Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Refugees – France – History »
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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Refugees – France – History"
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Hendri, Zendri, et Rahmad Dandi. « Tinjauan Historis Pengungsian Vietnam di Pulau Galang 1979-1996 ». Takuana : Jurnal Pendidikan, Sains, dan Humaniora 1, no 1 (30 avril 2022) : 59–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.56113/takuana.v1i1.24.
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Vietnam's long history starts from the effort to gain independence from France, the prolonged civil war between Communist North Vietnam and nationalist South Vietnam, to the Vietnamese invasion of Cambodia, which led to the massive migration of Vietnamese people to various countries using boats so that refugees This Vietnamese, known as the "Boat People." This study provides a comprehensive explanation of the background of the migration of Vietnamese refugees to Galang Island, the role of UNHCR and the Government of Indonesia in overcoming these problems, and their lives on Galang Island. This historical research was carried out successively from the heuristic process taken from the Vietnam-camp refugee document and observations on Galang Island. The data is then verified, interpreted analytically and synthetically, and presented in descriptive-explanative historiography. Apart from the pluses and minuses of various aspects of the history of Vietnamese refugees on Galang Island from 1979 to 1996, the Indonesian government has been maximal in overcoming the problem of Vietnamese refugees.
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Tortel, Emilien. « Marseille, city of refuge : international solidarity, American humanitarianism, and Vichy France (1940-1942) ». Esboços : histórias em contextos globais 28, no 48 (12 août 2021) : 364–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.5007/2175-7976.2021.e78244.
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Anchored in the port of Marseille, this article studies encounters between international solidarity, American humanitarianism, and Vichy France’s nationalism in times of war and exile. Being the main free harbour in France after the country’s defeat against Germany in the spring of 1940, Marseille saw hundreds of thousands of refugees seeking refuge and exile on its shores. This massive flux gave rise to a local internationalism of humanitarian and solidarity networks bonded by an anti-fascist ideology. American humanitarians, diplomats, and radical leftist militants shaped this eclectic internationalism by providing crucial support for European refugees escaping the Nazi-backed state repression in France. Using the local archives of the department of Bouches-du-Rhône, this paper analyses how these actors and their ideologies met in Marseille and interacted with or against Vichy France’s nationalism. In the end, the extended historiography on refugees, American humanitarianism, solidarity networks, and French nationalism will be used to analyse global ideologies in a local context during the Second World War.
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PURSEIGLE, PIERRE. « ‘A Wave on to Our Shores’ : The Exile and Resettlement of Refugees from the Western Front, 1914–1918 ». Contemporary European History 16, no 4 (novembre 2007) : 427–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777307004109.
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AbstractIn the wake of the German invasion of Belgium and France in August 1914, four million persons went into exile. While such a displacement of population testified to a dramatic change in the character of war in western Europe, historiography and collective memory alike have so far concurred in marginalising the experience of refugees during the First World War. This article examines their unprecedented encounter with host communities in France and Great Britain. It demonstrates that the refugees' plight reveals the strengths as well as the tensions inherent in the process of social mobilisation that was inseparable from the First World War.
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Gemie, Sharif. « The Ballad of Bourg-Madame : Memory, Exile, and the Spanish Republican Refugees of the Retirada of 1939 ». International Review of Social History 51, no 1 (30 mars 2006) : 1–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859005002300.
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This paper analyses the experience of the Spanish Republican refugees who left Catalonia in the Retirada of January and February 1939. The first section – “the Road to Bourg-Madame” – considers issues of interpretation raised by the refugees' texts: it discusses historiography, the politics of memory, and political culture. In “Bourg-Madame”, the second section, the essay considers the refugees' experiences. It discusses previous patterns of Spanish migration, the decision-making process that preceded the refugees' journey, group identity formation during the Retirada, the gendered dimension of their experiences, the despair felt by many on arrival in France and the reception that the refugees met. The paper ends by discussing the surprising resilience of the refugees.
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Zholudeva, Natal’ya R., et Sergey A. Vasyutin. « Employment Problems of Muslim Migrants in France (Exemplified by Paris). Part 1 ». Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences, no 6 (20 décembre 2021) : 5–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2687-1505-v137.
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The first part of the article briefly covers the history of immigration to France, social conflicts associated with migrants, and the results of French research on discrimination of immigrants in employment. In spite of the high unemployment rate, compared with other European Union countries, France remains one of the centres of migration and receives a significant number of migrants and refugees every year. The origins of immigration to France go back to the mid-19th century. Initially, it was mainly for political reasons, in order to find a job or receive an education. Between the First and the Second World Wars, France accepted both political (e.g. from Russia, Germany and Spain) and labour migrants (from Africa and Indo-China). After World War II, the French government actively invited labour migrants from the French colonies, primarily, from North Africa (Algeria, Tunisia and Morocco). When the Algerian War ended, the Harkis – Algerians who served in the French Army – found refuge in France. By the late 1960s, the Moroccan and Tunisian communities were formed. Up to the 1980s, labour migration was predominant. However, with time, the share of refugees and those who wanted to move to France with their families started to increase. This caused a growing social and political tension in French society resulting in conflicts (e.g. the 2005 riots in Paris). Moreover, the numerous terrorist attacks and the migration crisis of 2014–2016 had a particularly negative impact on the attitude towards migrants. All these issues have to a certain extent affected the employment of the Muslim population in France.
