Bibliographies thématiques / Region, regionalism, regional policy

Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Region, regionalism, regional policy »

Auteur : Grafiati
Publié le 11 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Region, regionalism, regional policy"

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Isobchuk, M. V. « SUPRA-REGIONALISM IN THE CONTEXT OF MULTI-LEVEL POLITICS IN THE EUROPEAN UNION ». Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 5, no 4 (13 décembre 2021) : 511–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2021-5-4-511-516.

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Regionalism’s studies in the context of current political events remain relevant for the academic field. However, most of these studies are focused on regionalism, concentrated within one territorial-administrative unit. At the same time, in the European space there is a phenomenon, when regionalism is dispersed over the territory of several regions. Examples of such a world are Transylvania, Silesia, the Basque Country, etc. However, today in political science there is no theoretical framework for such cases. This article offers a conceptualization of this phenomenon, which is proposed to be called supra-regionalism and a typology of supra-regionalisms in the modern world is proposed. Supra-regionalism is a political movement that has a territorial base in several administrative-territorial units, and converts aspects of regional identity (ethnic, economic, political, etc.) into political action, the goal of which is to achieve/preserve the special status of the regions it represents. In the course of the study, a number of criteria were proposed to assess the effectiveness of supra-regionalism. These include its entire integrity - that is, the uniformity of electoral support within the region, as well as the presence of mechanisms for interregional integration and representation of the supra-region. These parameters were developed based on the concept of multilevel control. Among these parameters: political representation of supra-regionalism, constitutional foundations of identity, non-electoral representation, special meetings, representation in Brussels, cross-border regions, participation in European projects. Based on a low-casus comparison of seven European supra-regionalisms, conclusions are drawn regarding the consistency of supra-regionalism in Europe at the moment. First of all, it should be noted that the main (and almost the only) mechanism for the integration of supra-regionalism is party organizations. In general, supra-regionalisms use other opportunities, including the opportunities provided by the European Union for joint representation and implementation of policy in the interests of the supra-region. Moreover, there is a tendency towards a more effective disappearance of supra-regionalisms in the European Union.
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Ocic, Caslav. « Regionomics : Introductory elucidations ». Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no 112-113 (2002) : 7–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn0213007o.

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The complex issue of regions, treated by the new region science (which the author calls regionomics), implies the need to introduce certain distinctions for analytical purposes. Thus the article determines the requests of regional movements for political self-determination (= regionalist ideologies) as regionalism; attempts of the centralized Unitarian state to implement decentralization (or any other attempt of the state to introduce administrative divisions) as regionalization, and the region as the basic analytical concept of the regionomics. Experience points to the strong interaction between these three categories. Sometimes, a common name is used for them - regional (or regionalistic) corpus, that is regionality. To round up the regional issues, the regional policy, that is the strategy of regional development, should be added to these categories. The main goal of this paper is to clear up and define as correctly as possible the basic regionomic notions, to create not only an adequate analytical apparatus which would serve to explain the current regional phenomena and processes, but to present a basis for the policy which could successfully come to grips with the solution of the regionality problem (which has all the characteristics of a developmental, strategic problem). In addition, the paper also offers some terminological specifications (region, and not regija!). The paper presents answers to numerous questions: what are regions: an idea and/or reality? How are they characterized along the following dimensions: territoriality and institutionalization; objective criterion: homogeneity and functionality subjective criterion: identity. How do regions change and develop? By state interventions, restructuring of economy or through new discourses political, cultural or scientific? In the first part of the paper, the author also discusses the following issues: growth of a region as a social process region and power; regional separatism: economic and political; informatics revolution and regional structure (region versus network); global and European frameworks of the regionalization of Serbia. The second part of the paper is dedicated to the issues of institutional arrangements (optimal degree of the /de/centralization of a state), regional politics (regional goals in conflict, arbitrating, /de/centralization; aggregate efficiency versus inter-regional equality; generative regional model: "exceptions" from the "classic" rule: regional development contributes to the national-economic development; prosperity of the territory versus prosperity of the population; inter-regional equality: tendency for redistribution; tendency for centralization; goals of the policy of regional development; spatially coordinated regional-political target system; spatially non-coordinated regional-political target system; instruments of regional policy; evaluation of the results of regional policy; new regional policy from the end of the past and at the beginning of this century) and strategies of regional development (primarily, the strategy of achieving the goals of the region).
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GILSON, JULIE. « Strategic regionalism in East Asia ». Review of International Studies 33, no 1 (janvier 2007) : 145–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210507007358.

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The US, China and Japan are often portrayed as three giant states dominating the region of East Asia in perpetual potential conflict. This article proposes that such assessments should be tempered in the light of changing regional and global dynamics and, in particular, in view of the growing centrality of the region of East Asia itself for foreign policy agendas. Adopting a framework underpinned by the concept of strategic regionalism, this article focuses upon the developing collective identification of region, and assesses the possibility for joint leadership in East Asia.
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BOUTIN, J. D. KENNETH. « Balancing Act : Competition and Cooperation in US Asia-Pacific Regionalism ». Japanese Journal of Political Science 12, no 2 (24 juin 2011) : 179–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109911000028.

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AbstractWhile the United States is an important Asia-Pacific actor, its engagement with the region is complex and often difficult. Not only must US regionalism balance the diverse requirements of an ambitious policy agenda, but also US policy norms and priorities often clash with those of other regional actors. This has important implications for the capacity of the United States to provide regional leadership. Recent years have seen growing policy convergence between the United States and other Asia-Pacific actors, particularly in economic terms, but US regionalism continues to feature competition alongside collaboration.
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CLARK, MARSHALL. « Indonesia's Postcolonial Regional Imaginary : From a ‘Neutralist’ to an ‘All-Directions’ Foreign Policy ». Japanese Journal of Political Science 12, no 2 (24 juin 2011) : 287–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109911000089.

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AbstractThis paper will examine the various ways in which the regional imaginary has been conceptualized and developed in maritime Southeast Asia, primarily focussing on Indonesia. Utilizing the recent debate on the notion of a ‘Postcolonial International Relations,’ this paper examines the role of imperialism and the colonial experience on the development of Indonesian ‘ideas’ of region and regionalism. This paper is structured into four sections. First of all, it explores the link between postcolonial theory and regionalism studies. Second, it takes into account early ideas of regionalism in the post-independence era. This includes President Sukarno's ‘neutralist’ foreign policy culminating in Indonesia's hosting of the Bandung Conference as well as President Suharto's endorsement of ASEAN. The third and final section examines Indonesia's foreign policy orientation and practices in the post-authoritarian period, particularly under President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. With its embrace of democracy in the post-New Order era, the concluding discussion suggests that Indonesia appears to be increasingly prepared to expand its regional engagement concentrically beyond the immediate Southeast Asian region. The question of the ‘imperial’ role of the US – which has its own foreign policy ambitions in the region – is instrumental in this regard, and can be usefully understood from a postcolonial framework.
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Dergachev, V. O. « EUROPEAN EXPERIENCE OF REGIONAL POLICY AND ITS IMPLEMENTATION IN UKRAINE ». Economic innovations 19, no 3(65) (19 décembre 2017) : 56–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.31520/ei.2017.19.3(65).56-66.

