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1
Hengari, Alfredo Tjiurimo. « A regional economic partnership agreement between SADC and the European Union within the Cotonou framework : opportunities and challenges for the political economy of regional integration in SADC ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/49851.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2004.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: One of the most notable features of the relations between the European Union and SADC is the current reconfiguration of their trading architecture as encapsulated in the Cotonou Agreement. Such a process of change can be shown to have inevitably been the result of policy shifts, which are salient characteristics of a global political economy, whose ontology is embedded theoretically in neo-liberalism. Nevertheless, any process of change in the structure of global trading relations has the logical outcome of systemically imposing either challenges or opportunities, and in some cases both, on the participants of that structure. This study represents a scholarly attempt at creating a lucid and descriptive embodiment of the challenges and opportunities involved for SADC in the negotiation and implementation of a Regional Economic Partnership Agreement (REPA) with the European Union. These challenges and opportunities, obligatory within a REPA framework are theoretically pronounced in as far as they shape the political economy of regional integration in SADe. The process of negotiating such a multifaceted agreement with a sophisticated partner, calls for institutional and negotiating capacity. Undoubtedly, such capacity is beyond the membership of SADe. The point is also emphasized that the process of trade liberalization, ingrained in a REPA will create a complex and difficult interface with the current SADC initiatives underway to deepen regional integration. Tellingly, these would contradict the cautious developmental and bottom up approach taken by SADC in its drive for regional integration. Conversely, this study concedes that a REPA with the EU holds a number of novel opportunities for SADC because such a process would provide scope for the fundamental restructuring of the SADC economies. The competitive pressures through decreased levels of protection within a REPA can create an upward convergence of low performing industries in the region. These, amongst others are important aspects if the political economy of SADC is to move into a virtuous cycle of deeper integration and ultimate insertion in the global economy.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Een van die mees opvallende kenmerke van verhoudinge tussen die Europese Unie (EU) en Suider-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap (SAOG) is die huidige rekonjigurasie van handelsbetrekkinge, soos vervat in die Cotonou Ooreenkoms. Hierdie proses is die onafwendbare gevolg van beleidsveranderinge in die internasionale politieke ekonomie, met 'n. ontologie wat teoreties in neo-liberalisme gewortel is. Sodanige veranderinge in die struktuur van internasionale handelsverhoudinge. bied uitdagings sowel as geleenthede, en soms beide, aan deelnemers van sodanige struktuur. Hierdie studie is 'n akademiese poging om 'n helder en deskriptiewe blik te werp op die uitdagings en geleenthede vir die SAOG met betrekking tot die onderhandeling en implimentering van die Regionale Ekonomiese Venootskapsooreenkoms (REVO) met die EU Hierdie uitdagings en geleenthede, wat verpligtend is binne die REVO struktuur, is teoreties belangrik in soverre as wat dit die politeke ekonomie van regionale integrasie in SADC beinvloed. Die onderhandelingsproses van so 'n komplekse dokument met gesofistikeerde vennote vereis intitusionele en onderhandelingskapasiteit. Hierdie kapasiteit is nie in SAOG te vinde nie. Die punt word ook benadruk dat die proses van handelsliberalisering, wat deel uitmaak van REVO, botsend kan wees met SAOG inisiatiewe om regionale integrasie te versterk. In essensie sal dit die huiwerige ontwikkelings en 'onder na ba' benadering, wat die SAOG tans volg, weerspreek. Aan die ander kant, gee die studie toe dat 'n REVO met die EU 'n hele aantal voordele inhou, aangesien so 'n proses momentum kan voorsien vir verreikende herstrukturering van SAOG ekonomieë. Die kompeterende druk a.g. v. 'n afname in beskermingsvlakke onder die REVO, kan lei tot 'n opwaartse neiging onder tradisionele swakpresterende nywerhede in die streek. Hierdie is onder andere belangrike aspekte wat SADC in gedagte moet hou, ten einde deel te word van die deugsame kringloop van dieper integrasie, en uiteindelike deelwording van die internasionale ekonomie.
2
Abdulla, Fawaz Yusuf Ahmed Abdulrahim. « European Union policies and socioeconomic development in the Southern Mediterranean : the case of Morocco ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648135.
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3
Aina, Tosin Philip. « A critical overview of the impact of economic partnership agreement with European Union on trade and economic development in the West African Region ». Thesis, UWC, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/3216.
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4
Frisina, Lorraine. « Understanding regional development : absorption, institutions and socio-economic growth in the regions of the European Union ; a case study on Italy / ». Frankfurt am Main [u.a.] : Lang, 2008. http://www.gbv.de/dms/zbw/560191960.pdf.
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5
Zürker, Matthias. « Promotion of regional development through inter-regional co-operation with the accession countries of the enlargement of the European Union : the example of the south west of England region / ». Kaiserslautern : Techn. Univ, 2004. http://www.gbv.de/dms/bs/toc/476518547.pdf.
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6
Van, der Holst Marieke. « EPA negotiations between the EU and SADC/SACU grouping : partnership or asymmetry ? » Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1931.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.Europe and Africa share a long history that is characterized both by oppression and development. The relationship between the European Union (EU) and the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries is a particularly important aspect of EU development cooperation policy. The developmental history between the EU and Africa started with the Yaoundé Conventions of 1963 and 1969, which were replaced by the Lomé Convention. Unfortunately, the favourable terms and preferential access for the ACP countries to Europe failed and the Lomé Convention was replaced by the Cotonou Partnership Agreement (CPA) in 2000. As a result of a WTO-waiver, the discriminatory non-reciprocal trade preferences, which were previously enjoyed under the Lomé Convention, continued until December 2007. The Cotonou Agreement points out that these trade preferences will be replaced by joint WTOcompatible Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs). During the EPA negotiations, the EU preferred to negotiate on a regional basis instead of negotiating with the ACP as a whole or with individual countries. Consequently, Sub-Saharan Africa formed two negotiation groups; the Eastern and Southern Africa (ESA) EPA group and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) EPA group, represented by the five Southern African Customs Union (SACU) countries, together with Mozambique and Angola. Although Southern Africa is the region that leads the continent; from an economic perspective, the Southern African states show considerable disparities. Due to the economic differences between South Africa and the BLNS countries (Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia and Swaziland), the interests of the individual SACU countries are diverse and often contradictory, which resulted in complicated EPA negotiations. However, maintaining a favourable long-term trading relationship with the EU is of great importance to the economic and political well-being of the SADC, since the EU is the main trading partner of most African countries. By December 2007, an interim EPA (IEPA) was initialled by the BLNS countries as a result of the pressure to fall back to the unfavourable Generalized System of Preferences (GSP). Due to the bilateral Trade Development and Cooperation Agreement (TDCA) that is in force between South Africa and the EU, South Africa was not negatively influenced by the expiry of the WTO-waiver. The EPA will have a negative impact on regional integration within SADC and will promote distinction within the regional economic communities. Duty free, quota free access was offered to the BLNS countries, but the EU did not extend this offer to South Africa because of the developmental status of the country and the pre-existing TDCA. Consequently, South Africa will be required to export at higher prices and will experience increased competition within the region. The downside of the removal of import tariffs for the BLNS countries is that government revenues will decrease, which might result in income losses and will accentuate poverty. The standstill-clause of the IEPA prevents the SACU countries from diversifying economically and from developing new industries. The Most- Favoured Nation clause primarily impacts negatively on South Africa, since it prevents South Africa from negotiating freely with other countries such as Brazil and China. Furthermore, the strict intellectual property rules of the IEPA undermine access to knowledge and hereby fail to support innovation. The content of a chapter on liberalization of services, that will be included in the full EPA, is still being negotiated. Liberalization of services might lead to more foreign investments in the BLNS countries, as a result of which the quality of services will increase, leading to better education, infrastructure and more job opportunities. However, foreign companies will gain power at the expense of African governments and companies. South Africa is the main supplier of services in the BLNS countries and will therefore be confronted with economic losses when the services sector is liberalized. From an economic nationalist perspective, the EU included numerous provisions in the IEPA that were not necessary for WTO compatibility. However, the EU is aware of the importance of trade agreements for the BLNS countries and found itself in the position to do so to fulfil its own interests. By making use of the expiry date of the WTO waiver; the IEPA was initialled by the BLNS countries within a relatively short period of time. South Africa, in its own national interests, opposed the provisions of the IEPA, which has led to the negotiations deadlock. Because of the economic power and negotiating tactics of the EU and the selfinterested attitude of South Africa in this respect, regional integration is undermined and the poorest countries are once again the worst off. Although Economic Partnership Agreements have to be established, the partnership-pillar is, in my opinion, hard to find.
7
Alakbarov, Gurban. « Die Energieressourcen der kaspischen Region und ihre Auswirkungen auf die Energiesicherheit der Europäischen Union ». Bochum [u. a.] : Europäischer Univ.-Verl, 2008. http://www.gbv.de/dms/zbw/568950232.pdf.
