and Switzerland govern by the Continental European Federal administrative model, with a relatively weak central bureaucracy and strong subnational, decentralised institutions. Norway and Sweden adhere to the Scandinavian model—a unitary but fairly decentralised system with power bestowed to the local authorities. The United Kingdom applies the Anglo-Saxon model, characterized by New Public Management (NPM) and decentralised managerial practices (Einhorn & Logue, 2003; Kuhlmann & Wollmann, 2014; Petridou et al., 2019). In total, PAN-FIGHT is comprised of 5 Work Packages (WPs), which are research-, recommendation-, and practice-oriented. The WPs seek to respond to the following research questions and accomplish the following: WP1: What are the characteristics of governmental and public health authorities’ risk communication strategies in five European countries, both in comparison to each other and in relation to the official strategies proposed by WHO? WP2: To what extent and how does the general public’s understanding, induced by national risk communication, vary across five countries, in relation to factors such as social capital, age, gender, socio-economic status and household composition? WP3: Based on data generated in WP1 and WP2, what is the significance of being male or female in terms of individual susceptibility to risk communication and subsequent vulnerability during the COVID-19 outbreak? WP4: Based on insight and knowledge generated in WPs 1 and 2, what recommendations can we offer national and local governments and health institutions on enhancing their risk communication strategies to curb pandemic outbreaks? WP5: Enhance health risk communication strategies across five European countries based upon the knowledge and recommendations generated by WPs 1-4. Pre-pandemic preparedness characteristics All five countries had pandemic plans developed prior to 2020, which generally were specific to influenza pandemics but not to coronaviruses. All plans had been updated following the H1N1 pandemic (2009-2010). During the SARS (2003) and MERS (2012) outbreaks, both of which are coronaviruses, all five countries experienced few cases, with notably smaller impacts than the H1N1 epidemic (2009-2010). The UK had conducted several exercises (Exercise Cygnet in 2016, Exercise Cygnus in 2016, and Exercise Iris in 2018) to check their preparedness plans; the reports from these exercises concluded that there were gaps in preparedness for epidemic outbreaks. Germany also simulated an influenza pandemic exercise in 2007 called LÜKEX 07, to train cross-state and cross-department crisis management (Bundesanstalt Technisches Hilfswerk, 2007). In 2017 within the context of the G20, Germany ran a health emergency simulation exercise with WHO and World Bank representatives to prepare for potential future pandemics (Federal Ministry of Health et al., 2017). Prior to COVID-19, only the UK had expert groups, notably the Scientific Advisory Group for Emergencies (SAGE), that was tasked with providing advice during emergencies. It had been used in previous emergency events (not exclusively limited to health). In contrast, none of the other countries had a similar expert advisory group in place prior to the pandemic. COVID-19 waves in 2020 All five countries experienced two waves of infection in 2020. The first wave occurred during the first half of the year and peaked after March 2020. The second wave arrived during the final quarter. Norway consistently had the lowest number of SARS-CoV-2 infections per million. Germany’s counts were neither the lowest nor the highest. Sweden, Switzerland and the UK alternated in having the highest numbers per million throughout 2020. Implementation of measures to control the spread of infection In Germany, Switzerland and the UK, health policy is the responsibility of regional states, (Länders, cantons and nations, respectively). However, there was a strong initial centralized response in all five countries to mitigate the spread of infection. Later on, country responses varied in the degree to which they were centralized or decentralized. Risk communication In all countries, a large variety of communication channels were used (press briefings, websites, social media, interviews). Digital communication channels were used extensively. Artificial intelligence was used, for example chatbots and decision support systems. Dashboards were used to provide access to and communicate data.