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In Europe over the past decades, the processes of regionalization are actively occurring - the redistribution of the state's power competencies to a supranational or subnational (regional) level. The problems of competitiveness of the regions come to the fore, the increase of which is possible when using not only economic, but also local historical, sociocultural, ecological and other features. "New regionalism" differs from traditional development in conditions of multipolarity of the world, openness, formation "from below", participation of non-state and subnational actors. The new regionalism is a triple regionalism that takes into account not only the economic, but also the socio-cultural and environmental aspects. The advantage in competitiveness is given to regions and territorial communities, where local socio-cultural communications are taken into account most of all. The new European regionalism does not mean abandoning the nation state, but increasing the efficiency of regional development at the expense of human energy. As you know, Western Europe has limited energy and other resources. Therefore, in the global competition, the European Union, from the beginning of its formation, relied on the effective use of human resources. Its potential is significantly increased if a local comfortable environment is created that takes into account the sociocultural features of the territorial communities. Turning to the analogy, this means, for example, for Ukraine, that the people of Galicia do not feel discomfort in their sociocultural environment, and the inhabitants of the Donbass or Chernigov region in their own. Unlike the countries of Central and Eastern Europe that carried out administrative reforms during the period of geopolitical and geo-economic transformation, Ukraine could not realize it in a quarter of a century of independence. A decade ago, the American model of enlarged territorial units was taken as the basis of the territorial administrative reform, now the Polish model dominates in the absence of the state's financial capacity to reform, but with the participation of local businesses in the formation of territorial communities. As a result, the fundamental goal of the reform in improving the manageability of the territories is violated, which is a threat to the Ukrainian statehood.
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Savitch, H. V., et Sarin Adhikari. « Fragmented Regionalism ». Urban Affairs Review 53, no 2 (3 août 2016) : 381–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1078087416630626.

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This article addresses the extent to which metropolitan regions have continued to fragment and grown more disparate. We ask, why have comprehensive institutions not taken root to mitigate metropolitan fragmentation and how can we better understand its persistence? We call attention to the insufficiently understood and integrative role of public authorities as functional for fragmented metropolises and their continued splintering. That functionality is explained by a “regional paradox,” which states that centrifugal forces from autonomous, competitive local governments push against metropolitan integration while centripetal pressures for regional policy coherence pull toward it. The result is the embodiment of both tendencies in what we call fragmented regionalism—a condition where local autonomy is largely left intact while public authorities are able to manage selective regional pressures. We find that metropolitan regions have become more fragmented and more unequal. This pattern is concomitant with public authority spending, which has favored the most advantaged metropolises.
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PEKKANEN, SAADIA. « Investment regionalism in Asia : new directions in law and policy ? » World Trade Review 11, no 1 (13 décembre 2011) : 119–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474745611000383.

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AbstractAlthough Asian regionalism has commanded much attention from academics and policymakers, it has largely been restricted to the trade and financial realms. This paper focuses specifically on the scope and limits of ‘investment regionalism’ involving Asia. A combination of regional foreign direct investment (FDI) stakes and international socialization patterns has led Asian actors to mark investments as a key issue in their regionalism strategy overall. As elsewhere, they too have moved toward a mode of governance favoring the formal legalization of investments in terms of the precision, obligation, and delegation of rules. Already the endeavors of both the middle and dominant economies in the region have shifted from just concluding Bilateral Investment Treaties (BITs) and investment-related chapters in Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) to designing region-wide investment agreements and initiatives by-and-for Asian countries. Although the legal effectiveness of this rule-making change will play out in the long run in and across Asian societies, the more immediate policy implication relates to its potential impact on the evolution of Asian regionalism as a whole.
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PAASI, ANSSI. « The resurgence of the ‘Region’ and ‘Regional Identity’ : theoretical perspectives and empirical observations on regional dynamics in Europe ». Review of International Studies 35, S1 (février 2009) : 121–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210509008456.

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Abstract‘New regionalism’, ‘region’, ‘city-region’, ‘cross-border region’, ‘border’ and ‘identity’ have become important catchphrases on the global geo-economic and geopolitical scene. The resurgence of these terms has been part of the transformation of both political economy and governance at supra-state, state and sub-state scales. Regions have been particularly significant in the EU where both the making of the Union itself and the ‘Europe of regions’ are concrete manifestations of the re-scaling of state spaces and the assignment of new meanings to territory. Such re-scaling has also led to increased competition between regions; a tendency that results from both the neo-liberalisation of the global economy and from a regionalist response. Regional identity, an idea at least implicitly indicating some cohesiveness or social integration in a region, has become a major buzzword. It has been particularly identified in the EU’s cohesion policy as an important element for regional development. In spite of their increasing importance in social life and academic debates, regions, borders and identities are often studied separately, but this paper aims at theorising and illustrating their meanings in an integrated conceptual framework and uses the sub-state regions in Europe, and particularly in Finland, as concrete examples. Regions are conceptualised here as processes that gain their boundaries, symbolisms and institutions in the process of institutionalisation. Through this process a region becomes established, gains its status in the broader regional structure and may become a significant unit for regional identification or for a purported regional identity. This process is based on a division of labour, which accentuates the power of regional elites in the institutionalisation processes.
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Borisova, Nadezhda V., et Petr V. Panov. « Regionalism and multi-level governance on language policy in European countries ». Ars Administrandi (Искусство управления) 14, no 1 (2022) : 150–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2218-9173-2022-1-150-173.

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Introduction: European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages, adopted by the Council of Europe, has become an important regulator of language policy in the signatory and ratifying countries. As a result, language policy towards minorities, turns out to be a bright example of multi-level governance (MLG) – a new pattern of political interactions, which is characterized not by hierarchical system of subordination to one center (the state), but pluralistic, dispersed activity of many actors interacting at different and interconnected levels of power. MLG, however, differs across various regions, since subnational actors intend to be self-sustained players of political interactions to varying degrees. Objectives: to identify the mechanisms of regionalist parties’ impact of on the involvement of regional actors in multi-level governance and to determine how it influences on the strength of language policy towards minorities. Methods: large-N comparative analysis and comparatively oriented case-study. Results: a large-N comparative analysis of 134 regions from countries that have ratified the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages has confirmed that the strength of regionalist parties has a positive effect on the scope of guarantees and preferences that minority languages receive in regions. The case-study of the Serbian Vojvodina, the most typical case, allows to expose the mechanisms of the impact of regionalists. Being represented in the regional authorities, regionalist parties not only promote language issues on the public agenda, but also achieve more energetic involvement of regional actors in policy formulation and making decisions on language policy at the national level. At the initiative of regionalist parties, first in Vojvodina, and then throughout the country, ethnic councils were institutionalized as significant actors in language policy. Thus, non-state actors are actively involved in the language policy, which is fully consistent with the MLG approach. Conclusions: regionalist parties and movements have a significant influence on the strength of language policy towards minorities. Its strength demonstrates a stable and statistically significant impact both on the volume of obligations undertaken in relation to regional languages, and on the degree of their implementation. Another significant factor is the presence of a kin-state among the linguistic minority.
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Thèses sur le sujet "Region, regionalism, regional policy"

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Hörnström, Lisa. « Redistributive regionalism : Narratives on regionalisation in the Nordic periphery ». Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-33933.