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8
RUBIO, BARCELÓ Eulàlia. « Regional governments, territorial political restructuring and vocational education and training policies : a comparison of four cases : Catalonia, Lombardy, Valencia and Veneto ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/7037.
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Defence date: 16 March 2007Examining Board: Prof. Michael Keating (EUI); Prof. Virginie Guiraudon (EUI); Prof. Marino Regini, (Università di Milano) ; Prof. Jacint Jordana Casajuana (Pompeu Fabra University)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
no abstract available
9
Bai, Xue. « Evaluation and suggestions on EU development assistance policy ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2595841.
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10
Hoste, Amaury. « Towards a Mercosur regional development fund ? : transferring European Union experience ». Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2003. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/114/.
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The thesis examines the extent to which Mercosur member states can establish a common approach to regional development, and what Mercosur can learn from the European Union experience of regional development funds. Through an extensive statistical analysis this thesis maps and profiles regional disparities in Mercosur in order to expose the nature and scale of the regional development challenge faced by the region. It argues that the creation of a Mercosur Regional Development Fund (MRDF), although not the sole solution, is one way forward towards the reduction of regional disparities. The thesis then proposes a theoretical framework which can be employed to account for prospective policy transfers between two supranational associations such as the EU and Mercosur. A critical analysis of the EU regional development fund experience leads the thesis to propose that there are some key EU principles which Mercosur can apply. Finally, the thesis discusses the objectives and main characteristics of a MRDF in terms of how it might best address the needs of the Mercosur less developed regions.
11
Wang, Jia. « Research on EU regional policy : its selective mechanisms, effects and role for EU integration, with reflections on its possible meaning for China ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555597.
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Pasiouras, Fotios. « Development of bank acquisition targets prediction models ». Thesis, Coventry University, 2005. http://curve.coventry.ac.uk/open/items/ecf1b00d-da92-9bd2-5b02-fa4fab8afb0c/1.
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This thesis develops a range of prediction models for the purpose of predicting the acquisition of commercial banks in the European Union using publicly available data. Over the last thirty years, there have been approximately 30 studies that have attempted to identify potential acquisition targets, all of them focusing on non-bank sectors. We consider that prediction models developed specifically for the banking industry are essential due to the unusual structure of banks' financial statements, differences in the environment in which banks operate and other specific characteristics of banks that in general distinguish them from non-financial firms. We focus specifically on the EU banking sector, where M&As activity has been considerable in recent years, yet academic research relating to the EU has been rather limited compared to the case of the US. The methodology for developing prediction models involved identifying past cases of acquired banks and combining these with non-acquired banks in order to evaluate the prediction accuracy of various quantitative classification techniques. In this study, we construct a base sample of commercial banks covering 15 EU countries, and financial variables measuring capital strength, profit and cost efficiency, liquidity, growth, size and market power, with data in both raw and country-adjusted (i.e. raw variables divided by the average of the banking sector for the corresponding country) form. In order to allow for a proper comparative evaluation of classification methods, we select common subsets of the base sample and variables with high discriminatory power, dividing the sample period (1998-2002) into training sub-sample for model development (1998-2000), and holdout sub-sample for model evaluation (2001-2002). Although the results tend to support the findings of studies on non-financial firms, highlighting the difficulties in predicting acquisition targets, the prediction models we develop show classification accuracies generally higher than chance assignment based on prior probabilities. We also consider the use of equal and unequal matched holdout samples for evaluation, and find that overall classification accuracy tends to increase in the unequal matched samples, implying that equal matched samples do not necessarily overstate the prediction ability of models. The main goal of this study has been to compare and evaluate a variety of classification methods including statistical, econometric, machine learning and operational research techniques, as well as integrated techniques combining the predictions of individual classification methods. We found that some methods achieved very high accuracies in classifying non-acquired banks, but at the cost of relatively poor accuracy performance in classifying acquired banks. This suggests a trade-off in achieving high classification accuracy, although some methods (e.g. Discriminant) performed reasonably well in terms of achieving balanced overall classification accuracies of above chance predictions. Integrated prediction models offer the advantage of counterbalancing relatively poor performance of some classification methods with good performance of others, but in doing so could not out-perform all individual classification methods considered. In general, we found that the outcome of which method performed best depended largely on the group classification accuracy considered, as well as to some extent on the choice of the discriminatory variables. Concerning the use of raw or country-adjusted data, we found no clear effect on the prediction ability of the classification methods.
13
Shi, Feng. « Principles of European Union water law ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2007. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b1944040.
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Thomas, Barry van Someren. « Growth and regional economic development in the European Union : an empirical study ». Thesis, University of Birmingham, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.314117.
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15
Mavura, Mike Tigere. « The European Union trade, development and cooperation agreement (TDCA) with South Africa : promoting development or self interest ? » Thesis, Rhodes University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007572.
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This research analyses development cooperation between the European Union (EU) and South Africa with the objective of determining which between the two entities, ultimately benefits more out of this arrangement The research goes beyond the altruistic reasons offered by the EU as the rationale for development cooperation to investigate whether South Africa's development is actually being promoted by this cooperation. Further, the research investigates whether there is also EU self-interest that informs this development cooperation. This research is conceptualised within the development aid debate framework. The research argues that this development cooperation is important to South Africa even though its impact is in real terms has not been extensive due to a number of factors. It further contends that there are EU political, security and economic interests amongst others that are being promoted by this development cooperation. The research concludes by asserting that this development cooperation promotes the mutual interests of the EU and South Africa. This conclusion challenges the paradigms of the debate on development aid which is premised in black and white terms of development aid promoting either donor or recipient interests.
16
Topcuoglu, Merve Mehlika. « Energy Indicators For Sustainable Development : Comparison Of Turkey And Selected European Union Countries ». Master's thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613555/index.pdf.
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The aim of this study is to compare the sustainable development perspective of Turkey
with selected European Union countries in terms of Energy Indicators for Sustainable
Energy between 1980-2008. The study is conducted in a comparative and descriptive
way by using energy indicators. The common energy policy priorities of Turkey and
European Union are determined in the light of recent literature. An energy indicator set
is constructed according to energy priorities, namely, energy efficiency and energy
intensityenergy security and fuel mix
and environmental concerns. The analysis of relevant indicators demonstrates that Turkey does not meet the sustainability criteria in terms of energy use. In general, findings of the study indicate that Turkey does not use energy efficiently and energy intensities in the economy do not decrease except for the industry sector, for the period 1980-2008. Import dependency has increased and fuel mix of energy sources is dominantly carbon based. Expectations about increasing renewable energy share do not exhibit a significant trend thus energy security and fuel mix are still important issues for Turkey. Lastly, environmental protection in terms of decreasing GHG emissions, air pollution and deforestation could not be achieved as GHG emissions, air pollution and deforestation have increased in Turkey during 1980- 2008 period.
17
Lipska, Katarzyna. « The effects of 2004 European Union enlargement on mortality development for joining countries ». Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Sociologiska institutionen, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-92578.
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The life expectancy development during the past 150 years has been remarkable in many parts of the world. These developments, however, have been very different across countries. In Europe, the diverse historical and political changes lead to clusters of regions that followed different mortality developments. The aim of this study was to examine how countries that entered the European Union in 2004 and 2007 differ in terms of mortality from continuous members of the EU and from Eastern European countries that have never joined the EU. Moreover, I studied a possible convergence in mortality indicators between these groups of countries. The data used to explore mortality conditions in those groups of countries was derived from two sources: The Human Mortality Database and European Health for All Database. Descriptive statistics and calculations of average yearly pace of change for groups of countries have been applied for each mortality indicator. Furthermore, regression models have been conducted to estimate the impact of belonging to a country group on mortality indicators, adjusted for some macro-level indicators of economic progress and health expenditure. The results verified previous research implying the importance of period factors which can affect mortality in the short term. For all mortality indicators, accelerated improvements between 1995 and 1999 have been found in countries who became EU members in 2004. Moreover, life expectancy convergence was observed for life expectancy at birth but not for the older ages which could imply that the positive progress affected older ages to smaller degree. My findings confirm the importance of social environment and imply that the process of joining the EU possibly could reduce social stress and affect mortality conditions positively.
18
Wandel, Cordula. « Industry agglomerations and regional development in Hungary economic processes during European integration ». Frankfurt, M. Berlin Bern Bruxelles New York, NY Oxford Wien Lang, 2009. http://d-nb.info/1001388488/04.
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Li, Jinxiang. « The European Union relationship to the Africa, Caribbean and Pacific countries in terms of the Cotonou Agreements : will the economic partnership agreements aid regional integration ». Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&.
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The main purpose of this paper was to explore the role economic partnership agreements play in regional integration. The whole paper was premised on identifying the nature of economic partnership agreements that is conceived as a free trade arrangement. Therefore the paper discussed the feasibility of the reciprocal principle between the European Union and ACP countries, and further indicated that there is no need to implement the principle of reciprocity at present. The paper also discovered that, due to the fact that unequal trade relations between the EU and the ACP countries still exist, the implementation of the EPAs is most likely to generate the complementary but non-competitive trade relations between the EU and the ACP countries. Such a situation could result in the ACP countries over-independence on the EU's market. ACP countries are not expecting to such integration. In addition the paper ascertains that the EPAs themselves could contain the intrinsic negative impacts such as discrimination against the third countries on regional integration.