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Reid, Fiona, et Sharif Gemie. « Constructing Citizenship ? Women, Welfare and Refugees in France, 1939–1940 ». Women's History Review 20, no 3 (juillet 2011) : 347–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612025.2011.567052.
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Sontag, Katrin. « Refugee Students’ Access to Three European Universities : An Ethnographic Study ». Social Inclusion 7, no 1 (10 janvier 2019) : 71–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v7i1.1622.
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The article presents an ethnographic fieldwork carried out at three universities in Switzerland, Germany, and France, and analyses how access to higher education for refugees was addressed in the three cases, how and which institutional change and activities were initiated, and by which actors. The article argues that the topic cannot be addressed in isolation but has to consider four intersecting areas: the personal biography and migratory history of the students, the asylum system, the educational system, and the funding situation. For the refugee students, the challenge is that these areas need to be taken into account simultaneously, but what is more challenging is that they are not well in tune with one another. Solutions need to take this complex—and place-specific—situation into account.
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Steinberg, Swen. « On Austrian Refugee Children : Agency, Experience, and Knowledge in Ernst Papanek's “Preliminary Study” from 1943 ». Journal of Austrian-American History 4, no 1 (1 décembre 2020) : 111–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jaustamerhist.4.1.0111.
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Abstract In 1943 Viennese refugee pedagogue Ernst Papanek turned in his master's thesis, “On Refugee Children: A Preliminary Study,” for the New York School of Social Work at Columbia University. Particularly interested in their role in processes of knowledge translation and transfers, he circulated questionnaires among refugee children he had rescued from France to the United States. Through his thesis he gave the children a voice and depicted their agency. This article contextualizes Papanek's approach to the relief efforts in the United States in the early 1940s. Focusing especially on the responses of Austrian refugee children in the questionnaires, it uncovers aspects of the young people's experiential knowledge and how they were further explored in a follow-up study on Papanek's research from 1947. The article draws on recent approaches in migration studies that look at the intersection of knowledge and the experiences of young migrants, underlining its potential in research for unaccompanied minors and young refugees from Nazi persecution.
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SCOTT-WEAVER, MEREDITH L. « Republicanism on the borders : Jewish activism and the refugee crisis in Strasbourg and Nice ». Urban History 43, no 4 (8 octobre 2015) : 599–617. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926815000838.
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ABSTRACT:This case-study of Jewish activism in Strasbourg and Nice, interwar urban locales situated along the frontiers with National Socialist Germany and fascist Italy, respectively, examines critical facets of Jewish advocacy during the refugee crisis of the 1930s. It focuses on how urban spaces engendered dense thickets of community activism unlike that which took place in Paris. Whereas friction and ineffectiveness characterized aid efforts in Paris, these cities offer alternative views on the nature of the refugee crisis in France and the ways that Jews overcame obstacles to help asylum-seekers. It advances much-needed discourse on the complexity of French Jewish experiences during the interwar years and highlights the city as both location and a conduit for diverse activist strategies. Although circumstances varied in Strasbourg and Nice, Jews in these two borderland cities followed similar patterns of engaging urban civil society to build flexible networks that addressed the plight of refugees from multiple angles.
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DOYLE, WILLIAM. « Refuge in the Land of Liberty : France and its Refugees, from the Revolution to the end of Asylum, 1787-1939By Greg Burgess ». History 94, no 314 (avril 2009) : 249–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-229x.2009.453_20.x.
Texte intégralThèses sur le sujet "Refugees – France – History"
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Hodson, Christopher G. « Refugees Acadians and the social history of empire, 1755-1785 ». View this thesis online, 2004. http://libraries.maine.edu/gateway/oroauth.asp?file=orono/etheses/37803141.pdf.
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Amara, Michaël. « Des Belges à l'épreuve de l'exil : les réfugiés de la Première guerre mondiale (France, Grande-Bretagne, Pays-Bas), 1914-1918 ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210703.