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During the last decades a stronger role for the regions has developed in many West European countries. To a significant degree this regionalisation trend has coincided with European integration. The key change in the role of the regional level has been with regard to its status as an agent of regional development. In most West European countries there has been a shift from an approach to regional policy that has focused on redistributive measures from the centre in which the regions play a relatively weak role to a perspective that is sometimes labelled “new regionalism” in which the focus is on the region taking responsibility for its own development. In this new regionalist perspective, which is both descriptive and normative, the region is considered as the appropriate arena for both economic activities and decision-making. In the political systems of the Nordic countries the regional level has traditionally been in a relatively weak position and regional policy has emphasized centralisation and redistributive measures. Not unexpectedly, the pan-European trend toward a stronger role for the region has also found its way to the Nordic countries. The aim of this study is to describe and analyze if and to what extent key actors in three peripheral regions, situated in countries with a strong tradition of redistribution from the centre and a weak role for the regional level, have embraced the new regionalist perspective. The three regions are Troms in Norway, Pohjois-Pohjanmaa in Finland and Västerbotten in Sweden. All are peripherally located with small populations and economies that rely heavily on natural resources. The analysis is based on interviews with regional and local politicians, civil servants, and business representatives. The empirical material is presented in the form of narratives formulated by the regional actors who express their views on regional policy and the role of the region. The results of the study show that regional actors in the three peripheries express similar narratives. To a certain degree actors have embraced the new regionalist perspective in the sense that they see the regional level as an important coordinator for development initiatives and measures. However, the actors’ claims for a stronger regional level must be understood in the context of the unitary state. In this context, the actors’ perspective combines the new regionalist and the centralist redistributive approach, one that can be labelled ‘redistributive regionalism’. The state remains the key actor and is expected to guarantee equal conditions in all parts of the country. The emphasis on strengthening the administrative region is more pronounced in Troms and Västerbotten than in Pohjois-Pohjanmaa, where instead there is a stronger focus on the functional region. Actors in the three regions do not see any contradiction between a strong state and increased regional influence on development issues. In sum, the study finds that the new regionalist perspective has been embraced to a certain extent but that it has been adapted to national characteristics, as well as to the specific conditions in the three regions.
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de, Somer Gregory John Humanities &amp Social Sciences Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. « The Redefinition of Asia : Australian Foreign Policy and Contemporary Asian Regionalism ». Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy. School of Humanities and Social Sciences, 2003. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/38666.

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This thesis set out to ascertain the position of recent Australian Governments on the latest instalments of Asian regionalism in the context of an assessment of whether there has been a redefinition of Asia and thus a redefinition of Australia???s engagement with Asia. It will concentrate on the broad themes of politico-strategic and economic engagement. Whilst there has been extensive research and documentation on the Asian economic crisis there has been less work on the issue of a new Asian regionalism and the implications for Australia???s complex and variable engagement with the region. This is the basis for the claim to originality of this thesis, a claim supported by its focus on the practical and policy implications of Australia???s engagement, or lack of it, with regional institutions. The process of regional integration has been extremely slow, thus supporting the conclusion that there is no evidence of a major redefinition of Asia. Efforts at Asian regionalism are meeting obstacles that pose immense challenges. Asian regionalism remains nascent and poorly defined. This reflects the diversity and enormous disparities in cultures, political systems and the levels of economic development and differences over economic philosophies within East Asia. What is discernible is that the regionalism is proceeding more rapidly on financial issues than on trade, and in the security area it is conspicuously absent. This research highlights the fact that the question of Asian engagement remains a sensitive issue in Australia and continues to grow more complex. Australia???s engagement with Asia since 1996 has been variable because of the Howard Government???s broader balance of priorities between global and regional issues, and because of the changing nature of the Asian region. The perception gleaned from sources is that, for the Australian Government, regionalism initiatives are characterised by much discussion but lack substance. Consequently, this appears to have led the Government to the position that exclusion from some manifestations of regionalism is not so important. Australia is excluded from some of the regional architectures being constructed. In its efforts to seek inclusion in ASEAN + 3 and ASEM, Australia is facing the same barriers that have stood in the way of an AFTA-CER agreement. Exclusion would be important if the performance of regional groupings was not so indifferent. Exclusion from ASEAN + 3 and ASEM, however, does not equate to Australia???s exclusion from the region.
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Westerlind, Wigstrom Christian Ernst Peter. « Beyond theatre regionalism : when does formal economic integration work in Africa ? » Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e814b5ca-83d8-4bd3-bd38-e849d54357b4.

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For the most part, formal economic integration between African states can be characterised as ‘theatre regionalism’: governments sign regional economic agreements with no intention to implement them. Yet amidst widespread theatre there have been a few instances of actual integration. This thesis sets out to explain this variance: under what conditions do African governments implement – and not just sign – formal agreements on regional economic integration? To answer this question the dominant Eurocentric literature on comparative regionalism is amended with insights from the third worldist literature on African states to develop a new approach for comparative analysis, the ‘Regionalism as Policy Space’ (RPS) framework. This framework models African regionalism as a two-stage game. At the first stage, governments’ interests in regionalism are determined by perceptions of the existence of structural cross-issue linkages connecting implementation of regional agreements with the widening of government policy space. Given such linkages, at the second stage, governments of a region engage in a coordination game to establish the distribution of benefits from integration. Variance in the implementation of regional agreements, then, is explained by variance in the existence of perceived cross-issue linkages (the Benefits Existence Condition) and the ability of participating governments to ease distributional tensions (the Benefits Distribution Condition). Four African customs union case studies - the East African customs union of the 1960s and 70s, the customs union of the East African Community in the 2000s, the customs union of the Economic Community of West African States and the Southern African Customs Union – lend strong empirical support to the RPS framework. The thesis ends with a discussion of the role of hegemons and proposes a series of policy measures aiming to reduce the likelihood of theatre regionalism in Africa.
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Sorgine, Guilherme Ferreira. « Regionalismo pós-liberal e a América do Sul : a necessidade de legitimação do novo regionalismo brasileiro ». Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2014. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=8374.