20
Oguzsoy, Cenk Mehmet. « The Structure Of National And Subnational Institutons In European Union Candidate Countries And Eu Implications ». Thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/1260459/index.pdf.
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The European Union is now facing with the enormous enlargement processes, which comprise thirteen new countries. Different from the European Union member states, these candidate countries are suffering significant socio-economic problems and have to face with the need for adjustment of their regional policies, administrations and institutions. In this process, the EU is intervening actively into the development of the Central and Eastern European Countries&rsquoregional policies and institutional structures. While twelve of these countries (Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Cyprus, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Poland, Romania, the Slovak Republic and Slovenia) will be definitely the member states until the year of 2007, Turkey is not currently negotiating her membership and is highly backward status in comparison with the other candidate countries. In this context, the thesis study is composed of four main parts: 1. the changing system of the European Union regional policy, 2. the realized applications of the candidate countries in the field of regional policy after the year 1989, 3. the developments of the candidate countries&rsquo
institutional structures on regional policy, and 4. the position of Turkish regional policy and institutional structure. Basically, the thesis investigates how the European Union is following a similar system for the candidate countries in the field of regional policy and institutional structure and tries to provide significant outputs in Turkish case.
21
Pillay, Morgenie. « The negotiation process of the EU-SA Trade, Development and Co-operation Agreement : a case of reference for the south ? » Thesis, Rhodes University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003031.
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Overall the conclusions drawn about South Africa’s negotiating style and tactics were arrived at by analysing a number of reports (that closely followed the evolution of the negotiations) and then paralleling this case study’s findings with the conjectures made by the theoretical frameworks (i.e. works by Putnam, Zartmann and Churchmann) about how negotiations proceed. In the final analysis, the findings of this case are intended to provide insight for the south about how to approach any future trade negotiations with the North (or more specifically with the EU).
22
Ugurlu, Ulge. « The Relationship Between Regional Policy And Regional State Aid Policy In The European Union And Implications For Turkey ». Master's thesis, METU, 2006. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12608069/index.pdf.
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The aim of this thesis is to investigate the relationship between regional policy and regional state aid policy in the European Union and to evaluate the implications of this relationship on the transformation of the regional policy approach of both the EU and the member states with specific focus on the implications for Turkish regional policy in the process of EU accession. After providing a critical review of regional policy and regional state aid policy in the EU, this thesis lays out the possible alternatives for regional policy following the enlargement of the Union in 2004. The analysis shows that in the absence of a significant increase in the funding directed to regional policy at the EU level despite an increase in regional disparities and as a result of more strict regulations on regional state aids granted by member statesa trade-off exists, especially for less-prosperous member states, between national growth and reduction of regional disparities. Thus, achieving a proper balance between competitiveness and cohesion in the EU necessitates the coordination of national and EU level funding for regional development. The implications for Turkey is that in order to achieve national convergence with the EU in the short run and to reduce regional disparities in the long run, Turkey needs to revise its regional policy and regional state aid policy as to strategically coordinate national and EU regional policy funding.
23
Cardoso, Catarina. « The role of human capital in the Iberian countries' growth and convergence ». Thesis, Loughborough University, 2011. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/8523.
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This thesis examines the role of human capital in the growth and convergence of the Iberian countries. Using a newly computed series for human capital at the NUTS III level for the Portuguese regions, the comparison between Portugal and Spain suggests a positive role for human capital proxied by the average years of schooling in both Iberian countries regional growth, which supports the hypothesis that higher levels of education improved the regions‟ ability to adopt new technology; although the levels of education indicate that secondary schooling is important for technology adoption in Portugal, but not in Spain, and its effect is higher than that of tertiary education. Using Exploratory Spatial Data Analysis (ESDA), two convergence clubs are identified within the Iberia Peninsula (Core and Periphery), but convergence occurs mainly in the Periphery group and education plays a positive and significant role only in the Core club.
24
Pisaneschi, Maria L. « Significance of the European Investment Bank ». [Tampa, Fla.] : University of South Florida, 2004. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/SFE0000298.
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Burger, Pieter Francois Theron. « The trade and development agreement between SA and the EU : implications for SACU ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52029.
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Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2000.The Trade, Development and Co-operation Agreement (TDCA) will create competitive challenges, threats and opportunities, driving out less efficient performers while bolstering more efficient enterprises and industries. This is in line with the general principles of the World Trade Organisation (WTO) which promotes the reduction of trade barriers in order to liberate trade on a global basis. This dynamic process of adjustments will continue throughout the implementation of the European Union - South Africa Free Trade Agreement ( EU-SA FTA) which is the main component of the TDCA. The European Union (EU) has historically been Southern Africa's most important trading partner. The main reason why South Africa entered into a Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with the EU was to enhance exports to South Africa's largest export market, attract higher levels of investment from the EU, and gradually expose the South African industry to competition to ensure that it is restructured to become globally competitive. Since 1910 South Africa has been part of the Southern African Customs Union (SACU), which also comprises Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia and Swaziland (BlNS). The EU-SA FTA will accordingly impact on trade relations between South Africa, the EU and the BLNS countries. Not only will SACU face increased competition from cheaper EU imports, but BLNS countries will also face reduced income from the common revenue pool. South Africa will have to remove a higher level of tariffs from a greater volume of imports than is the case for the EU. For the BLNS, the relative adjustment effort is even greater. The BLNS will have to adjust to the elimination of tariffs on 30% of goods currently imported from the EU, while the TDCA will bring about no improvement in their current terms of access to the EU market. The BLNS products currently exported to the EU which are most likely to be affected by the EU-SA FTA are: clothing (Lesotho), preserved fish and flowers (Namibia), and grapefruit, processed pineapples, corned fruit and grapes (Swaziland). These products are under threat from South African products which can, as a result of the FTA, be exported to the EU at reduced tariffs. BLNS products which could be affected as a result of cheaper EU imports are: grain (Botswana, Namibia and Lesotho), chicken production (Swaziland), sugar (Swaziland), beef (Namibia and Botswana), and the small wheat-farming sector in Namibia and Botswana. The EU-SA FTA is further likely to have a substantial impact on South Africa's exports to the EU. The total increase in exports as a result of the FTA is estimated between 1.3% and 1.4% of the 1996 value of South Africa's exports to the EU. The main drive will come from industrial products which are less protected than agricultural products. The South African government, further, concluded that the negative effects of the direct costs to SACU would be outweighed, in the long term, by the dynamic and geopolitical benefits of an FTA with the EU. The signal that the South African government has given with signing the TDCA with the EU indicates that the Southern African economy should restructure itself to become internationally competitive. This is the only way to survive in a global trade arena which is under WTO principles becoming increasïngly more liberated.
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Oliveira, Denise Lícia Boni de. « Problemas e perspectivas da integração na União Europeia = um olhar sobre os progrssos de alargamento ». [s.n.], 2011. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279404.
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Orientador: Shiguenoli MiyamotoDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: Este trabalho tem por objetivo apresentar uma visão da União Europeia, através dos processos de alargamento, para observar as possíveis perspectivas futuras a que o bloco pode optar. A União Européia é um processo de integração regional sem um projeto específico, sem um fim conhecido, ainda em constante construção. Observá-la a partir dos processos de alargamento traz uma dimensão mais dinâmica às alterações sofridas pelo bloco ao longo do tempo e apresenta duas opções como perspectivas de futuro: o aprofundamento da integração - com a delimitação de novas competências para a União e a conseqüente oposição que isso suscita nos Estados-membros - e o alargamento, que ao permitir a entrada de novos Estados acrescenta o debate sobre até onde devem ir as fronteiras do bloco. Esta dissertação está organizada em quatro capítulos. O primeiro apresenta a UE, suas características e um pouco de sua história, importante para entender as motivações do processo. O segundo faz uma abordagem sobre as etapas do crescimento da integração na Europa, os novos Tratados introduzidos e os alargamentos, que transformaram a CECA do pós-guerra e a CEE da Guerra Fria na UE dos dias de hoje. O terceiro capítulo trata dos principais problemas que envolvem o processo. Alguns deles existem desde os primeiros passos da integração, não tendo sido solucionados com as constantes reformulações do bloco. Outros são fruto de fatores do contexto internacional dos dias atuais, como o neoliberalismo e o final da Guerra Fria. Encerramos com um quarto capítulo que faz a discussão sobre os futuros possíveis a que a UE pode perseguir, decidindo entre aprofundar a integração ou ampliar o número de Estados participantes. E, na conclusão, temos o entendimento permitido a partir da observação do desenvolvimento da integração, de seus problemas e das possíveis soluções e caminhos a seguir
Abstract: This work has in its objectives to present a view of the European Union, through the enlargement processes, to observe the possible future perspectives that the EU can choose. The European Union is an integration process without a specific project, without a known end and in incessant construction. To observe it from the enlargement processes brings a more dynamic dimension to the modifications took by the european process as the passing of the time and presents two options as perspectives of future: the deepening of the integration - determining new competences to the Union and the sequent opposition that it brings to the member States - and the enlargement, when the permission of the access of new members increases the debate on where should end the European Union's frontiers. This dissertation is organized in four chapters. The first one presents the UE, its characteristics and a bit of its history, very important to understand the motivations of this process. The second makes an approach on the european integration growing fases, the new Treaties introduced and the enlargement processes, that turned the ECSC from the post-war period and the EEC from the Cold War period in the current EU. The third chapter discuss mabout the problems the EU is involved. Some of them came since the first steps of the integration, unsolved even with the constant reforms of the EU. Other problems are results of factors of the international context of the current days, such as the neoliberalism and the Cold War. Ending the dissertation we have a forth chapter that debate about the possiblefutures the EU can choose, the deepening or the enlargement. End in the conclusion, we have the understanding arrived from the observation of the EU's development, its problems and the possible solutions and paths to follow
Mestrado
Relações Internacionais
Mestre em Ciência Política
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Signoretta, Paola E. « Sustainable development in marginal regions of the European Union : an evaluation of the Integrated Mediterranean Programme Calabria, Italy ». Thesis, University of Nottingham, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.318294.