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Entre août et octobre 1914, l’invasion allemande donna lieu à une des plus vastes mouvements de populations qu’ait connu la Belgique. En l’espace de quelques semaines, plus d’1,5 millions de Belges quittèrent le pays pour trouver asile en France, en Grande-Bretagne et aux Pays-Bas. Si beaucoup regagnèrent leurs foyers une fois le front stabilisé, plus de 500.000 d’entre eux firent le choix d’un exil prolongé. Cette thèse se propose d’étudier ce phénomène selon différentes approches. Le premier chapitre s’attache à dégager les raisons qui présidèrent à l’exode massif des populations civiles. Il s’agit ensuite d’étudier les mécanismes de solidarité mis en œuvre dans chacun des pays d’accueil. Les grands contours de l’action humanitaire engagée en faveur des réfugiés belges mettent en évidence des processus de mobilisations sociales dont l’évolution rapide permet d’appréhender de quelle manière ils furent perçus par les populations locales. En outre, par le biais de l’aide aux réfugiés, il est permis d’esquisser quelques grandes caractéristiques des politiques sociales lancées durant la Première Guerre mondiale. La mise au travail des réfugiés apparaît comme le seconde grand axe de ce travail. Dans un contexte marqué par de fortes pénuries de main-d’œuvre ouvrière, la présence des réfugiés éveilla des enjeux économiques et sociaux insoupçonnés. En effet, dès 1915, que ce soit en France ou en Angleterre, les réfugiés belges prirent une part active à l’activité économique des pays qui les accueillaient. Cette participation des Belges à l’effort de guerre allié est particulièrement intéressante en ce qu’elle fut l’occasion d’une rencontre inédite entre peuples qui se connaissaient peu. De même, elle vit émerger quelques entreprises dont le fonctionnement éclaire la manière avec laquelle gouvernement et patronat belges concevaient les rapports sociaux en ce début de XXème siècle. Afin d’encore mieux cerner quel fut l’apport des réfugiés à l’effort de guerre belge, l’accent est mis sur leur engagement dans la lutte armée. L’attitude réservée des Belges face à la mobilisation générale permet d’illustrer les limites de leur adhésion à la guerre et éclaire la détérioration sensible de leur image. Pour terminer, le dernier chapitre s’attache à déterminer quelle fut la nature des rapports que nouèrent réfugiés et populations locales. Il s’agit de voir de quelle manière les réfugiés s’intégrèrent aux communautés d’accueil et dans quelle mesure ils pâtirent des vagues xénophobes qui balayèrent les différents pays d’accueil dès 1917./On both the eastern and western fronts, the First World War led to the displacement of millions of civilians. The invasion of Belgium by German forces proved no exception: between August and October 1914, more than a million a half Belgians fled their country. They sought asylum in the Netherlands, France and Great Britain. In total, more than 600,000 Belgians settled abroad during the First World War. This thesis studies this unprecedented and unrepeated exile of hundred of thousands of Belgians between 1914 and 1918.Doctorat en philosophie et lettres, Orientation histoire
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Jones, Thomas Chewning. « French republican exiles in Britain, 1848-1870 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609095.
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Akoka, Karen. « La fabrique du réfugié à l'Ofpra (1952-1992) : du consulat des réfugiés à l'administration des demandeurs d'asile ». Thesis, Poitiers, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012POIT5016.
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Cette thèse revient sur quarante ans de « fabrication » des réfugiés par l'Office Français de Protection des Réfugiés et des Apatrides (Ofpra) depuis sa création en 1952, où il s'apparente à un consulat pour les réfugiés, jusqu'en 1992, où s'achève sa reconfiguration en administration des demandeurs d'asile. Elle retrace ce faisant la carrière et la trajectoire de la catégorie d'intervention publique du réfugié. Au cours de cette période, la question de l'asile est en effet reformulée en passant du « problème » des réfugiés, à celui des demandeurs d'asile, désignant à chaque fois une catégorie cible à destination de laquelle l'action publique s'oriente en guise de solution. Cette thèse qui appréhende la catégorie de réfugié à partir de ses usages montre qu'il n'y a pas de réfugié « naturel », auquel correspondraient ou non les candidats à l'asile, de la même manière que la Convention de Genève ou la loi sur la création de l'Ofpra ne peuvent être considérées comme des textes neutres qui seraient applicables de façon objective si tant est que les institutions chargées de le faire soient indépendantes. Politiquement et historiquement situés, ces textes n'en sont pas moins des textes flous pouvant être interprétés de manière différente selon les besoins et les périodes. La recherche menée fait ainsi apparaître une catégorie de réfugié qui se reconfigure avec les transformations de l'institution chargée de l'attribuer : celles du profil et des trajectoires sociales de ses agents, de leurs pratiques et des dispositifs organisationnels qui les encadrent, eux-mêmes articulés à des politiques publiques spécifiquesThis Ph.D. explores forty year of "manufacturing" of refugees by the French Office for Protection of Refugees and Stateless (OFPRA) since its creation in 1952, where it was a sort of consulate for refugees, until 1992 when its ends its reconfiguration as an administration for asylum seekers. It traces the career and the path of the category of refugee as a category of public intervention. During this period, the issue of asylum is indeed reformulated from the "problem" of refugees to the "problem of "asylum seekers", designating target destination categories towards which public action is directed. This thesis, which captures the refugee category from its use, shows that there is no "natural" refugee to whom asylum seekers correspond or not. It shows also that the Geneva Convention or the Law on the establishment of OFPRA cannot be considered as neutral texts that would be applicable in an objective manner as long as the institutions in charge are independent. Politically and historically situated, these texts are not less also blurred texts that can be interpreted differently depending on the needs and periods. The research thus shows that the category of refugee reconfigures itself with the transformation of the institution responsible for its award: those of the profile and social trajectories of its agents, their practices and the organizational arrangements that surround them, themselves articulated to specific public policies
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Williams, Nicholas J. « An ‘evil year in exile’ ? The evacuation of the Franco-German border areas in 1939 under democratic and totalitarian conditions ». Thesis, Paris 4, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA040209.