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Esta dissertação se insere na temática mais ampla do processo recente de integração da América do Sul, caracterizado pelo fenômeno o regionalismo pós-liberal. O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar os fatores políticos e econômicos que influenciaram a posição brasileira em relação ao regionalismo sul-americano na última década, mais notadamente no período compreendido entre os anos de 2003 e 2010. A tese aqui defendida é de que a ampliação das ações para o desenvolvimento regional, a qual passa por uma mudança no modelo de regionalismo brasileiro, não é fenômeno meramente conjuntural, resultante de fatores materiais (alta dos preços das commodities) ou ideacionais (chegada ao poder da corrente autonomista representada pelo governo do Partido dos Trabalhadores). Trata-se, isto sim, de um novo imperativo político, qual seja, a legitimação do país no continente em um contexto em que as diferenças políticas e econômicas entre o Brasil e seus vizinhos tornam-se cada vez mais gritantes, e pelo qual far-se-á necessária uma ação para a correção das assimetrias estruturais existentes na região, da qual o Brasil será o principal financiador. Nesse sentido, além de descrever quantitativamente a atuação dos principais vetores de atuação do Brasil no âmbito da integração estrutural no continente (IIRSA, BNDES e FOCEM), busca-se realizar uma análise crítica da atuação do país Banco na região, avaliando se, efetivamente, pode-se verificar uma rationale política consistente e direcionada a partir da ação dos referidos instrumentos de política externa.
This work fits into the broader theme of the recent process of South American integration, characterized by the phenomenon of "post -liberal regionalism". The aim of this work is to analyze the political and economic factors that influenced the Brazilian position in relation to the South American regionalism over the last decade, most notably in the period between the years 2003 and 2010. My thesis is that further actions for regional development are not merely a passing phenomenon, resulting from material factors (high commodity prices) or ideational factors (arrival at power of autonomist wing represented by the Workers' Party). It derives, rather, from a new political imperative, namely, the legitimacy of the country in the continent in a context in which political and economic differences between Brazil and its neighbors become increasingly glaring. Such a context would force the country to undertake actions necessary to correct the existing structural asymmetries in the region. In addition to quantitatively describe the performance of the main vectors of Brazil's foreign policy within the field of structural integration (IIRSA, BNDES and FOCEM), we seek to perform a critical analysis of the performance of the country in the region, assessing whether, effectively, it is possible to verify a consistent policy aiming at the correction of such asymmetries. If this policy is effectively verified, we would also try to understand how does it fit into the broader goals of the Brazilian Foreign Policy throughout the period.
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Lunani, Sadat Mulongo. « Understanding regionalisation and preferential relations in world trade law and policy : a perspective from the East African Community (EAC) ». Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2011. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_6793_1363787835.

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The rapid growth in the number of regional trade agreements (RTAs) has led to concern about the weakening of the multilateral trading system. This thesis examines the spread of such agreement and the extent to which they pose a threat to the multilateral system. Regionalism and multilateralism are complimentary as shown in the case study of the East African Community. The current regional trade agreement management rules are weak and ambiguous and possible amendments for these rules are proposed

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Syssner, Josefina. « What kind of regionalism ? : regionalism and region building in northern European peripheries / ». Frankfurt : Peter Lang, 2006. http://www.bibl.liu.se/liupubl/disp/disp2006/arts346s.pdf.

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José, Joveta. « A política externa de Angola : novos regionalismos e relações bilaterais com o Brasil ». reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/35078.

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A tese aborda os novos regionalismos no âmbito da política externa de Angola, com ênfase em duas perspectivas estratégicas da inserção internacional do país. A primeira abordagem refere-se à política externa de Angola para o desenrolar das possibilidades integrativas regionais da África Subsaariana, nominalmente a Comunidade Econômica dos Estados da África Central (CEEAC) e a Comunidade de Desenvolvimento da África Austral (SADC, sigla em inglês para Southern African Development Community); a segunda acompanha o processo da política externa de Angola para o Brasil. As duas abordagens estão patentes no processo de desenvolvimento do conceito da concertação diplomática regional, suas práticas, ajudaram a entender aspectos da construção da Zona de Paz e Cooperação do Atlântico Sul (ZOPACAS) – alguns seus desenvolvimentos, metodologia que se reflete no contexto da diplomacia angolana na construção de um novo cenário, a Comissão do Golfo da Guiné (CGG). Nas duas estruturas regionais, as variáveis paz e segurança são fatores preponderantes. Na ZOPACAS, a ideia de segurança diz respeito à criação de uma Zona de Paz no Atlântico Sul; na CGG, a noção de segurança refere-se à garantia de interesses econômicos e políticos dos Estados-membros. Ela serve, inclusive, de auxílio à nova configuração da Comunidade Econômica dos Estados da África Central (CEEAC), evidenciando a produção petrolífera como um dos principais eixos da relação. No desenvolvimento da nossa pesquisa e do trabalho esforçamo-nos a mostrar relações diretas e indiretas entre a política interna e a política externa do país. Do ponto de vista teórico, nosso esforço foi no sentido de explicar os fatos políticos internacionais, a partir dos objetivos de Angola desde a independência aos novos marcos de regionalismos e aos cálculos estratégicos do governo para alcançar o interesse nacional. A análise do discurso diplomático angolano serviu para avaliar a inserção internacional do país, identificando a integração regional e a cooperação Sul-Sul como seus principais objetivos.
The thesis discusses the new regionalism in the context of Angola´s policy, focusing on two strategic perspectives of the country´s international insertion. The first approach refers to the foreign policy of Angola to the development of integrative possibilities of regional sub-Saharan Africa, namely the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS) and the African Development Community (SADC, the acronym for Southern African Development Community), the second follows the process of foreign policy of Angola to Brazil. The two approaches are evident in the process of developing the concep t of regional diplomatic agreement, their practices, helped us understand aspects of the construction of a Zone of Peace and Cooperation of the South Atlantic (ZPCSA) - some of its developments, a methodology that is reflected in the context of diplomacy Angola in the construction of a new scenario, the Gulf of Guinea Commission (CGG). In two regional structures, variables peace and security are important factors. In ZPCSA, the idea of security concerns the creation of a Zone of Peace in the South Atlantic in CGG, the concept of security refers to the guarantee of economic and political interests of the Member States. It serves, including aid to the new configuration of the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS), showing the oil production as a major axis of the relationship. In developing our research and work we strive to show direct and indirect relations between domestic politics and foreign policy. From a theoretical perspective, our effort was made to explain the international political events, from the goals of Angola since independence to the new frameworks for regionalism and strategic calculations of the government to achieve the national interest. The Angolan diplomatic discourse analysis was used to assess the country's international insertion, identifying regional integration and South-South cooperation as its main goals.
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Jouan, de Kervenoael Ronan. « An assessment of sub-regional and regional jurisdictions in economic development policy : the case of tourism policy in France and Great Britain ». Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.324422.

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Nilsson, Lina. « Region och regional identitet i diskursen om Skåne och Västra Götaland ». Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Social and Welfare Studies, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-15164.

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I februari 2007 redovisade ansvarskommittén sitt slutbetänkande för regeringen. I sitt slutbetänkande föreslår ansvarskommittén en omstrukturering där 6-9 regionkommuner kommer att ersätta dagens 21 landsting, samtidigt kommer 6-9 län, sammanfallande med de föreslagna regionkommunerna, att ersätta dagens 21 län. Den föreslagna omstruktureringen har fått regionaliseringsdebatten att åter blossa upp i Sverige. I debatten är det tydligt att känslorna för den egna regionen varierar mellan olika regioner, då vissa regioner vurmar mer och andra mindre för den egna regionen. Vad beror detta på? Handlar det om regional identitet eller avsaknaden av densamma? Dessa frågor ligger till grund för denna uppsats med syfte att undersöka hur region och regional identitet konstrueras och rekonstrueras i tidningsmedia. Jag har valt att analysera regionaliseringsdebatten i de två försöksregionerna Skåne och Västra Götaland. Det empiriska materialet har bestått av tidningsartiklar i form av såväl ledare och nyhetsartiklar som insändare och debattartiklar. Den kritiska diskursanalysen har använts som analysredskap. Analysen av Skåne visar att det finns en uttalad regional identitet i regionen. Den regionala identiteten bygger på en maktkamp mellan stat och region vilket synliggörs i konstruktionen av ett ”vi” och ett ”dem”. Konstruktionerna skapas diskursivt genom ordval, symbolspråk och explicita diskussioner om den regionala identiteten. Analysen av Västra Götaland visar att det inte finns en uttalad regional identitet i regionen. Konstruktionen av ”dem” återfinns men konstruktionen av ”vi” saknas. I regionen framställs regional identitet som en meningslös identifikation. Analysen visar att den regionala identiteten är en föreställd gemenskap som konstrueras och rekonstrueras i den diskursiva praktiken. De regionala identiteterna är kontextuella och föränderliga vilket innebär att de kan komma att förändras vid en eventuell omstrukturering.