Texte intégral
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Gazzah, Faten. « Entrepreneurship and regional development : spatial analysis ». Thesis, Normandie, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017NORMC025.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Cette thèse se propose de mettre en perspective l’impact de l’environnement entrepreneurial, afin d'expliquer les raisons de la variation spatiale du niveau de développement régional pour les régions de l’Union Européenne et celles des régions tunisiennes. Cette inégalité régionale s’accompagne par une non-stationnarité spatiale des relations modalisées dans l’espace, ce qui implique que certaines variables peuvent avoir un effet positif dans quelques régions, alors que des effets négatifs sont observables dans d’autres régions. Pour aborder la question des inégalités régionales liées à une contribution entrepreneuriale dans un contexte spatiale, trois chapitres, sous forme d’articles, ont été développés. Le premier chapitre étudie l’hétérogénéité spatiale de l’impact de l’environnement entrepreneurial sur le développement des régions de l’Union Européenne. Le deuxième s’intéresse à la description des répartitions spatiales globales et locales de l’indice de développement régional en Tunisie, ainsi qu'à l’impact de la variation de l’effet de la micro-entreprise sur l’indice de développement des régions (délégations) tunisiennes. Le dernier chapitre explique les facteurs favorisant un environnement entrepreneurial adéquat pour attirer les micro-entreprises dans les régions (délégations) tunisiennes principalement défavorisées mais qui sont cependant dans une phase de développement.En se basant sur un échantillon composé de 246 régions de l’Union Européenne, les résultats du premier chapitre annoncent que l’environnement entrepreneurial contribue à expliquer les inégalités du développement entre les régions. Ce résultat révèle que promouvoir un entrepreneuriat d’opportunité face à un entrepreneuriat de nécessité dans les régions les moins développées de l’Union Européenne est une obligation, notamment dans les pays de l’Europe Centrale et Orientale. Le deuxième chapitre a pour objectif d’examiner l’effet de la micro-entreprise sur l’indice de développement des 262 régions tunisiennes à l’aide d’une analyse exploratoire des données Géo-référencées. Le résultat obtenu montre, sur la base d’un modèle spatial global, que la présence de la micro-entreprise dans une région impacte positivement le niveau de développement régional de celle-ci et de celles des régions voisines. A contrario, pour un modèle spatial local, nous constatons, d’une part que l'impact de la micro-entreprise s’affaiblit en se rapprochant des régions côtières (développées), et d’autre part que l'impact de la micro-entreprise est plus important dans les régions à faible niveau de développement par rapport à celles dotées d’un développement favorable. Les résultats du troisième chapitre affirment que l’entrepreneuriat par nécessité, un contexte social décourageant, la corruption, la faible fiabilité des structures d'appui et le déséquilibre entre la formation universitaire et l’offre d’emplois qualifiés sur le marché sont les facteurs majeurs freinant la survie de la micro-entreprise dans les régions en retard de développementThis thesis proposes to put into perspective the impact of the entrepreneurial environment, in order to explain the reasons for the spatial variation of the level of regional development for the regions of the European Union and those of the Tunisian regions. This regional inequality is accompanied by non-stationary spatial modalized relationships in space, implying that certain variables can have a positive effect in some regions, while negative effects are observable in other regions. To address the issue of regional inequalities in an entrepreneurial contribution in a context space, three chapters, in the form of articles, have been developed. The first chapter sheds light on the spatial heterogeneity of the impact of the environment on the development of the European Union Regions. The second focuses on the description of spatial distributions global and local index to regional development in Tunisia, as well as the impact of the change in the effect of the micro-enterprise on the index of development of the Tunisian regions (delegations).The last chapter explains the factors fostering an entrepreneurial environment to attract micro-enterprises in the (delegations) Tunisian regions primarily disadvantaged but are in a phase of development .Based on a sample composed of 246 regions of the European Union, the results of the first chapter announced that the entrepreneurial environment helps explain inequalities in development between the regions. This result reveals that promote entrepreneurship of opportunity in the face of the necessity entrepreneurship in the regions the least developed in the European Union is an obligation, particularly in countries of Central Europe and Eastern. The second chapter is aimed to consider the effect of the micro-enterprise on the development index of 262 Tunisian regions using an exploratory analysis of Geo-referenced data. The result shows, on the basis of a global spatial model, that the presence of the micro-enterprise or business in a region impacted positively the level of regional development and those of the neighboring regions. Conversely, for a local spatial model, we see, on the one hand that the impact of micro-enterprise weakens while approaching coastal areas (developed), and on the other hand the impact of the micro-enterprise is more important in the regions with low level of development compared to those with a favorable development. The results of the third chapter claim that entrepreneurship by necessity, a discouraging social context, corruption, low reliability of support structures and the imbalance between the academic training and supply of skilled jobs on the market are the major factors slowing down the survival of the micro-enterprise in under developed regions
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Ribeiro, José Duarte Medeiros. « Between Bacchus and Dionysus : European Union policies on rural development : the cases of Nemea and Basto wine regions ». Master's thesis, Universidade de Aveiro, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10773/15886.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Mestrado em Planeamento Regional e UrbanoA actividade vitivinícola possui um conjunto diverso de características presentes no solo, território e comunidade que fazem parte do património cultural de uma determinada região. Quando a tradição se traduz num conceito como terroir que é formado por características territoriais, sociais e culturais de uma região rural, o vinho apresenta uma “assinatura” que se escreve “naturalmente” no paladar regionalmente identificado. Os vinhos da Região de Nemea, na Grécia e de Basto (Região dos Vinhos Verdes) em Portugal, estão ambos sob a proteção dos regulamentos das Denominações de Origem. No entanto, apesar de ambos serem regulados por sistemas institucionais de certificação e controlo de qualidade, afigura-se a necessidade de questionar se o património cultural e a identidade territorial específica, “impressa” em ambos os terroirs, pode ser protegida num sentido mais abrangente do que apenas origem e qualidade. Em Nemea, a discussão entre os produtores diz respeito ao estabelecimento de sub-zonas, isto é incluir na regulação PDO uma diferente categorização territorial com base no terroir. Ou seja, para além de estar presente no rótulo a designação PDO, as garrafas incluirão ainda informação certificada sobre a área específica (dentro do mesmo terroir) onde o vinho foi produzido. A acontecer resultaria em diferentes status de qualidade de acordo com as diferentes aldeias de Nemea onde as vinhas estão localizadas. O que teria possíveis impactos no valor das propriedades e no uso dos solos. Para além disso, a não participação da Cooperativa de Nemea na SON (a associação local de produtores de vinho) e como tal na discussão principal sobre as mudanças e os desafios sobre o terroir de Nemea constitui um problema no sector vitivinícola de Nemea. Em primeiro lugar estabelece uma relação de não-comunicação entre os dois mais importantes agentes desse sector – as companhias vinícolas e a Cooperativa. Em segundo lugar porque constituiu uma possibilidade real, não só para os viticultores ficarem arredados dessa discussão, como também (porque não representados pela cooperativa) ficar impossibilitado um consenso sobre as mudanças discutidas. Isto poderá criar um ‘clima’ de desconfiança levando a discussão para ‘arenas’ deslocalizadas e como tal para decisões ‘desterritorializadas’ Em Basto, há vários produtores que começaram a vender a sua produção para distribuidoras localizadas externamente à sub-região de Basto, mas dentro da Região dos Vinhos Verdes, uma vez que essas companhias tem um melhor estatuto nacional e internacional e uma melhor rede de exportações. Isto está ainda relacionado com uma competição por uma melhor rede de contactos e status mais forte, tornando as discussões sobre estratégias comuns para o desenvolvimento rural e regional de Basto mais difícil de acontecer (sobre isto a palavra impossível foi constantemente usada durante as entrevistas com os produtores de vinho). A relação predominante entre produtores é caracterizada por relações individualistas. Contudo foi observado que essas posições são ainda caracterizadas por uma desconfiança no interior da rede interprofissional local: conflitos para conseguir os mesmos potenciais clientes; comprar uvas a viticultores com melhor rácio qualidade/preço; estratégias individuais para conseguir um melhor status político na relação com a Comissão dos Vinhos Verdes. Para além disso a inexistência de uma activa intermediação institucional (autoridades municipais e a Comissão de Vinho Verde), a inexistência entre os produtores de Basto de uma associação ou mesmo a inexistência de uma cooperativa local tem levado a região de Basto a uma posição de subpromoção nas estratégias de promoção do Vinho Verde em comparação com outras sub-regiões. É também evidente pelos resultados que as mudanças no sector vitivinícolas na região de Basto têm sido estimuladas de fora da região (em resposta também às necessidades dos mercados internacionais) e raramente de dentro – mais uma vez, ‘arenas’ não localizadas e como tal decisões desterritorializadas. Nesse sentido, toda essa discussão e planeamento estratégico, terão um papel vital na preservação da identidade localizada do terroir perante os riscos de descaracterização e desterritorialização. Em suma, para ambos os casos, um dos maiores desafios parece ser como preservar o terroir vitivinícola e como tal o seu carácter e identidade local, quando a rede interprofissional em ambas as regiões se caracteriza, tanto por relações não-consensuais em Nemea como pelo modus operandi de isolamento sem comunicação em Basto. Como tal há uma necessidade de envolvimento entre os diversos agentes e as autoridades locais no sentido de uma rede localizada de governança. Assim sendo, em ambas as regiões, a existência dessa rede é essencial para prevenir os efeitos negativos na identidade do produto e na sua produção. Uma estratégia de planeamento integrado para o sector será vital para preservar essa identidade, prevenindo a sua desterritorialização através de uma restruturação do conhecimento tradicional em simultâneo com a democratização do acesso ao conhecimento das técnicas modernas de produção vitivinícola.