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Domínguez, Roberto. Perceptions of the European Union in Latin America. Fundación Carolina, janvier 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.33960/issn-e.1885-9119.dt76en.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This working paper examines the puzzle of the gaps between the images that the EU projects, voluntarily and involuntarily, and the perceptions of the EU in Latin America. After reviewing some of the debates related to the role of perceptions in public policy and EU Public Diplomacy (EUPD), the paper analyzes some critical developments in global perceptions of the EU based on the study Update of the 2015 Analysis of the Perception of the EU and EU Policies Abroad (2021 Update Study), which assessed the attitudes of the EU in 13 countries. The third section examines some studies on the attitudes of the EU in Latin America, including some contributions from Latinobarometer. The fourth section offers comparative cases of EU perception in Brazil, Mexico, and Colombia based on the findings of the 2021 Update Study. The analysis of each country relies on the interpretation of surveys with some references to the press analysis and interview methods provided in the 2021 Update Study. Each case discusses specific trends in the following areas: visibility, primary descriptors, global economics, and international leadership. Also, it identifies some patterns in perceptions of the EU in social development, climate change, research/technology, development assistance, culture, the case of the critical juncture in the survey (pandemic), and the EU as a normative setter. The final section offers some general trends in the perceptions of the EU in Latin America.
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Bunse, Simone, Elise Remling, Anniek Barnhoorn, Manon du Bus de Warnaffe, Karen Meijer et Dominik Rehbaum. Advancing European Union Action to Address Climate-related Security Risks. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, septembre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/rzme5933.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Ukraine war has added to the pressure to address the links between the environment, natural resource management and conflict. This SIPRI Research Policy Paper assesses the priorities of selected European Union (EU) member states regarding climate-related security risks, explores their strategies for pursuing these at EU level and identifies steps for further action. It finds that the appetite to tackle climate-related security risks at EU level is mixed. While maintaining the operational efficiency of the military is a red line, concentrating efforts on research, development and peacekeeping is acceptable even to countries that do not prioritize climate insecurity in their policies. Country strategies for pursuing such efforts involve spotlighting climate security during their respective rotating Council presidencies, working closely with the European External Action Service and the European Commission, and collaborating with like-minded member states. The paper recommends additional steps for action but in order to make effective adjustments to EU processes, climate security will need greater prominence on the EU agenda.
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Bunse, Simone, Elise Remling, Anniek Barnhoorn, Manon du Bus de Warnaffe, Karen Meijer et Dominik Rehbaum. Mapping European Union Member States’ Responses to Climate-related Security Risks. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, septembre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/htdn6668.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This SIPRI Research Policy Paper identifies European Union (EU) member states’ efforts to address climate-related security risks in the short to medium term and suggests entry points for further action. Even countries making visible attempts to mainstream the linkages between climate and security are falling short of pursuing a comprehensive approach. Among the ongoing initiatives that might bear fruit in one to three years are: appointing climate security advisers; climate proofing peacebuilding and conflict proofing climate action; investing in early warning and risk mapping; reassessing climate financing and development aid; and building up the operational resilience of the military. Strengthening such efforts would involve: incorporating climate insecurity into foreign and security policy dialogues; increasing conflict-sensitive climate adaptation finance; sensitization to climate change and conflict; and improving the operationalization of early warning. To remain credible, EU member states must advance their climate security initiatives and close the gap between rhetoric and practice.
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Pastuszko, Radosław Pastuszko, et Włodzimierz Gogłoza Gogłoza. The impact of European Union Common Agricultural Policy on the intensification of animal farming in Bulgaria, Romania, and the countries that have signed association agreements with the EU. Tiny Beam Fund, janvier 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.15868/socialsector.37974.