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Terziæ, Zana. « Regional identitet ». Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Thematic Studies, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-2981.

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I Sverige har det pågått en fyra decennier lång regiondebatt om hur den regionala förvaltningen ska organiseras. Denna debatt har resulterat i ett beslut om en försöksverksamhet med regionalt självstyre i fyra län från 1 juli 1997 till 31 december 2002. I den regionala försöksverksamheten som ytterligare har förlängts till 2006 ingår Kalmar, Gotland, Skåne och Västra Götaland. De två sistnämnda regionerna är mitt undersökningsmål. Syftet med denna uppsats är att lyfta fram de väsentliga faktorer/element som kan relateras till och förknippas med regional identitet. Fokus för min uppsats ligger på svenska regioner och regiondebatt.Den regionala identiteten har uppmärksammats av många forskare och debattörer eftersom den ses som en förutsättning för en regional kontinuitet och framgångsrik utveckling. En hel del politiska debatter ägnar sig antingen åt att tona ned eller lyfta fram den regionala identitetens betydelse för den nationella statens framtida roll och status. Mitt undersökningsområde är regionerna Skåne och Västra Götaland och uppsatsens fokus ligger på den regionala identiteten.

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Livres sur le sujet "Region, regionalism, regional policy"

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Rozman, Gilbert. Restarting regionalism in northeast Asia. Vancouver : Program on Canada-Asia Policy Studies, Institute on Asian Research, University of British Columbia, 2000.

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Osipov, A. K. Ėkonomika regiona : Mekhanizm kompleksnogo razvitii͡a︡. Ekaterinburg : In-t ėkonomiki UrO RAN, 1996.

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Romanova, L. A. Ėkonomika regiona : Samostoi͡a︡tel'nost' i gosudarstvennoe regulirovanie. Perm' : Izd-vo Permskogo universiteta, 1994.

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The political economy of Canadian regionalism. Toronto : Harcourt Brace Jovanovich,Canada, 1990.

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1965-, Sýkora Luděk, et Bull Gregory H, dir. Regional policy and planning in Europe. London : Routledge, 1999.

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1920-, Klaassen Leo H., dir. Regional policy : A European approach. 2e éd. Aldershot : Avebury, 1987.

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V, Kuznet︠s︡ov S., et Slut︠s︡kiĭ E. G, dir. Upravlenie sot︠s︡ialʹnoĭ sferoĭ regiona. Sankt-Peterburg : Institut problem regionalʹnoĭ ėkonomiki, 2007.

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Vanhove, Norbert. Regional policy : A European approach. 2e éd. Aldershot, Hants, England : Avebury, 1987.

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Regional policy : A European approach. 3e éd. Aldershot, Hants, England : Ashgate Pub., 1999.

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Javier, Delgadillo Macías, et Iracheta C. Alfonso X, dir. Actualidad de la investigación regional en el México central. México : Plaza y Valdés, 2002.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Region, regionalism, regional policy"

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Michael, Arndt. « Conclusions : Competing Regionalism and Panchsheel Multilateralism in South Asia and Beyond ». Dans India’s Foreign Policy and Regional Multilateralism, 182–92. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137263124_5.

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Bradshaw, Michael. « Public Policy and Regionalism : II. The Appalachian Regional Commission and other Federal Approaches to Regional Planning in the 1960s ». Dans Regions and Regionalism in the United States, 138–58. London : Macmillan Education UK, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19045-4_9.

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Yeates, Nicola. « The Socialization of Regionalism and the Regionalization of Social Policy : Contexts, Imperatives, and Challenges ». Dans Transformations in Global and Regional Social Policies, 17–43. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137287311_2.

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Riggirozzi, Pía. « Regionalism and Health Policy in South America : Tackling Germs, Brokering Norms and Contesting Power ». Dans Regional Organizations and Social Policy in Europe and Latin America, 271–90. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137490353_13.

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Griffith-Jones, Stephany, et Bettina De Souza Guilherme. « Introduction ». Dans Financial Crisis Management and Democracy, 1–7. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54895-7_1.

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AbstractThis book is the result of the first 3 years of the comparative and multidisciplinary Jean Monnet Network, “Crisis-Equity-Democracy for Europe and Latin America”, of senior academics and policy advisors from four European and three Latin American countries, including experts on the European Union and Latin American regionalism. The rationale of the project and the common link is that both Europe and Latin America can learn from their respective experiences on “crisis”, its management and the distributive and democratic implications at national and regional level. The main purposes of the joint research can be summarised as to (1) locate in the current global financial system as one of the very major causes of the financial and debt crises in the EU and Latin America; (2) demonstrate the impact of the paradigm change on global and EU economic governance; (3) analyse key systemic aspects of the global crisis, i.e. climate change, macro-financial instability and the weakening of democracy and their inter-connections; (4) map and evaluate how both regions and individual countries within both regions have tried to manage these crises; (5) discuss the economic, political and social effects of these crises on both regions and individual countries; (6) finally, to make policy suggestions on how to transition from finance capitalism to a more sustainable real capitalism, on how both regions can better manage/govern/respond to such systemic pressures and on how they can increase their cooperation.
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Pasquier, Romain. « The French Regions and the European Union : Policy Change and Institutional Stability ». Dans Europe, Regions and European Regionalism, 35–52. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230293151_3.

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Bradshaw, Michael. « Public Policy and Regionalism : III. Urban Issues ». Dans Regions and Regionalism in the United States, 159–68. London : Macmillan Education UK, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19045-4_10.

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Bradshaw, Michael. « Public Policy and Regionalism : I. Tennessee Valley Authority ». Dans Regions and Regionalism in the United States, 124–37. London : Macmillan Education UK, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19045-4_8.

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Boekema, Frans, et Luc Broos. « Regional Economic Policy in the Netherlands ». Dans Region / Регион, 13–24. Wiesbaden : VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-322-95061-1_3.

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Jakš, Jaroslav. « Europeanisation of the Czech Economic Policy and Regional Development ». Dans Region / Регион, 58–60. Wiesbaden : VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-322-95061-1_7.

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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Region, regionalism, regional policy"

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Büyükakıncı, Erhan. « Economic Regionalisation in the Russian Foreign Policy : Is it Possible to talk about the Eurasianist Model of Integration ? » Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00680.