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Entre fin août et début septembre 1939 entre 700 000 et un million de civils sont évacués de la Sarre, du Palatinat et du pays de Bade vers le centre de l’Allemagne. En Moselle et en Alsace, environ 600 000 civils sont transportés vers le sud-ouest. Cette mesure est le résultat d’un long développement, influencé par les guerres napoléoniennes et la Grande Guerre. Ce travail analyse les étapes qui aboutissent à ces évacuations dans le cadre de la défense passive pendant l’entre-deux-guerres en France et en Allemagne. Il étudie, principalement de manière comparative, l’exécution des évacuations dans les deux pays en se concentrant sur les exemples de la Moselle et de la Sarre. La totalisation de la guerre à travers l’érection de lignes fortifiées puis l’évacuation des civils apparaît alors être un phénomène indépendant des systèmes politiques et des cadres nationaux : elle est un phénomène transnational. De plus, certains aspects des mouvements de réfugiés ne peuvent être contrôlés par les États. C’est ainsi que des pillages sont observables des deux côtés de la frontière. Cependant, la Troisième République arrive, également grâce à ses expériences avec les réfugiés pendant la Grande Guerre, à mieux organiser et encadrer les réfugiés. Leur administration et le soutien qu’ils reçoivent sur place sont organisés d’une manière plus cohérente par rapport à l’Allemagne nationale-socialiste, où des prétentions idéologiques et la dualité entre les administrations civiles et le parti nazi empêchent l’exécution efficace du programme d’évacuationBetween the end of August and early September 1939, between 700,000 and one million civilians were evacuated from the Saarland, the Palatinate, and Baden to the centre of what was then Germany. From the Moselle and Alsace, around 600,000 civilians were evacuated to south-west France. Those measures were the result of a long development, the origins of which can be traced back the Napoleonic Wars and the Great War. The present thesis analyses the developments which led to those evacuations within the framework of civil defence policies during the interwar period in France and Germany. It explores the execution of the evacuation programme in both countries from a comparative perspective, concentrating on the Moselle and the Saarland. What results is that the totalisation of warfare, in this case as seen in the erection of fortified defence lines and the evacuation of civilians later resulting therefrom, are phenomena independent of any given political systems or national frameworks, and therefore transnational ones. Moreover, the movements of refugees are only to a certain degree controllable on either side of the border, and looting likewise occurs on both sides. Nevertheless, the Third Republic managed, in part due to the experience the country had with refugees during the First World War, to organise and look after their refugees more efficiently than Germany did. The French administration and support system for refugees was more efficiently organised, compared with their German counterparts, where ideological constraints and the duality of civilian administrations and the National Socialist party greatly hampered efficiency in the execution of the evacuation programme
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Daughtry, Ann Dring. « Convent refuges for disgraced girls and women in nineteenth-century France / ». Title page, contents and summary only, 1991. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phd238.pdf.
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Boulet, François. « Les montagnes françaises 1940-1944 : des montagnes-refuges aux montagnes-maquis ». Toulouse 2, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997TOU20112.
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Trois chronologies, trois topographies et trois morales, se dégagent de cette "géohistoire" (Fernand Braudel) des montagnes françaises entre 1940-1944. D'abord, les "pays" montagnards du maréchal Pétain de 1940 à 1942, où le genre de vie ou tempérament (André Siegfried) de là-haut se retrouve dans les valeurs traditionnelles. Le patriotisme "pétinophile" mais non vychiste y domine, surtout dans les montagnes frontalières de l'Est, germanophobes et italophobes, symbolisées par la "pointe Maréchal Pétain" (3507 m. ) du massif du Mont-Blanc et le roman "Premier de cordée" du patriote Frison-Roche. C'est le temps, après la défaite, du repli sur soi, du "bouclier", à travers une nouvelle montagne alimentaire attractive. Ensuite, de 1941 à 1943, les montagnes deviennent proverbialement "suisses". Elles rejettent ouvertement la collaboration et pronent un neutralisme pro-allié. Les marchés noirs et gris prospèrent surtout dans les villages touristiques de luxe qui suscitent touristophobie et judéophobie - à distinguer de l'antisémitisme. En revanche, la montagne protestante réagit moralement et spirituellement en accueillant les Juifs. Enfin, à partir de la loi du S. T. O (16/02/1943), les montagnes deviennent "balkaniques" (Winston Churchill), terrain héroïque de l'épopée des "maquis". En 1943, les montagnes cachent 100 000 jeunes "réfractaires" qui reçoivent l'appui de populations hospitalières et demandeuses d'aides agricoles. Fin 1943, les passions guerrières l'emportent : la montagne devient terrifiante avec les précoces maquis de Haute-Savoie et de Corrèze, jusqu'à la "capitale des maquis" Grenoble et les fameux réduits de 1944 : Glières, Mont Mouchet et Vercors. Les autochtones redoutent alors les "faux-maquis" et les représailles allemandes. Concluons : la "belle" montagne-refuge (village judéo-protestant, montée en masse des réfractaires), et la "sublime" montagne-maquis sont à distinguer ; la montagne en marge peut être au centre de l'histoire de la France occupéeThree chronologies, topographies and morals emerge from this "geohistory" (Fernand Braudel) of the french mountains between 1940 and 1944. First, Marshall Petain's mountains from 1940 to 1942, where the local way of life or "temperament" (André Siegfried) can be found in the traditional values. "Petinophile" patriotism, different from "vichysme" prevails, particulary in the eastern border mountains, with anti-german and anti-italian feelings symbolised by the Marshall Petain Peak (3507 m. ) and the novel "Premier de cordée" by patriot writer Roger Frison-Roche. The time of withdrawal and "shield" begins after the defeat, with a new feeding and attractive mountain. Then, from 1941 to 1943, mountains become "swiss", like a proverb. They openly reject the policy of collaboration with the Germans and stand in favour of a pro-allied neutrality. Black or grey markets flourish mainly in luxury tourist villages, thus giving rise to anti-tourist and anti-jew feelings - not to be confounded with anti-semitism. On the other hand, protestant mountain appears morally and spiritually with the welcome of jewish population. At last, and from the days of the STO law (16/02/1943), mountains become "balkanic" (Winston Churchill) with the heroic time of "maquis". In 1943, the mountains shelter 100,000 young "refractaires" supported by the local farmers whom they eventually help. By the end of 1943, warlike passions prevail : mountains become terrifying with early "maquis" of Haute-Savoie and Correze, up the capital's maquis, Grenoble and the famous meeting of 1944 : Glières, Mont Mouchet and Vercors. Local villagers fear the false maquis and german reprisals. To conclude : the "beautiful" refuge-mountain for Jews and "refractaires" and the "sublime" maquis-mountain of maquis are to be distinguished the one from the other ; marginal mountain can be seen in the center of the history of occupied France
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Fenoy, Laurent. « Chypre île refuge, 1192-1473 : migrations et intégration dans le Levant Latin ». Thesis, Montpellier 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011MON30062.