Wine growing and producing has a diverse set of characteristics that reflects on territory and the community of a region’s cultural heritage. In countries like Portugal and Greece, where the wine history is almost so long as the country’s history itself, this cultural heritage is deep rooted on a long past constructed tradition. When this tradition is translated into a concept like terroir that is embedded by specific territorial, social and cultural characteristics of a rural region, the wine bears a “signature” present on the “natural” taste regionally identified. On the recent years there is a renewed interest on the notion of terroir, where discussions arose about the preservation/re-creation of terroirs on the ongoing process of history. One of most used protection of wine terroirs lies on geographical indications property rights instruments. On the context of European Union the commonly used is Protected Designation of Origin (PDO), strongly influenced by the French appellation d’origine côntrolée (AOC). Nemea (Greece) and Basto (Portugal) are two high quality demarcated wines regions (VQPRD) under the protection of labels of origin that in legal terms have (commonly) the format of Geographical Indications (GIs). Despite both follow institutional overseeing certification systems and quality control, recent discussions have emerged on the reconstruction of local/traditional knowledge and thus on the reconstruction of both regions terroir’s. Therefore, those discussions arose challenges to rural development of the regions between the preservation of localness (implicit on the protection by labels of origin) and the threats of de-territorialization. In Nemea, the discussion among the wine producers concerns the establishment of sub-appellations. Therefore, if formally established, there will be included on the bottles (besides the general Nemea PDO label) certified labelling of the specific rural community (inside Nemea region). We observed that may result into different status of quality accordingly to different sub-zones of Nemea wine appellation. The opposers believe that this changes will have impacts on property values and also confusion between consumers regarding Nemea wine will be brought. Besides, the non-participation of Nemea Wine Cooperative on SON (the local interprofessional association of producers) and thus on the main table of the discussion about the changes on the terroir of Nemea, constitutes a problem on the chain of Nemea network. It establishes, at first, a non-communication between the two most important stakeholders in Nemea – the private wineries and the cooperative. Second, it constitutes a real possibility for, not only the rural community (farmers and other inhabitants that have a indirect relation with the wine economy) be set apart from the discussion as a important stakeholder, but also (because not represented by the cooperative) an overall consensus over the discussed changes will be almost impossible. This can create a ‘climate’ of distrust and driven the discussion through non-localized ‘arenas’ and thus to de-territorialized decisions. In Basto there are, increasingly, closer relations between wine producers and bigger companies located elsewhere than between themselves. This is related with a conflicting competition for stronger network and status, making discussions on common strategies for Basto wine region(al) rural development very difficult to take place (regarding this the word impossible was constantly used during interviews with wine producers). The predominant relation between producers is characterised by individualistic positions. However, we observed that those positions are augmented by the distrust within the local interprofessional network: struggling for the same potential clients; to buy (grapes) from vinegrowers with better price/quality ratio; conflicts for better social and political status on the relation with the Vinho Verde Commission. Furthermore, the lack of institutional active intermediation (municipal authorities and Vinho Verde Commission), the inexistence of a Basto wine producers association or even the inexistence of a local cooperative has leading to the sub-promotion position of Basto on Vinho Verde promotion schemes in comparison with others sub-regions. It was also evident from the results that the changes on Basto’s wine sector have been stimulated from outside (in response to international markets needs) and barely from within – once more, non-localized ‘arenas’ and thus deterritorialized decisions. In sum, for both cases, the main challenge appears to be how to preserve wine terroir and therefore its localness, when the interprofessional network is being driven in a way of, either non-consensus relations (Nemea) or isolated modus operandi without discussions at all (Basto). There is indeed a needed ‘spark’ for all involved actors and local authorities to come together – a necessity of localized governance networks. Therefore, in both wine regions, the existence of localized governance is essential to prevent the negative effects on terroir’s identity and wine production localness through strategical planning involving all stakeholders and political authorities both at local and regional level. This integrated strategical planning will only play a vital role to preserve localness over de-territorialisation if able to mobilize reterritorialization under a re-shaping of traditional knowledge along with the winemaking modern techniques.
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Cross, Peter John. « Negotiating a comprehensive long-term relationship between South Africa and the European Union : from free trade to trade and development ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002978.
Texte intégralRésumé :
On 10 May 1994 the European Union offeredSouth Africa a package of measures to ... send a strong political signal to the incoming govemment and to the South African population, thus proving its firm determination to support the transition towards democracy and its willingness to contribute to the reconstruction and economic development of South Africa after the elections. This package consisted of two parts: 1. A series of short term implementations to take place with immediate effect to help South Africa's development and transition, and 2. An offer to negotiate a comprehensive long-term relationship with South Africa should the new government so request. South Africa accepted the European Union's offer to negotiate a long-term relationship, and in response requested membership of the structure governing the Union's relations with the rest of the countries in Sub-Saharan Africa and some countries in the Caribbean and Pacific, namely the Lomé Convention. Due to various incompatibilities South Africa was not allowed to join this organisation. In its place the European Union offered to negotiate an agreement with South Africa that would lead to a Free Trade Area. This agreement was in keeping with the rules as laid down by the World Trade Organisation. It envisaged the lowering of tariffs and trade barriers between the Union and South Africa over a period not exceeding 12 years, allowing for asymmetry in terms of time constraints in implementation only. South Africa saw this type of agreement as inconsistent with the desire expressed by the European Union to support the countries development and the integration of the Southern African region. In its place South Africa proposed a new concept in trade agreement, this concept, known as the Trade and Development Agreement, embodied both trade liberalisation and support for development. This agreement would introduce a new paradigm of thought to govern trade between developed countries and developing countries within the World Trade Organisation's rules. This paper explores the events that unfolded in these negotiations. It attempts to discover whether, in the current global environment, it is possible, or beneficial, for the developed world to act in an altruistic manner towards another state in order to assist its development.
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Wu, Yan Ni. « The EU development aid policy : evolution, legal basis, features, effectiveness and its role in the EU-China relations ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2009. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2099266.
Texte intégral
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Lidegran, Ellen. « The paradox of the persistence of the European Battlegroups : A study of tensions between integration and disintegration within the European Union ». Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-6283.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In 1998/99 the European Union (EU) acknowledged a need for an autonomous military action force. In 2007 the European Battlegroups (EUBG) were ready for ‘rapid reaction’. Today, in the year of 2016, they have still never been deployed. – How come the EUBG still exist, even though they have never been used? By an approach of explaining outcome process tracing, this study address – How can we understand the persistence of EUBG within the European Union in terms of integration and disintegration of regional organisations? By the developed theoretical framework of Security Communities (SC), it is argued that the EU, as a ‘tight, pluralistic, mature security community’ possibly cannot revise the renowned EUBG; disintegrate the Union, due to external and internal pressures and integrated features. This is shown by a method of a triangulated approach of surveys, interviews and textual analysis. The research concludes that deep-rooted integration and strong loyalty prevent members, of a regional organisation, to express contingent dissatisfaction and/or leave cooperation.