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In this paper, we try how the idea of economic regionalism has developed within the framework of the interests of the Russian foreign policy, which adopted a Eurasianist rhetoric for nearly fifteen years. As the trends of globalisation spread over the world after the end of the Cold War period, the regional integration movements also gained speed with different forms and contents. Meanwhile the countries in the post-Soviet geography adopted different political approaches towards regionalisation and globalisation by taking into consideration their own capabilities and interests. At its own side, Russia was in search of integration within the world economy by trying to implement its own regionalist policies both at the level of the CIS area and with the neighbouring countries like China and the EU. The Eurasianist discourse has no doubt such impact on Russian leadership’s choices of partners and orientations for economic regionalisation. At this point, we want to discuss if it is possible to talk about some “Eurasianist model of regional integration” as a new idea which can combine, at one side, the institutional integration process within the CIS area and, at the other, the strong regional cooperation with the Asian economic partners like China. This model can be also Russia’s answer to embrace both globalism and regionalism by preserving its own hegemonic expectations after the Soviet legacy.
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Ergül, Osman. « Regionalism in Russian Foreign Policy and Russian Integration Strategy through Eurasian Economic Community ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c03.00560.

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This paper aims to analyze how Russia could develop different regional models of economic cooperation in order to integrate better into the world economy. Russia’s new strategy especially after the establishment of the EurAsEC and its perception of regionalism, especially in the context of EurAsEC, is an important issue. This is valid not only for the specific analysis of the current concept of regionalism; but also for identifying the key variables of both the new international order and the changing character of new inter-state relations. With in this context, Russian foreign policies toward former Soviet republics in the areas of economy and energy have significant effects on the formation of a new world order. This article therefore aims at studying the attempts of the integration process within the EurAsEC that can be defined as a unique example combining both the process of old regionalism with the new one. Thus, EurAsEC is also worth analyzing not only for drawing inspiration from the EU; but also for being the only example declaring its ambition in its founding treaty of customs union to become a supranational integration process in the post-Soviet area.
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Büyükakıncı, Erhan. « The Siberian Factor in the Russian Foreign Policy : Economic Instruments and Geopolitical Games ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c06.01297.

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In this paper, we try to discuss how the Siberian part of the Russian territory can present advantages and disadvantages for Russian foreign policy. Situated in the center of the Eurasian geography, Siberia offers many economic opportunities and energy reserves as well as a strategic value for Russia, whose population and interests are mostly concentrated in the western provinces. Long considered as an isolated continent for exile for political dissidents, Siberia has become nowadays a center of the economic strategies of the Russian administration, in relation with its foreign policy perspectives. As an energy source for natural gas and oil and transit corridor toward China and Kazakhstan, Siberia is now supported through governmental policies of restructuration and labour migration. This new perspective can lead to a new policy of regionalism in connection with foreign policy interests. For the federal center, there is an unavoidable correlation between the domestic and foreign policy stakes with Siberia’s integration in world and regional politics.
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Manasov, Zamirbek. « Multilateralism versus Regionalism in Eurasia : Theoretical Reasons of Choosing Sides for Kyrgyzstan ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c02.00319.

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This paper asks whether Kyrgyzstan should take part in the newly established Customs Union among Belarus, Kazakhstan and Russia or in the World Trade Organization (WTO). From the start of the foundation of the new Customs Union there have been deep discussions among the proponents and opponents of organization. This issue attracted extra attention and interest because the new Customs Union includes non-members of the World Trade Organization such as Russia, Belarus, and Kazakhstan. In Addition, the new Customs Union, unlike previous regional trade agreements, has formed a supranational body –the Custom Union Commission - which will decide on Common External Tariffs. Kyrgyzstan is already a member country of WTO and is going to join the new Customs Union. How will this membership work for Kyrgyzstan in short and long-term period? Will the new Customs Union be substitutive or complementary to the WTO in the development of international trade of Kyrgyzstan? Which side would be more beneficial for Kyrgyzstan: membership to a regional Customs Union or to a multilateral WTO? This paper hopes to answer these main questions. This paper will have five sections. Section one will provide a brief introduction. Section two will analyze the development of regionalism and multilateralism in the region. In section three, theoretical compatibility of regionalism and multilateralism will be discussed. Section four will determine what can be proposed for the current situation of Kyrgyzstan according to selected theoretical literature. Concluding remarks will be given in last section.
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De Jesus, Letícia, et Paulo Duarte. « The Geopolitics of Sino-Russian Regionalism in Central Asia : Kazakhstan in Analysis ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c14.02616.

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Central Asia is often seen as Russia’s near-abroad. Nonetheless, recent years have shown a more active China in quest for resources, stability, and an attempt to build a Eurasian land axis, to allow a faster connection between East and West within China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Interestingly, both China (BRI) and Russia’s (Eurasian Economic Union) regionalist projects were launched in Kazakhstan, which shows the centrality of this country in the region. We will focus on the geopolitical impacts for Kazakhstan stemming from the overlapping synergies between both the BRI and the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). We aim to understand whether this juxtaposition of regional initiatives could be beneficial or cause harm to Kazakhstan’s regional interests. In so doing, we aim at filling in a gap in literature, which has failed to provide a comprehensive assessment of the benefits versus handicaps caused by the overlapping generated by the EAEU and the BRI. Drawing on a qualitative methodology which encompasses primary sources (official speeches and news agencies) and secondary sources (the most respected authors on the field), we argue that Kazakhstan stance vis-à-vis the BRI and the EAEU has been proposedly ambiguous in order to maximize its interests. This being said, the conceptual lens that best serves our purposes is social constructivism. According to it, international relations are best explained by a moderate approach in which states cooperate instead of relying either on a search for survival (as realism defends) or on a utopia of liberal kindness (according to liberalism).
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Luštický, Martin, Martin Musil et Hanka Procházková. « Stakeholder-based evaluation of tourism policy in the South Bohemian Region ». Dans XVIII. mezinárodní kolokvium o regionálních vědách. Sborník příspěvků. 18th International Colloquium on Regional ciences. Brno : Masarykova univerzita, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cz.muni.p210-7861-2015-87.

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Trifonova, Natalia Victorovna, Irina Samvelovna Vardanyan, Yana Yazepovna Klementovichus, Aleksandra Sergeevna Proshkina et Anastasia Aleksandrovna Melnikova. « Impact of regional policy on evolution of innovation clusters in Asia-Pacific region ». Dans International Conference on Trends of Technologies and Innovations in Economic and Social Studies 2017. Paris, France : Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/ttiess-17.2017.113.

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Dorofeeva, L. V., et N. A. Roslyakova. « Efficiency of using the economic potential of the Leningrad region ». Dans REGIONAL ECONOMY AND TERRITORIAL DEVELOPMENT. INSTITUTE OF PROBLEMS OF REGIONAL ECONOMICS OF THE RUSSIAN ACADEMY OF SCIENCES, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.52897/978-5-7310-5861-2-2022-16-1-52-56.

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The strategic development of the Russian Federation and its subjects is one of the priority directions of state policy, contributing to the improvement of the standard and quality of life of the population and bal-anced economic development of the whole country. The current economic situation forces us to concentrate on the main areas of development that can give maximum effect. A successful direction of economic im-provement of the Leningrad region is a concept focused on the transport and logistics complex, agricultural cluster, forestry complex, cultural, historical and tourist-health resource, communication and informatiza-tion. Therefore, in order to determine the most effective ways to use the economic potential, an analysis of strategic initiatives until 2030 should be carried out.
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Chreneková, Marcela, Katarína Melichová et Ľubica Majstríková. « Development activities in districts of Žilina Region in frame of cohesion policy ». Dans XVIII. mezinárodní kolokvium o regionálních vědách. Sborník příspěvků. 18th International Colloquium on Regional ciences. Brno : Masarykova univerzita, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cz.muni.p210-7861-2015-38.