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Bien des sources chrétiennes relayées par des études des XIX et XXe siècles considèrent la domination des Lusignan en Chypre comme la manifestation d’un double affrontement interconfessionnel. Les rois latins auraient fait de l’île un refuge face à l’expansion de l’Islam avant d’avilir les autochtones Grecs en s’appuyant sur des « réfugiés conquérants », à savoir les Francs et leurs alliés chrétiens orientaux chassés du Proche-Orient. Mais à l’aune de l’écheveau migratoire de la Méditerranée orientale, sauf à exagérer l’impact de l’affrontement entre croisade et jihad, l’ampleur et la nature des migrations affectant Chypre entre 1192 et 1473 ne permettent pas de caractériser l’île par la notion de refuge chrétien: dans la continuité de migrations pluriséculaires Chypre demeure une terre d’accueil façonnée par des dynamiques réticulaires souvent étrangères aux logiques de confrontations interconfessionnelles. Le rôle de Chypre comme île refuge se lit mieux dans sa dimension de conservatoire des nations, lequel s’affirme au même rythme que s’érige une identité chypriote. La reconnaissance officielle de la singularité de chaque communauté peut parfois hiérarchiser la société au profit des seulsLatins : elle n’en fonde pas moins une organisation insulaire consensuelle, car en revêtant un tour intercommunautaire le débat social et identitaire prémunit des dynamiques assimilatrices et favorise l’intégration progressive de tous les Chypriotes aux affaires du royaume. L’île s’impose alors comme un refuge des cultures où une hyper-identité chypriote coiffe autant d’hypo-identités que Chypre compte de nations, permettant à tous les Kypriotes de vivre ensemble sans se confondreMany christian sources relieved by studies of the XIX and XXth centuries consider the Lusignan rule over Cyprus as the expression of a double interconfessional confrontation. Latin kings would have turned the island into a refuge in front of the expansion of the Islam before degrading the Greek natives by leaning on “conquering refugees”, namely Franks and theireastern christian allies, forced to flee the Middle East. But compared with the migratory hank of the oriental Mediterranean Sea, unless overstating the impact of the confrontation between crusade and jihad, the scale and the nature of the migrations regarding Cyprus between 1192 and 1473 do not allow to characterize the island by the notion of christian refuge: in the continuity of plurisecular migrations Cyprus remains a land of welcome shaped by reticular dynamics often extraneous to interconfessional confrontations. The role of Cyprus as refuge island is clearer in its dimension of nations conservatory, which asserts itself with the same rhythm as sets up itself a Cypriot identity. The official recognition of the singularity of every community can sometimes organize into a hierarchy the society for the benefit of the Latins only ones: but it founds a consensual island organization, because by taking on an intercommunity turn, the social and identity debate protects against assimilatrices dynamics and favours the progressive integration of all the Cypriots into the kingdom’s affairs. The island then stands out as a refuge of the cultures where a chypriote hyper-identity heads up so manyhypo-identities as Cyprus boasts nations, allowing all Kypriotes to live together without becoming confused
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Nicolas, Paul. « La fabrique d'une communauté transnationale : les Jummas entre France et Bangladesh ». Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017AIXM0151.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Cette thèse interroge la manière dont se construit une communauté transnationale à partir du cas spécifique des Jummas du Bangladesh résidant en France. En 1987, 72 jeunes garçons sont arrivés ensemble en France, venus de camps de réfugiés en Inde, après avoir fui leur région d'origine, déchirée par la guerre civile, les Chittagong Hill Tracts, au Bangladesh. Ils ont été dispersés en France dans des familles d'accueil. Trente ans plus tard, beaucoup sont encore en lien et ont renoué avec leur famille biologique. Les trois-quarts sont mariés avec des femmes jummas. Ce groupe sert de point d'appui aux réfugiés qui arrivent en France. Beaucoup partagent des pratiques culturelles communes, maintiennent un fort sentiment d'appartenance au peuple Jumma. Ils ont construit un territoire transnational propre, avec ses réseaux et ses pôles. La diversité des parcours de ces jeunes, que l'on peut par certains aspects rapprocher des profils d'enfants adoptés à l'étranger, par d'autres de migrants de la génération 1.5, ou de réfugiés politiques, permet de discuter des processus pas forcément contradictoires d'intégration et de maintien des liens avec l'origine, via des dynamiques transnationales. L'examen de ces parcours permet de décrypter le processus de fabrique de cette communauté transnationale et d'en déceler les phases. Le contexte a joué aussi un rôle décisif : contexte de l'appartenance à une minorité discriminée au Bangladesh, celui particulier du départ pour la France et celui singulier de l’arrivée dans des familles françaises. A partir d'un accès privilégié à ce groupe