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Bertelsmann-Scott, Talitha. « The SA-EU trade, development and co-operation agreement : democratising South Africa's trade policy ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52573.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2001.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis examines the democratisation of South Africa's foreign trade policy, by evaluating the negotiations surrounding the establishment of a free trade area between South Africa and the European Union (EU). Democracy here is defined as a form of government that rests on three components namely, public participation in and public debate over policy formulation and a governing elite that is responsive to the needs of the majority of the population. The thesis firstly outlines the process of negotiation itself, looking at the developments that shaped the years of talks. It examines the nature of the final agreement, called the Trade, Development and Co-operation Agreement (TDCA). It focuses on the Co-operation Agreements that were concluded, South Africa's partial accession to the Lomé Convention and the details of the free trade agreement. It finds that although the negotiations took very long to complete and the EU proved to be a tough negotiator, there are a number of opportunities for South Africans in the TDCA. In the second section the internal process in developing a South African negotiating mandate is examined. This is done to conclude whether or not South Africa's foreign trade policy is being formulated in a democratic manner. However, first of all the question why the democratisation of foreign trade policy formulation is important is addressed. Two possible theories are advanced. Firstly, globalisation has forced countries to lure foreign direct investment (FDI) as a matter of urgency. Seeing as FDI is mostly tied up with western nations that prefer democracies, states are opting to democratise. The focus is to a large extent on satisfying international actors. Or alternatively, the very survival of the nascent democracy today depends on the consultative nature of domestic economic and international economic policy formulation. This is not a question of choice with an external focus, but rather a matter of urgency with purely an internal focus. Four actors in foreign policy formulation, namely parliament, government, the bureaucracy and civil society, are examined in order to understand whether they had access to the process and whether these institutions themselves have been democratised since 1994. The thesis finds that the process was to a large extent democratic in nature. However, the thesis also finds that no matter how democratic policy formulation is in South Africa, the options for policy are limited by a number of international elements. These include globalisation, regional trading blocs like the European Union, and international organisations like the World Trade Organisation.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die tesis evalueer die demokratisering van Suid-Afrika se buitelandse handelsbeleid deur die onderhandelingsproses tussen die Europese Unie (EU) en Suid-Afrika rakende die sluiting van 'n vryhandelsooreenkoms te ontleed. Demokrasie word in die tesis definieer as 'n tipe regering wat rus op drie komponente, naamlik deelname in en debat oor beleidsformulering en 'n regerende elite wat die behoeftes van die meerderheid van die burgers in ag neem in beleidsformulering. Eerstens omskryf die tesis die gebeure wat die onderhandelingsproses beïnvloed het. Die finale ooreenkoms word oorweeg teen die agtergrond van die samewerkingsooreenkomste wat tussen die partye gesluit is, Suid-Afrika se gedeeltelike deelname aan die Lomé Konfensie en die vryhandelsooreenkoms. Die gevolgtrekking word bereik dat ten spyte van die feit dat die onderhandelings oor 'n hele aantal jare gestek het, en alhoewel die EU 'n uitgeslape onderhandelaar was, die orreenkoms talle geleenthede vir Suid-Afrikaners skep. In die tweede instansie word die interne proses wat tot Suid-Afrika se onderhandelingsmandaat gelei het, ondersoek. Dit is gedoen om vas te stel of die beleid op 'n demokratiese manier geformuleer is. Daar word egter eers bepaal waarom die demokratisering van buitelandse handelsbeleid belangrik is. Twee moontlike teorie word geformuleer. Die eerste stel dit dat globalisering lande forseer om direkte buitelandse beleggings aan te lok. Siende dat buitelandse beleggings van westerlike state afkomstig is, wat verkies om met demokratiese state sake te doen, word ontwikkelende lande as te ware geforseer om veral hulle buitelandse beleidsformulering te demokratiseer. In die alternatief kan dit betoog word dat die voortbestaan van die demokrasie self afhang van 'n ekonomiese beleidsformulering wat beide binnelandse en internasionale prosesse insluit. Dit is nie 'n kwessie van keuse met 'n eksterne fokus nie, maar 'n noodsaaklikheid met 'n interne fokus. Vier groeperinge wat buitelandse beleidsformulering beïnvloed word ondersoek, naamlik die Parlament, the regering, die burokrasie en die burgerlike samelewing, om vas te stelof hierdie instansies toegang tot die proses gehad het en of hierdie instansies self sedert 1994 gedemokratiseer is. Die tesis kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat al is die formulering van buitelandse beleid hoé demokraties, word die moontlikehede vir beleidsformulering beperk deur globalisering, streeksorganisasies soos die EU, en internasionale organisasies soos the Wêreld Handelsorganisasie. Vir Chris, Gitti, Thomas en my ouers, sonder wie hierdie nooit klaar sou gekom het nie. Baie dankie ook aan Prof Philip Nel vir sy hulp, leiding en ondersteuning.
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Amadi, Victor Tamunoseipiriala. « Facilitating intra-regional trade through the movement of people in the Southern African development community (SADC) ». University of the Western Cape, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/7133.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Doctor Legum - LLDRegional integration has been part of Africa’s overarching strategy for economic transformation. To further enhance sustainable development and economic growth, in the African continent intra-regional trade is equally as important as international trade. Therefore, African countries are faced with the daunting task of adopting comprehensive and well-structured measures to ensure the movement of goods and people across borders are seamless and unrestrictive. Free movement of persons in particular is one of the core tenets of regional integration, building towards a common market. To that effect, the African Union (AU) based on Agenda 2063 has agreed on a Continental Free Trade Area and a Protocol on Movement of Persons indicating a commitment of attaining a single market where goods, persons and services can move freely across national borders. With the Southern African Development Community (SADC) being a Regional Economic Community (REC) recognised under the AU, this thesis seeks to argue for deeper integration by ensuring the movement of persons in the SADC is regulated beyond the scope that is recognised internationally under the International laws influencing the movement of persons. Also, this thesis argues for amendment of certain provisions in the SADC Protocol on the Facilitation of the Movement of Persons to further facilitate intra-regional trade. The SADC operates to an extent as a Free Trade Area (FTA) where goods are traded duty free across borders and the intention is to go higher up the integration ladder to become a Common Market by 2015 and an Economic Union with a Single Currency by 2018. Targets which has not been met to date. Article 5(2) (d) and Article 23 of the SADC Trade Protocol realises the significance of policy development in promoting free movement of people and services within the SADC region. To facilitate the movement of people, the SADC drafted a Protocol on the Free Movement of People in 1995. This Protocol never materialised and it was subsequently replaced by a Protocol on Facilitation on Movement of People which is limited in scope and is not yet operational as ratification by two third majority of Member States has not occurred. In 2012, a Protocol on Trade in Services which also within a limited scope influences the movement of persons in the region was also concluded but is not yet ratified by Member States of the SADC. The absence of a single consistent and comprehensive framework makes people vulnerable to informal practices at the border. Thus, the issue of ensuring free movement of people between SADC Member States still remains debatable and unresolved.
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Delechat, Aude Simonne Emilie. « Une concurrence fiscale loyale (un compte de fée?) / ». Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=83950.
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Tax competition between tax sovereignties is a fact. We focus here on the international tax competition. Taxation is one of the tools of governance that States use to direct their policies. Tax authorities try to diminish the burden of their taxpayers to improve the national economic and social welfare. To aim this objective, Governments intensify the competitiveness of the domestic trade and/or attract foreign investments. Because every States share the same goal, Governments compete with each other on the tax field. This tax competition is qualified as beneficial on the one hand, and one the other hand---ever more often---the adjective used to qualify this competition would be "harmful". At first, this thesis exposes the situation of tax competition, presenting the opposing views and the concurring ones. Then, we look at the position of the Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development and the position of the European Union on this issue of tax competition. Historic summaries explain the point of view of these two organizations that are the leaders in the fight against the "harmful" tax competition. Finally, we give subjective ideas to re-think tax competition in a fair way.
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Wu, Xia. « Integrated river basin management : looking into the experiences of EU and China ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2586417.
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DARKO, PHIDELIA. « EU DEVELOPMENT POLICY FOR DEVELOPING COUNTRIES VS. THE NEW SECURITY AGENDA : A CASE STUDY ON GHANA ». Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23826.