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Colomb, Claire, et Tatiana Moreira de Souza. Regulating Short-Term Rentals : Platform-based property rentals in European cities : the policy debates. Property Research Trust, mai 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52915/kkkd3578.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Short-term rentals mediated by digital platforms have positive and negative impacts that are unevenly distributed among socio-economic groups and places. Detrimental impacts on the housing market and quality of life of long-term residents have been particular contentious in some cities. • In the 12 cities studied in the report (Amsterdam, Barcelona, Berlin, Brussels, Lisbon, London, Madrid, Milan, Paris, Prague, Rome and Vienna), city governments have responded differently to the growth of short-term rentals. • The emerging local regulations of short-term rentals take multiple forms and exhibit various degrees of stringency, ranging from rare cases of laissez-faire to a few cases of partial prohibition or strict quantitative control. Most city governments have sought to find a middle-ground approach that differentiates between the professional rental of whole units and the occasional rental of one’s home/ primary residence. • The regulation of short-term rentals is contentious and highly politicised. Six broad categories of interest groups and non-state actors actively participate in the debates with contrasting positions: advocates of the ‘sharing’ or ‘collaborative’ economy; corporate platforms; professional organisatons of short-term rental operators; new associations of hosts or ‘home-sharers’; the hotel and hospitality industry; and residents’ associations/citizens’ movements. • All city governments face difficulties in implementing and enforcing the regulations, due to a lack of sufficient resources and to the absence of accurate and comprehensive data on individual hosts. That data is held by corporate platforms, which have generally not accepted to release it (with a few exceptions) nor to monitor the content of their listings against local rules. • The relationships between platforms and city governments have oscillated between collaboration and conflict. Effective implementation is impossible without the cooperation of platforms. • In the context of the European Union, the debate has taken a supranational dimension, as two pieces of EU law frame the possibility — and acceptable forms — of regulation of online platforms and of short-term rentals in EU member states: the 2000 E-Commerce Directive and the 2006 Services Directive. • For regulation to be effective, the EU legal framework should be revised to ensure platform account- ability and data disclosure. This would allow city (and other ti ers of) governments to effectively enforce the regulations that they deem appropriate. • Besides, national and regional governments, who often control the legislative framework that defines particular types of short-term rentals, need to give local governments the necessary tools to be able to exercise their ‘right to regulate’ in the name of public interest objectives.
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Kostarakos, Ilias, et Petros Varthalitis. Effective tax rates in Ireland. ESRI, novembre 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.26504/rs110.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article provides estimates of the effective tax rates in Ireland for the 1995-2017 period. We use these aggregate tax indicators to compare the developments in the Irish tax policy mix with the rest of the European Union countries and investigate any potential relation with Ireland’s macroeconomic performance. Our findings show that distortionary taxes, e.g. on factors of production, are significantly lower while less distortionary taxes, e.g. on consumption, are higher in Ireland than most European countries. Thus, the distribution of tax burden falls relatively more on consumption and to a lesser extent on labour than capital; while in the EU average the norm is the opposite. The descriptive analysis indicates that this shift in the Irish tax policy mix is correlated with the country’s strong economic performance.
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Kira, Beatriz, Rutendo Tavengerwei et Valary Mumbo. Points à examiner à l'approche des négociations de Phase II de la ZLECAf : enjeux de la politique commerciale numérique dans quatre pays d'Afrique subsaharienne. Digital Pathways at Oxford, mars 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-dp-wp_2022/01.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Realities such as the COVID-19 pandemic have expedited the move to online operations, highlighting the undeniable fact that the world is continuing to go digital. This emphasises the need for policymakers to regulate in a manner that allows them to harness digital trade benefits while also avoiding associated risk. However, given that digital trade remains unco-ordinated globally, with countries adopting different approaches to policy issues, national regulatory divergence on the matter continues, placing limits on the benefits that countries can obtain from digital trade. Given these disparities, ahead of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) Phase II Negotiations, African countries have been considering the best way to harmonise regulations on issues related to digital trade. To do this effectively, AfCFTA members need to identify where divergencies exist in their domestic regulatory systems. This will allow AfCFTA members to determine where harmonisation is possible, as well as what is needed to achieve such harmonisation. This report analyses the domestic regulations and policies of four focus countries – South Africa, Nigeria, Kenya and Senegal – comparing their regulatory approaches to five policy issues: i) regulation of online transactions; ii) cross-border data flows, data localisation, and personal data protection; iii) access to source code and technology transfer; iv) intermediary liability; and v) customs duties on electronic transmissions. The study highlights where divergencies exist in adopted approaches, indicating the need for the four countries – and AfCFTA members in general – to carefully consider the