depuis 1987, la thèse s'appuie sur une méthodologie adaptée à la dimension restreinte de ce groupeThis thesis questions the way in which a transnational community is built, by studying the specific case of the Jummas of Bangladesh residing in France. In 1987, 72 young boys arrived together in France, coming from refugee camps in India, after fleeing their region of origin, torn apart by the war, the Chittagong Hill Tracts, in the south-east of Bangladesh. They were dispersed in host families in France. Thirty years later, many of them are still connected with one another and have reunited with their families in the Hill Tracts. Three-quarters of them have married Jumma women. This group serves as a support for refugees arriving in France. Many of them preserve a strong sense of belonging to the Jumma people. They have built a transnational territory of their own, with its networks and its poles. The diversity of these young people’s courses, that in some respects we can compare with the profiles of children adopted abroad, in other respects with young migrants from generation 1.5, or even with political refugees, allows us to discuss the processes, not necessarily contradictory, of integration and maintenance of the links with the origin, through transnational dynamics. The examination of these courses makes it possible to understand the manufacturing process of this transnational community and to detect its different phases. The context also played a decisive role: the context of belonging to a discriminated minority in Bangladesh, the particular of their departure for France and the singular of their arrival in French families. Thanks to a privileged access to this group since 1987, the thesis is based on a methodology adapted to its restricted size
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Maugendre, Maëlle. « Les réfugiées espagnoles en France (1939 - 1942) : des femmes entre assujettissements et résistances ». Phd thesis, Université Toulouse le Mirail - Toulouse II, 2013. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00961467.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Cette thèse se donne comme objectif de rendre visibles les femmes espagnoles réfugiées en France de 1939 à 1942. Il s'agit de proposer une narration au féminin de l'exode sur le sol français de ces femmes restées dans l'ombre de leurs compagnons, pour les faire advenir sur la scène historique. Prises en charge par l'administration française, elles sont tributaires d'images sociales stéréotypées qui influencent les pratiques des autorités à leur égard. Assignées dans des catégories administratives qui évoluent selon les politiques menées à l'encontre des étrangers sur le sol français, les femmes espagnoles réfugiées se voient imposer des cadres de vie à respecter et des comportements à adopter. Sous tutelle administrative, aux prises avec des rapports de pouvoir qui se révèlent genrés, elles séjournent dans des centres d'hébergement, et pour certaines dans des camps d'internement. Le rapatriement en Espagne, l'émigration outre-Atlantique, le regroupement familial ou bien l'emploi conditionnent leur sortie de ces espaces coercitifs. Face aux multiples dispositifs d'assujettissements étatiques, les femmes espagnoles réfugiées se positionnent en résistance, et expérimentent des registres d'actions variés qui leur permettent de prendre conscience de leur " puissance d'agir ". Ce faisant, elles façonnent, en situation d'exil, des identités individuelles et collectives originales et résolument politiques.
Livres sur le sujet "Refugees – France – History"
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Maugendre, Maëlle. Femmes en exil : Les réfugiées espagnoles en France, 1939-1942. Tours, France : Presses universitaires François Rabelais, 2019.
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Canal i Morell, Jordi, 1964-, Pigenet Phryné et Charlon Anne 1947-, dir. Les exils catalans en France. Paris : Presses de l'université Paris-Sorbonne, 2005.
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Canal i Morell, Jordi, 1964-, Charlon Anne 1947- et Pigenet Phryné, dir. Les exils catalans en France. Paris : Presses de l'Université de Paris-Sorbonne, 2005.
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L'œil de l'exil : L'exil en France des républicains espagnols. Toulouse : Privat, 2004.
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The Acadian refugees in France, 1758-1785 : The impossible reintegration ? Lafayette, LA : University of Louisiana at Lafayette Press, 2018.
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Dreyfus-Armand, Geneviève. L' exil des républicains espagnols en France : De la Guerre civile à la mort de Franco. Paris : Albin Michel, 1999.
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Französische Emigranten und Flüchtlinge in der Markgrafschaft Baden (1789-1800). Frankfurt am Main : Lang, 1991.
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America, France, and the European refugee problem, 1933-1947. New York : Garland, 1985.
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Burgess, Greg. Refuge in the land of liberty : France and its refugees, from the Revolution to the end of asylum, 1787-1939. Basingstoke [England] : Palgrave Macmillan, 2008.