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Development issues have been the centre of most international governmental organisations for quite a long time. Most developing countries tend to depend on Western foreign donors to assist them in their developmental ambitions. Ghana as a developing nation also depends on it foreign donors to finance most of it developmental projects. Even though the European Union is an international governmental organisation that is much known for assisting developing countries with their developmental projects it is anticipated that recent occurrence such as the global economic meltdown, climate change coupled with terrorist attacks on most developed nations will limit or perhaps even halt the flow of development aid to developing countries as they might be more concerned with securing their territory rather than thinking of other people somewhere else.This is because such occurrences have resulted in raising a new concern, thus the New Security Agenda or Human Security. The Human Security in respect to its economic sector is what this paper deals with. This paper takes a critical look on Ghana’s Growth and Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (GPRS), as pertaining to the aspect of these papers that received developmental aid from the European Development Fund (EDF). It is proved here that almost all aspect of Ghana’s developmental projects in one way or other received funding from the EDF. The New Security Agenda in terms of its economic sector was rather found out to be a positive influence for developing nations like Ghana as a result of the country’s stability. This is because it was found out that rather than limiting the flow of development aid to Ghana, it is during this time that the 10th EDF budget for Ghana received the highest funding. It was later found out that all these developmental projects conforms to the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), which is also an area of concern in the New Security Agenda. All this occurrences are much more explained along a theoretical framework (thus the notions of liberalism, critical theory and constructivism). However other academic works on the subject matter was also comprehensively acknowledged.
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Deerness-Plesner, Gina Eleanor Mary. « The Final Frontier ? New Zealand engagement with the European Union in the field of research, science and technology ». Thesis, University of Canterbury. National Centre for Research on Europe, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/2697.
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This dissertation endeavours to address an identified gap in literature concerning the relationship between New Zealand and the European Union (EU) in the field of research, science and technology (RS&T). Examination of the partnership begins with the creation of the Science and Technological Cooperation (STC) Arrangement in 1991 and comes to a close in 2008, following the Arrangement’s ‘upgrade’ to an STC Agreement on 16 July. During this time, the intensification of the EU’s activities in RS&T is evident. The Seventh Framework Programme (FP7) currently constitutes the most internationalised Programme to date. Identifying the complementary nature of New Zealand and EU research priorities thus suggests that now, more than ever, the New Zealand research community stands to gain from participation within such an inclusive venture.
Aiming to assess the current status of New Zealand-EU research collaboration, the research identifies a number of recurring themes, both positive and negative, that influence the nature of the RS&T relationship. These themes focus on problems concerning visibility within the EU, geographical isolation from this important market, an absence of targeted domestic funding for New Zealand-EU RS&T collaboration and the unwieldy bureaucratic process of the Framework Programme. The research also determines the importance of both ‘official’ and ‘informal’ mechanisms’ in combating the outlined collaborative bottlenecks. Taking these themes into account, the thesis ultimately looks to provide recommendations concerning the future of New Zealand-EU engagement in this field.
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Frisina, Lorraine. « Understanding regional development absorption, institutions and socio-economic growth in the regions of the European Union ; a case study on Italy ». Frankfurt, M. Berlin Bern Bruxelles New York, NY Oxford Wien Lang, 2006. http://d-nb.info/987897845/04.
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Mather, James Damian. « Multi-level governance and subnational engagement in the European union : a case study of Merseyside and South Yorkshire and the partnership principle under European Regional Development Policy ». Thesis, University of Leeds, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.496135.
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Pakpahan, Beginda Anwar Teguh. « EU's policy development towards ASEAN from 2001 to 2009 : engaging with their dynamic relationship ». Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/8142.
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The existing analyses in the literature of inter-regionalism focus on a macro perspective when they look at the relationship between inter-regional ties and global governance. They have not explored the European Union’s (EU) policy development toward the Association of South-East Asia Nations (ASEAN) in detail which affects the EU and ASEAN relationship. They have overlooked explanations and current empirical evidence regarding that relationship. This thesis analyses internal factors within the EU and external factors from ASEAN and outside of the EU which influence EU policies toward ASEAN. The internal factors are the relevant actors within the various institutional arrangements of the EU policy and the promotion of interests of the EU and those of its member states and to some extent of common EU values. The modes of engagement between the EU and ASEAN, the level of integration within ASEAN and the pressures and opportunities from ASEAN and outside the EU are the external factors. Then, this thesis assesses how, when and to what extent these factors influence the EU’s policy developments toward ASEAN and have implications for the inter-regional relationship between the two regions. I examine three EU policies toward ASEAN from 2001 to 2009:1) a new partnership with South-East Asia, 2) the joint EUASEAN monitoring mission in Aceh, and 3) an ASEAN-EU Free Trade Agreement (FTA).This thesis is based on a qualitative method of analysis and is part of problem-driven research. It employs inductive theory building from case studies as the research strategy and documents and interviews as methods of data collection. This thesis presents the variation in importance within factors which influence the EU’s policy development toward ASEAN. It highlights different kinds of interactions between factors which shape the success or failure of the EU’s policy development. The co-operative relationship between these factors is needed to conclude agreement between the two regions. However, the conflicting relationship between these factors can lead to the failure to reach agreement between them. With regard to internal factors, this thesis demonstrates that a shared common position between relevant and other related actors within each of the various institutional arrangements in the EU may assist in the conclusion of an agreement between the two regions. As EU interests takes precedence over values, the likelihood of achieving an agreement increases. With regard to external factors, this thesis argues that consultation and monitoring mechanisms have been used by the EU as its modes of engagement (as opposed to a negotiation) and they affect its policy development and enable it to reach an agreement with ASEAN. The conclusion of an agreement between the two regions can be easily achieved, when the level of integration within ASEAN remains static or weak. However, when the level of integration within ASEAN is stronger, the EU would be less likely to achieve its expected agreements with ASEAN. The conclusion of an agreement between the EU and ASEAN can be achieved when they can resolve these external pressures and take advantage of external opportunities. The trends in and implications for the EU and ASEAN relationship are as follows: first, the more the EU applies a balanced treatment of internal and external factors, then the more it will support the EU’s policy development and that will positively influence the EU and ASEAN relationship. Second, their relationship has been shifted from a hierarchical ex-colonial dynamic to a mutually interdependent partnership.
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Mansour, Mohammed Amine. « L'influence du droit de la concurrence français et européen sur la réglementation antitrust des pays arabes : l'exemple du Maroc ». Thesis, Montpellier, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017MONTD043/document.
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La thèse propose une analyse de l’influence du droit français et de l’UE de la concurrence sur celui des pays en voie de développement en s’appuyant sur une étude du cas marocain ainsi que d’autres pays arabes. Au niveau mondial, le droit de la concurrence est actuellement dominé par deux régimes : le premier est américain, le second est européen. Dans ce contexte, les pays en voie de développement qui souhaitent adopter un régime de droit de la concurrence ou réformer celui préexistant se tournent naturellement vers l’un de ces deux modèles dominants. En s’appuyant sur l’expérience européenne en matière du droit de la concurrence, le Maroc et d’autres pays arabes ne dérogent pas à cette règle. Par conséquent, il devient nécessaire de s’interroger sur la logique d’un tel phénomène. En s’appuyant sur une étude du cas marocain, cette recherche tend, dans un premier temps, à identifier non seulement comment le phénomène d’influence se manifeste mais également les facteurs lui permettant de prendre place. En procédant de la sorte, l’objectif est de révéler, dans un second temps, si une telle influence est en ligne avec les besoins d’un pays en voie de développement comme le MarocThis research focuses on the influence of EU competition law on developing countries by taking Morocco and other Arabic countries as a case study.On the world stage, the field of competition law is currently dominated by two main regimes: one is American, the other is European. In this context, developing countries intending to acquire a sound competition regime naturally turn to one of the dominant models. Morocco as a developing country, do not derogate from this rule and rely on the European experience so that it seems relevant to wonder whether this phenomenon could somehow be questioned.This dissertation has two folds. By taking Morocco as case study, the Thesis investigates first not only how does this influence manifest itself but also the factors allowing it to take roots. Second, it critically assesses whether such influence is in line with the needs of developing countries such as Morocco
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Sousa, Paula Cristina Cravina de. « A parceria entre a União Europeia e os Países Mediterrânicos depois da Conferência de Barcelona até 2005 ». Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/1671.
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Mestrado em Economia InternacionalO trabalho tem como objectivo caracterizar as relações entre a União Europeia (UE) e os países mediterrânicos num contexto mais actual, entre 1995 – desde o Processo de Barcelona - e 2005 no contexto do multilateralismo e do regionalismo. Pretende-se descrever os avanços conseguidos em termos de política mediterrânica da UE ao nível comercial e os entraves ao aprofundar das relações entre as duas regiões, bem como fazer um balanço dos dez anos de Barcelona. Os esforços para relançar a Parceria feitos a partir de 2005 também serão tratados. O trabalho fará também uma abordagem às relações entre Portugal e os países mediterrânicos.
This paper pretends to characterize the relationship between the European Union and the Mediterranean partners between 1995, year of the Barcelona Process, to 2005 in the context of multilateralism and regionalism. The objective is to describe the evolution of the trade relations and to make a balance of the ten years of the Barcelona Process. The EU’s new strategies to re-launch the partnership will also be treated. The paper will show the differences between the two regions and between the Mediterranean countries themselves. The relations between Portugal and the Mediterranean countries will also be treated.
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Dudek, Carolyn Marie. « EU accession and Spanish regional development : winners and losers / ». Bruxelles [u.a.] : Lang, 2005. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/378644718.pdf.