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« REGIONAL POLICY IN THE SPHERE OF PHYSICAL TRAINING AND SPORTS IN THE SAMARA REGION ». Dans Russian science : actual researches and developments. Samara State University of Economics, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.46554/russian.science-2020.03-2-151/155.

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Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Region, regionalism, regional policy"

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Yeates, Nicola, et Pía Riggirozzi. Global social regionalism : Regional Organisations as drivers of social policy change. Unknown, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.35648/20.500.12413/11781/ii147.

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Ruhf, Kathryn, et Kate Clancy. A Regional Imperative : The Case for Regional Food Systems. Thomas A. Lyson Center for Civic Agriculture and Food Systems, septembre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5304/lyson.2022.001.

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‘Regional food systems’ appears with increasing frequency in scholarly works and among food system practitioners. Yet regional food systems are understudied and undervalued. Much more attention to regionalism and regional food systems is necessary to create more sustainable, equitable, and resilient food systems for all. Building from the authors’ 2010 paper, “It takes a region… Exploring a regional food systems approach: A working paper,” this greatly expanded report explores the concepts, practices, challenges, and promise of regional food systems. The report’s focus is on the Northeast U.S., a laboratory for regional food systems thinking and action, but it also describes and gives examples of regional food systems development across the country. The arguments in favor of regional approaches and explorations apply to all regions and embracing them could not be more imperative to address contemporary conditions.
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Nelson, Jennifer, Luis Tejerina, Alexandre Bagolle, Donghyun Kang, Elisa Martinez, Pablo Orefice, Myrna Marti et al. Digital Health For All : Social Protection and Health Division Regional Policy Dialogue Report 2022. Inter-American Development Bank, novembre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0004575.

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The Social Protection and Health (SPH) Division of the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) held its annual Regional Policy Dialogue (RPD) Digital Health for All: Latin America and the Caribbeans golden opportunity to improve the efficiency, quality and equity of sector on September 12-14th 2022 in Panama City, Panama. The RPD brought together over 120 participants, including leaders from over 20 countries, vice-ministers of health and directors of technology and communications, and regional and global experts in digital health. The meeting sought to provide a setting to discuss what the IDB and different countries have learned in the past four years of implementation of digital health, structural challenges to scale digital health, and the measures needed to ensure that decisions made today are both sustainable and transformational. The meetings objectives broadly included discussing three topics: 1) how to ensure that digital health adds value in terms of improved efficiency, quality, and equity;2) policy considerations for linking digital health to health outcomes; and3) the future state of our region in terms of digital transformation of the health sector.This report provides an overview of the meeting, its main findings, and the steps that lie ahead on this journey.
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Calles Almeida, Patricio, José Vega Araújo, Elisa Arond, Miquel Muñoz Cabré, Rodrigo Guerrero, Esteban Valle Riestra, Harlem Mariño, Rafael Fonseca et Ana Tamborrel. Transición energética en Latinoamérica : ¿hacia dónde vamos ? Stockholm Environment Institute, janvier 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.51414/sei2023.002.

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Este documento busca detallar el diseño y alcance de las políticas energéticas de algunos gobiernos en Latinoamérica, caracterizando posibles tendencias regionales. El análisis se enfoca en Chile, Colombia, México y Perú como casos de estudio que abarcan diferentes contextos de producción y consumo de energía en Latinoamérica. Se realizó una revisión de literatura gris del marco normativo y publicaciones oficiales de los gobiernos de estos cuatro países. Además de datos de inversión pública en materia energética, se consideraron los pronunciamientos, comunicados de prensa, planes de negocio y nacientes iniciativas políticas que profundizan en los detalles y objetivos de la transición energética en la región. El periodo temporal de análisis cubre en su mayoría las políticas energéticas propuestas y oficializadas desde enero 2020 hasta junio 2022, siguiendo la metodología del Energy Policy Tracker1. El documento presenta una sección de discusión temática en donde se identifican las tendencias de dirección de transición energética en la región, incluyendo comentarios al respecto de su diseño, estructuración e implementación y cierra identificando prioridades de acción y con recomendaciones para robustecer los objetivos de transición en Latinoamérica. El Anexo I presenta un resumen del contexto energético de los cuatro países mencionados sobre el que se realizó el análisis.
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Isinika, Aida, John Jeckoniah, Ntengua Mdoe et Kizito Mwajombe. Sunflower Commercialisation in Singida Region : Pathways for Livelihood Improvement. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), septembre 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/apra.2021.026.

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Sunflower commercialisation in Singida Region, Tanzania has been successful. The successes include increased oilseed production, expanding processing capacity and declining rural poverty. Policies and efforts by development agents to promote sunflower commercialisation have increased the number of actors and service providers. Accumulation from sunflower and other enterprises, including livestock, have not only improved livelihoods, but also contributed to household economic diversity. This paper examines the interactions between activities involved in sunflower production and other livelihood strategies. For example, the paper examines local dynamics in policy and business contexts that have shaped livelihood options available and people’s choices of which option they undertake, and the corresponding outcomes, and reasons for such commercialisation trajectories. The study aims to inform local, regional, and national strategies, to pursue more inclusive and sustainable agriculture development, and widen options and pathways for men and women in Mkalama and Iramba districts of Singida Region.
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Kuiken, Todd, et Jennifer Kuzma. Genome Editing in Latin America : Regional Regulatory Overview. Inter-American Development Bank, juillet 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0003410.

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The power and promise of genome editing, CRISPR specifically, was first realized with the discovery of CRISPR loci in the 1980s.3 Since that time, CRISPR-Cas systems have been further developed enabling genome editing in virtually all organisms across the tree of life.3 In the last few years, we have seen the development of a diverse set of CRISPR-based technologies that has revolutionized genome manipulation.4 Enabling a more diverse set of actors than has been seen with other emerging technologies to redefine research and development for biotechnology products encompassing food, agriculture, and medicine.4 Currently, the CRISPR community encompasses over 40,000 authors at 20,000 institutions that have documented their research in over 20,000 published and peer-reviewed studies.5 These CRISPR-based genome editing tools have promised tremendous opportunities in agriculture for the breeding of crops and livestock across the food supply chain. Potentially addressing issues associated with a growing global population, sustainability concerns, and possibly help address the effects of climate change.4 These promises however, come along-side concerns of environmental and socio-economic risks associated with CRISPR-based genome editing, and concerns that governance systems are not keeping pace with the technological development and are ill-equipped, or not well suited, to evaluate these risks. The Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) launched an initiative in 2020 to understand the complexities of these new tools, their potential impacts on the LAC region, and how IDB may best invest in its potential adoption and governance strategies. This first series of discussion documents: “Genome Editing in Latin America: Regulatory Overview,” and “CRISPR Patent and Licensing Policy” are part of this larger initiative to examine the regulatory and institutional frameworks surrounding gene editing via CRISPR-based technologies in the Latin America and Caribbean (LAC) regions. Focusing on Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, Honduras, Mexico, Paraguay, Peru, and Uruguay, they set the stage for a deeper analysis of the issues they present which will be studied over the course of the next year through expert solicitations in the region, the development of a series of crop-specific case studies, and a final comprehensive regional analysis of the issues discovered.
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Cedergren, Elin, Diana Huynh, Andrea Morf et John Moodie. Strengthening regional resilience through adaptive collaboration : A case study on the fisheries co-management Northern Bohuslän. Nordregio, septembre 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.6027/pb2020:5.2001-3876.