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Carpenter, Kirsty. Refugees of the French Revolution : Émigrés in London, 1789-1802. Houndmills, Hampshire : Macmillan, 1999.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Refugees – France – History"
1
Eire, Carlos. « Calvinism and the Reform of the Reformation ». Dans The Oxford History of the Reformation, 95–143. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192895264.003.0003.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract This chapter explores the non-Lutheran version of Protestantism known as the ‘Reformed’ tradition, with origins in the Zurich of Ulrich Zwingli. Its most significant figure was John Calvin, who fled to Geneva from Catholic France. Calvin’s Institutes (1536) supplied an orderly summation of Reformed doctrine, presenting false religion or idolatry as a merely human construct. Calvinist teaching on predestination encouraged zeal and activism on the part of God’s ‘elect’. In Geneva itself, a strict moral code was imposed, and Calvin condemned ‘Nicodemites’ in France and elsewhere who outwardly conformed to Catholicism to evade persecution. Geneva’s importance as ‘the Protestant Rome’ was underlined by the presence of refugees, and by Calvin’s role in the execution of the heretic Michael Servetus, Calvinism became an international movement, establishing itself in France, England, Scotland, the Netherlands, Germany, eastern Europe and the North American colonies. It was a flexible ideology, adaptable to local circumstance, but characterised everywhere by uncompromising zeal and an instinct for iconoclasm. Legacies of Calvinism included an emphasis on the sanctification of work, and a redrawing of the boundaries between the natural and supernatural that contributed to what Max Weber termed ‘the disenchantment of the world’.
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Stanwood, Owen. « The Beginning of the End of the World ». Dans The Global Refuge, 10–39. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190264741.003.0002.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This chapter focuses on Europe itself, in order to chronicle the creation of the Huguenot diaspora. Starting with the example of the theologian Pierre Jurieu, it shows how the coming of persecution led Huguenots to define themselves as a godly remnant of the once great French Protestant church. Thousands of refugees scattered around Europe, where they sought aid from Protestant rulers even as they promoted themselves as people with a particular role in cosmic history. Jurieu was the leading promoter of this specialness, which he took from a close reading of Revelation, but which had political implications. Jurieu and other Huguenot leaders especially sought to create “colonies,” self-contained Huguenot communities around Europe that could preserve the refugees’ faith for an eventual return to France. Over the course of the 1680s and 1690s these colonies appeared around Europe, from Germany to Ireland, and set the stage for the Huguenots’ global expansion.
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Glowczewski, Barbara. « Myths of ‘Superiority’ and How to De-Essentialise Social and Historical Conflicts ». Dans Indigenising Anthropology with Guattari and Deleuze, 299–320. Edinburgh University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474450300.003.0011.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This chapter analyses racism in France and Australia. It shows how accusations of racism can mask an ontology of superiority in which the victims of racism, here a French Polynesian anticolonial writer, are themselves accused of being racist by people who identify with the colonial power. Indigenous people as well as migrants, especially Muslims or Gypsies in France, are accused of racism for laying claim to their history and culture while coming from past French colonies in Africa and Indochina or current French territories in the Pacific or Caribbean islands. In Australia despite a multicultural policy, refugees are incarcerated if they are not selected by the UN HCR channel. Aboriginal people are criminalised and many succumb to death-in-custody. Claims to difference are reduced to hierarchical models or denied recognition in the name of universalism as opposed to cultural relativism. Glowczewski, shows that a third option is possible. If France and Australia– each in their own way – deny their citizens the right to be different, initiatives emanating from civil society promote innovative ways of envisioning a multidimensional society in which the recognition of differences and specific rights have their place at the same time as universal human rights are respected. Unpublished keynote paper, 2012.
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Bartrop, Paul R. « “Enemy Aliens” and the Formation of Australia’s 8th Employment Company ». Dans Manpower and the Armies of the British Empire in the Two World Wars, 134–43. Cornell University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501755835.003.0010.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This chapter talks about “enemy alien” internees that arrived in Australia in 1940, who would be enlisted as soldiers in an Australian Army labor corps and work as noncombatants to do their part in the war against the Axis powers. It considers the story of the enemy aliens from Germany and Austria as one of the most remarkable episodes in the immigration history of twentieth-century Australia. It also highlights the account of the enemy aliens in relation to the manpower management in a country that was manpower poor. The chapter recounts the so-called Phoney War that ended on 10 May with the German invasion of the Low Countries and France, while Britain stood alone awaiting a German invasion. It refers to Sir John Anderson, who declared that the British government would draw a clear distinction between enemy aliens and refugees from Germany and Austria.
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Uslaner, Eric M. « Deservingness ». Dans National Identity and Partisan Polarization, 118—C9.P29. Oxford University PressNew York, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197633946.003.0009.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract Deservingness refers to which people living in a society are worthy of its benefits, specifically health care, education, unemployment, and standards of well-being. Is the society “inclusive” or “exclusive” in its approach to minorities, refugees, and immigrants? Inclusive societies embrace all of their residents Examples today are Sweden and Germany. In the United States, the United Kingdom, and France, the population and political coalitions are polarized over who is entitled to benefits. There is more consensus in Sweden and Germany for an inclusive approach and in the remaining countries for an exclusive sense of belongingness: Benefits are often denied to minorities and people of different ethnic, racial, and, religious groups–as well as gays and lesbians. To qualify for benefits in inclusive society, one must only “feel” him/herself to be willing to accept the country’s basic way of life. To receive benefits from a nation with an “exclusive” sense of identity, one should share the blood line, the religion, and the history of the majority population.