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Alverhed, Elin, et Frida Kåvik. « The decoupling process of CO2 emissions and economic growth : A comparative study between the European Union and middle income countries in South and East Asia ». Thesis, Jönköping University, Internationella Handelshögskolan, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-49616.
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This paper compares and analyzes the decoupling processes of carbon emissions to economic growth in the European Union and South and East Asian middle income countries. This is done through econometric methods, testing for a relationship between CO2 and GDP. The study is conducted by first testing for the hypothesis that there is a significant difference of the turning points between the EU and the Asian region, and thereafter if there is a significant difference in the decoupling processes. The findings show that the Asian middle income countries have a lower turning point than the EU. It is also found that the EU experienced absolute decoupling in 2014, whereas the Asian countries only experienced weak relative decoupling. The study is based on four theories; The Environmental Kuznets curve, Tapio’s Decoupling model Theory, Rostow’s Stage of Growth Theory and the Ecological Modernization Theory. The findings, together with the theories, show that improved technology, together with implementations of international policies, can have positive effects on environmental changes.
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Thomas, Steven Barry. « A Regionally Integrated Pacific : The Challenge of the Cotonou Agreement to Pacific Regionalism ». Thesis, University of Canterbury. National Centre for Research on Europe, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/906.
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The European Union (EU) has comparative advantage in regional integration. Moreover, regionalism is a growing phenomenon, as both the growing number of regional trade agreements and literature on new regionalism indicate. In this context, the EU has incorporated regional integration into European development policy as a strategy to help integrate the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) states into the global economy, with the negotiation of region-to-region reciprocal free trade agreements, called Economic Partnership Agreements (EPA). This thesis examines the extent to which the Pacific may constitute a region, for the purposes of the Cotonou Agreement, along cultural, political and economic dimensions of regional cooperation. This is in order to measure the potential for regional integration in the Pacific, as well as to test the applicability of the EU's regional template of development in this context. A theoretical framework is developed, based on the political economy of regional cooperation among developing states, in order to apply a series of propositions to the test the integrative potential of the Pacific region. The key finding is that regionalism in the Pacific is easily politicised. Anthropological evidence and economic analysis also confirm the informal nature of regional cooperation in the Pacific works against global imperatives for deeper regional integration, as Pacific islanders have generally not subscribed to a common identity, and the welfare benefits from regional free trade are shown to be minimal. Consequently, the Pacific accepts the EPA platform in order to maintain the development partnership with the EU, rather than because regional free trade is the most desired vehicle for development in the region. A trade agreement will therefore be concluded with the Pacific ACP states, but its form and timing remain the key issues for clarification.
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Jankauskaitė, Miglė. « Europos Sąjungos paramos poveikio Lietuvos regionų vystymuisi vertinimas ». Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2008. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2008~D_20080821_152408-49745.
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Spartų Lietuvos ekonomikos augimą lydi diverguojantis šalies regionų vystymasis. Be papildomos valstybės paramos šis procesas tęsis ir toliau, todėl didžiulę reikšmę įgyja šalyje vykdoma regioninė politika. Tačiau, Europos Sąjungos regioninė politika visų pirma skirta mažinti skirtumams tarp šalių ir šios politikos vykdymas Lietuvoje gali vesti į išsiskiriantį šalies regionų vystymąsi. Šio darbo tikslas – įvertinti Europos Sąjungos paramos poveikį Lietuvos regionų vystymuisi. Teorinėje darbo dalyje atliekama mokslinės literatūros, nagrinėjančios regioninį vystymąsi ir regioninę politiką, analizė. Antroje darbo dalyje atliekama Europos Sąjungos paramos teikimo, įsisavinimo ir Lietuvos regionų vystymosi analizė. Paskutinėje darbo dalyje pateikiama regionų vystymosi prognozė ir ES paramos poveikio Lietuvos regionų vystymuisi vertinimas. Atlikus tyrimą gauti tokie pagrindiniai rezultatai: vis labiau ryškėjanti regionų skyrimosi tendencija Lietuvoje išliks ir artimiausioje ateityje, tuo tarpu Europos Sąjungos parama regioninių skirtumų mažinimui neturės didesnio teigiamo poveikio. Geriausiu atveju, Europos Sąjungos paramą paskirsčius kuo tolygiau visoje šalyje, pavyktų tik sulėtinti regionų skyrimosi tempus.Rapid economic growth in Lithuania is accompanied by diverging development of the country regions. Without additional support this process will continue in a future, therefore regional police get a great importance. However, regional policy of European Union is primarily designed to reduce disparities between countries and larger regions, hence implementation of this policy in Lithuania can determine diverging regional development. The aim of this work is to evaluate the impact of the European Union support for the development of Lithuanian regions. In the theoretical part is accomplished analysis of scientific literature of regional development and police. The second part provides the dynamic analysis of Lithuanian regional development, as well as the analysis of EU support offering and reclamation. Based on the analysis results, there is provided a forecast on Lithuanian regions development and evaluation of the impact of EU support for the development of Lithuanian regions. The main results drawn from the research is that regional divergence tendency will persist in a near future, while EU support to the reduction of regional disparities will not have a larger positive impact. At best, if EU support will be distributed even as possible in the whole country, there may be succeed only to slow down rates of regional divergence.
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Larsson, Lars. « När EU kom till byn : Leader II - ett sätt att styra landsbygdens utveckling / ». Uppsala : Dept. of Social and Economic Geography [Kulturgeografiska institutionen], Univ, 2002. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-2955.
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Dzemyda, Ignas. « The expansion of the potential of higher education institutions in the context of the social and economic development of regions ». Doctoral thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2011. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2011~D_20110701_125514-76070.
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Higher education institutions during the recent economical, social and demographical changes have been experiencing some difficulties. The important question now is how to preserve the balance between the traditional values of higher education and an extremely dynamic environment, the ever-changing needs of society, which never fail to give new priorities for higher education institutions. The aim of the thesis – to examine the typical interaction processes and their characteristics between the expansion of the potential of higher education institutions and the of regional socio-economic development; to formulate theoretic conception of the expansion of the potential of higher education institutions in the context of social economic evolution, which could be applied in Lithuania and other European Union countries. The thesis aims to examine managerial profile research perspectives related with of the expansion of the potential of higher education institutions in the context of regional socio-economic evolution; to define the expansion of the potential of higher education institutions in the context of regional socio-economic evolution and to indicate topicalities and concerns in this area researches. This thesis proposes a new theoretical conception, which allows studying, assessing and controlling the processes the expansion of the potential of higher education, while taking into account the socio-economical factors of regional development.Šiuo metu vykstant dideliems ekonominiams, socialiniams ir demografiniams pokyčiams aukštosios mokyklos išgyvena sudėtingus laikus. Svarbus klausimas, kaip išsaugoti pusiausvyrą tarp aukštųjų mokyklų tradicinių vertybių ir labai dinamiškos aplinkos, greitai besikeičiančių visuomenės poreikių, kurie iškelia aukštosioms mokykloms naujus veiklos prioritetus. Darbu siekiama išnagrinėti aukštųjų mokyklų potencialo plėtrai ir regionų socialinei ekonominei raidai būdingų procesų sąveiką bei jos ypatumus ir parengti perspektyvią teorinę aukštųjų mokyklų potencialo plėtros regionų socialinės ekonominės raidos kontekste koncepciją, skirtą taikyti Lietuvoje ir kitose Europos Sąjungos šalyse. Darbe pasiūlytas naujas perspektyvus teorinis aukštųjų mokyklų potencialo plėtros regionų socialinės ekonominės raidos kontekste modelis, pagal kurį aukštųjų mokyklų potencialo ir įvairių regioninių sistemų sąryšiai įvertinami atsižvelgiant į regionų hierarchiją.
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Chiundira, Isaac Chiphaso. « The establishment of Tripartite Free Trade Area institutions and its repercussions on countries with multiple memberships ». University of the Western Cape, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/5435.
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Magister Legum - LLMThis mini thesis examines the repercussions of the establishment of institutions under the Tripartite Free Trade Area (TFTA) Agreement on countries that have multiple regional economic community (REC) memberships. The study notes that even though the TFTA initiative is being touted as a major milestone towards the ultimate establishment of the African economic Community (AEC) and that it will help solve problems associated with multiple REC memberships, the initiative may come at a cost to countries, especially those that have maintained multiple REC memberships. The study observes that the institutions that have been established under the TFTA are a mirror reflection of the already existing institutions in the three existing regional blocks forming the TFTA, thus the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA), East African Community (EAC) and the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC). The mini thesis argues that the creation of new TFTA institutions, in addition to the similar existing regional institutions, will translate into more financial costs; increased human resource cost for government officers; increase in non-financial treaty related obligations; and a high possibility of reaping fewer trade related gains, for countries that have multiple REC memberships. The mini thesis further demonstrates how the lack of clarity and hierarchy in the relationship between the TFTA institutions and the RECs’ institutions may negatively impact on countries that have multiple REC memberships. The mini thesis concludes by offering recommendations on how these challenges or costs on countries with multiple REC memberships can be addressed or ameliorated.
Government of Malawi