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This policy brief examines how co-management arrangements within small-scale fisheries can play a key role in enhancing sectoral and regional resilience. Despite major challenges, “multi-stakeholder collaborations” - such as co-management - demonstrate the potential for innovative knowledge transfer and strategic adaptation processes within the fisheries sector. The focus here is on Co-management Northern Bohuslän (Samförvaltning Norra Bohuslän), which promotes sustainable local fisheries and blue growth on Sweden’s west coast. The case illustrates how, under appropriate conditions, participatory local efforts can significantlycontribute to sustainability and resilience. The policy brief presents findings on related challenges and opportunities, including recommendations on future directions for the co-management initiative itself, and more general suggestions for co-management as a means to promote sectoral and regional resilience in the Nordic region.
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Chandrasekhar, C. P. The Long Search for Stability : Financial Cooperation to Address Global Risks in the East Asian Region. Institute for New Economic Thinking Working Paper Series, mars 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp153.

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Forced by the 1997 Southeast Asian crisis to recognize the external vulnerabilities that openness to volatile capital flows result in and upset over the post-crisis policy responses imposed by the IMF, countries in the sub-region saw the need for a regional financial safety net that can pre-empt or mitigate future crises. At the outset, the aim of the initiative, then led by Japan, was to create a facility or design a mechanism that was independent of the United States and the IMF, since the former was less concerned with vulnerabilities in Asia than it was in Latin America and that the latter’s recommendations proved damaging for countries in the region. But US opposition and inherited geopolitical tensions in the region blocked Japan’s initial proposal to establish an Asian Monetary Fund, a kind of regional IMF. As an alternative, the ASEAN+3 grouping (ASEAN members plus China, Japan and South Korea) opted for more flexible arrangements, at the core of which was a network of multilateral and bilateral central bank swap agreements. While central bank swap agreements have played a role in crisis management, the effort to make them the central instruments of a cooperatively established regional safety net, the Chiang Mai Initiative, failed. During the crises of 2008 and 2020 countries covered by the Initiative chose not to rely on the facility, preferring to turn to multilateral institutions such as the ADB, World Bank and IMF or enter into bilateral agreements within and outside the region for assistance. The fundamental problem was that because of an effort to appease the US and the IMF and the use of the IMF as a foil against the dominance of a regional power like Japan, the regional arrangement was not a real alternative to traditional sources of balance of payments support. In particular, access to significant financial assistance under the arrangement required a country to be supported first by an IMF program and be subject to the IMF’s conditions and surveillance. The failure of the multilateral effort meant that a specifically Asian safety net independent of the US and the IMF had to be one constructed by a regional power involving support for a network of bilateral agreements. Japan was the first regional power to seek to build such a network through it post-1997 Miyazawa Initiative. But its own complex relationship with the US meant that its intervention could not be sustained, more so because of the crisis that engulfed Japan in 1990. But the prospect of regional independence in crisis resolution has revived with the rise of China as a regional and global power. This time both economics and China’s independence from the US seem to improve prospects of successful regional cooperation to address financial vulnerability. A history of tensions between China and its neighbours and the fear of Chinese dominance may yet lead to one more failure. But, as of now, the Belt and Road Initiative, China’s support for a large number of bilateral swap arrangements and its participation in the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership seem to suggest that Asian countries may finally come into their own.
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Bagley, Margo. Genome Editing in Latin America : CRISPR Patent and Licensing Policy. Inter-American Development Bank, juillet 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0003409.

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The power and promise of genome editing, CRISPR specifically, was first realized with the discovery of CRISPR loci in the 1980s.i Since that time, CRISPR-Cas systems have been further developed enabling genome editing in virtually all organisms across the tree of life.i In the last few years, we have seen the development of a diverse set of CRISPR-based technologies that has revolutionized genome manipulation.ii Enabling a more diverse set of actors than has been seen with other emerging technologies to redefine research and development for biotechnology products encompassing food, agriculture, and medicine.ii Currently, the CRISPR community encompasses over 40,000 authors at 20,000 institutions that have documented their research in over 20,000 published and peer-reviewed studies.iii These CRISPR-based genome editing tools have promised tremendous opportunities in agriculture for the breeding of crops and livestock across the food supply chain. Potentially addressing issues associated with a growing global population, sustainability concerns, and possibly help address the effects of climate change.i These promises however, come along-side concerns of environmental and socio-economic risks associated with CRISPR-based genome editing, and concerns that governance systems are not keeping pace with the technological development and are ill-equipped, or not well suited, to evaluate these risks. The Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) launched an initiative in 2020 to understand the complexities of these new tools, their potential impacts on the LAC region, and how IDB may best invest in its potential adoption and governance strategies. This first series of discussion documents: “Genome Editing in Latin America: Regulatory Overview,” and “CRISPR Patent and Licensing Policy” are part of this larger initiative to examine the regulatory and institutional frameworks surrounding gene editing via CRISPR-based technologies in the Latin America and Caribbean (LAC) regions. Focusing on Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, Honduras, Mexico, Paraguay, Peru, and Uruguay, they set the stage for a deeper analysis of the issues they present which will be studied over the course of the next year through expert solicitations in the region, the development of a series of crop-specific case studies, and a final comprehensive regional analysis of the issues discovered.
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Butler, Nadia, et Soha Karam. Evidence Review : COVID-19 Vaccine Acceptance by Key Influencers in the MENA Region - Teachers and Healthworkers. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), novembre 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/sshap.2021.039.

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As COVID-19 vaccines have been deployed and scaled, concerns about vaccine acceptance have emerged. Effective management of the virus requires that communities everywhere buy into the public health measures designed to protect them, including vaccines. Low acceptance presents a serious challenge for achieving sufficient coverage to reduce circulation of the virus and the risk of new variants emerging. Surveys conducted early in the pandemic showed that the Middle East region had one of the lowest COVID-19 vaccine acceptance rates globally. The low acceptance is driven by specific factors in the region and its different countries and populations; these factors need to be taken into account when formulating policy, programmes and interventions. This review synthesises evidence on vaccine acceptance among two key groups in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region: teachers and health workers. It draws from academic studies most of which were cross-sectional studies, largely conducted between February 2020 and June 2021, and grey literature reports, including social listening reports. This review is intended to inform strategies for risk communications and community engagement (RCCE) relating to COVID-19 vaccine uptake, with the aim of boosting confidence in and acceptance of the vaccines among these groups across the region. It is part of the Social Science in Humanitarian Action Platform (SSHAP) series on social science considerations relating to COVID-19 vaccines and was developed for SSHAP by Anthrologica (Nadia Butler and Soha Karam) at the request of the UNICEF MENA Regional Office. It was reviewed by Rose Aynsley (WHO) Amaya Gillespie (UNICEF) and Olivia Tulloch (Anthrologica). The evidence review is the responsibility of SSHAP.
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