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Harrison, Olivia C. « Minor Transpositions ». Dans Transpositions, 115–32. Liverpool University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781789621112.003.0007.
Texte intégralRésumé :
What might it mean to transpose a singular experience of migration across heterogeneous national contexts or imperial formations? What might such transpositions reveal about the migrant question, writ large to include the longue durée history of European imperialism? I take the theatrical oeuvre of Franco-Algerian playwright Mohamed Rouabhi as a case study in what I call minor transpositions, focusing on three performances that stage Palestine, Algeria, Native America, and France in a multidirectional critique of colonialism and racism: Les nouveaux bâtisseurs, El menfi/L’exilé, and Darwish, deux textes. Through a complex dramaturgy that mobilizes a range of media (photography, film, dance, music, spoken word) and languages (French, Arabic, sign language), Rouabhi transposes the experience of exile across heterogenous but overlapping imperial formations, elucidating the transcolonial genealogy that has produced the figure of the migrant/refugee as a racialized stranger/outsider.
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Kelly, Debra. « Putting the French Restaurant on the London Map from the Late Nineteenth Century to the First World War ». Dans Fishes with Funny French Names, 37–96. Liverpool University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781800856868.003.0002.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This chapter considers how the French restaurant arrived in London bringing out aspects that have been previously been less extensively treated in this better-known period of its history. It was indeed the era of the grand hotel restaurants, of the Entente Cordiale and the Franco-British Exhibition and the development of cultural and culinary relations between London and Paris on several different levels. Yet while Escoffier was celebrated at the Savoy, many different Frenchmen and women lived and ate in areas of London such as Soho and (what would become known as) Fitzrovia, often as political exiles and refugees in very difficult circumstances. The chapter is divided into three sections: ‘Setting the Scene: French Cuisine and Forms of Culinary, Cultural and Social Display in Nineteenth-Century London’; ‘The French Restaurant Arrives in London: Famous Names and (In)Famous places’; ‘The Expansion of the French Restaurant in London: from “foreign kickshaws” to “a notable gathering of Frenchmen” charting changes in attitudes towards French food and restaurants. The chapter ends at the outbreak of the First World War as many Frenchmen working in London’s restaurant business left to join the French forces at the Front.
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Thomas, Dominic. « Les Sans-papiers ». Dans Postcolonial Realms of Memory, 255–66. Liverpool University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781789620665.003.0024.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Control and selection have been implicit dimensions of the history of immigration in France, shaping and defining the parameters of national identity over centuries. The year 1996 was a turning point when several hundred African sans-papiers sought refuge in the Saint-Bernard de la Chapelle church in the 18th arrondissement of Paris while awaiting a decision on their petition for amnesty and legalization. The church was later stormed by heavily armed police officers, and although there was widespread support for government policies intended to encourage legal paths to immigration, the police raids provoked outrage. This provided the impetus for social mobilization and the sans-papiers behaved contrary to expectations and decided to deliberately enter the public domain in order to shed light on their conditions. Emerging in this way from the dubious safety of legal invisibility, claims were made for more direct public representation and ultimately for regularization, while also countering popular misconceptions and stereotypes concerning their presence and role in French society. The sans-papiers movement is inspired by a shared memory of resistance and political representation that helps define a lieu de mémoire, a space which is, from a broadly postcolonial perspective, very much inscribed in collective memory.
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Hauser, Kitty. « Recuperating Ruins ». Dans Shadow Sites. Oxford University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199206322.003.0010.
Texte intégralRésumé :
As has been well documented, images of the British landscape performed an important propagandist role in the Second World War, particularly after the fall of France in June 1940, when Britain faced the prospect of both aerial attack and all-out invasion by air or sea. In what Angus Calder has called ‘the myth of the Blitz’ the nation’s landscape, framed by war, played the role of backdrop, target, refuge, dream, and prize. An advertisement for F. J. Harvey Darton’s books English Fabric, Alibi Pilgrimage, and The Marches of Wessex, which appeared in Country Life in August 1940, made a familiar association when it asserted that at ‘no other time in our long island history has the spirit of the English Countryside made such an appeal to us as now’. In illustrated publications like Country Life and Picture Post, the landscape was repeatedly presented in its most idyllic form of ‘Beautiful Britain’ as—explicitly or implicitly—‘what we are fighting for’. An article entitled ‘The Beauty of Britain’ which appeared in Picture Post on 22 June 1940, for example, included picturesque shots of hay-harvesting in the Lake District, captioned ‘The Dream Men Carry With Them’, and a lake in Caernarvonshire, captioned ‘The Peace That Will Come Again’. ‘This is Britain’, ran the accompanying text. ‘This is the soil we are fighting for.’ Pre-war anxieties that the distinctive characteristics of the British landscape were disappearing beneath a tide of modernization were largely eclipsed under the immediate impact of the threat of enemy bomb attacks. For the sake of the rhetorical power of these morale-boosting images, it was imperative to stress the continuing presence of that which was in fact feared by many to be disappearing. This development did not mark a great U-turn so much as a change of emphasis. There was a continuity of rhetoric, as we shall see, for Britain under threat of modernization could easily be rewritten as a country under threat of aerial bombardment or invasion. And by relocating the threat in the war machine of a nation—Nazi Germany—that seemed to embody the forces of an aggressive mechanization, this was not hard to do.