implications of the divergences, and determine where it is possible and beneficial to harmonise approaches. This was intended to encourage AfCFTA member states to take ownership of these issues and reflect on the reforms needed. As seen in Table 1 below, the study shows that the four countries diverge on most of the five policy issues. There are differences in how all four countries regulate online transactions – that is, e-signatures and online consumer protection. Nigeria was the only country out of the four to recognise all types of e-signatures as legally equivalent. Kenya and Senegal only recognise specific e-signatures, which are either issued or validated by a recognised institution, while South Africa adopts a mixed approach, where it recognises all e-signatures as legally valid, but provides higher evidentiary weight to certain types of e-signatures. Only South Africa and Senegal have specific regulations relating to online consumer protection, while Nigeria and Kenya do not have any clear rules. With regards to cross border data flows, data localisation, and personal data protection, the study shows that all four focus countries have regulations that consist of elements borrowed from the European Union (EU) General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR). In particular, this was regarding the need for the data subject's consent, and also the adequacy requirement. Interestingly, the study also shows that South Africa, Kenya and Nigeria also adopt data localisation measures, although at different levels of strictness. South Africa’s data localisation laws are mostly imposed on data that is considered critical – which is then required to be processed within South African borders – while Nigeria requires all data to be processed and stored locally, using local servers. Kenya imposes data localisation measures that are mostly linked to its priority for data privacy. Out of the four focus countries, Senegal is the only country that does not impose any data localisation laws. Although the study shows that all four countries share a position on customs duties on electronic transmissions, it is also interesting to note that none of the four countries currently have domestic regulations or policies on the subject. The report concludes by highlighting that, as the AfCFTA Phase II Negotiations aim to arrive at harmonisation and to improve intra-African trade and international trade, AfCFTA members should reflect on their national policies and domestic regulations to determine where harmonisation is needed, and whether AfCFTA is the right platform for achieving this efficiently.
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Jones, Emily, Beatriz Kira, Anna Sands et Danilo B. Garrido Alves. The UK and Digital Trade : Which way forward ? Blavatnik School of Government, février 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-wp-2021/038.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The internet and digital technologies are upending global trade. Industries and supply chains are being transformed, and the movement of data across borders is now central to the operation of the global economy. Provisions in trade agreements address many aspects of the digital economy – from cross-border data flows, to the protection of citizens’ personal data, and the regulation of the internet and new technologies like artificial intelligence and algorithmic decision-making. The UK government has identified digital trade as a priority in its Global Britain strategy and one of the main sources of economic growth to recover from the pandemic. It wants the UK to play a leading role in setting the international standards and regulations that govern the global digital economy. The regulation of digital trade is a fast-evolving and contentious issue, and the US, European Union (EU), and China have adopted different approaches. Now that the UK has left the EU, it will need to navigate across multiple and often conflicting digital realms. The UK needs to decide which policy objectives it will prioritise, how to regulate the digital economy domestically, and how best to achieve its priorities when negotiating international trade agreements. There is an urgent need to develop a robust, evidence-based approach to the UK’s digital trade strategy that takes into account the perspectives of businesses, workers, and citizens, as well as the approaches of other countries in the global economy. This working paper aims to inform UK policy debates by assessing the state of play in digital trade globally. The authors present a detailed analysis of five policy areas that are central to discussions on digital trade for the UK: cross-border data flows and privacy; internet access and content regulation; intellectual property and innovation; e-commerce (including trade facilitation and consumer protection); and taxation (customs duties on e-commerce and digital services taxes). In each of these areas the authors compare and contrast the approaches taken by the US, EU and China, discuss the public policy implications, and examine the choices facing the UK.
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Revenue Statistics in Latin America and the Caribbean 2021. Inter-American Development Bank, avril 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0003235.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This report compiles comparable tax revenue statistics over the period 1990-2019 for 27 Latin American and Caribbean economies. Based on the OECD Revenue Statistics database, it applies the OECD methodology to countries in Latin America and the Caribbean to enable comparison of tax levels and tax structures on a consistent basis, both among the economies of the region and with other economies. This publication is jointly undertaken by the OECD Centre for Tax Policy and Administration, the OECD Development Centre, the Inter-American Center of Tax Administrations (CIAT), the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) and the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB). The 2021 edition is produced with the support of the EU Regional Facility for Development in Transition for Latin America and the Caribbean, which results from joint work led by the European Union, the OECD and its Development Centre, and ECLAC.