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1
Kibreab, Gaim. « Citizenship Rights and Repatriation of Refugees ». International Migration Review 37, no 1 (mars 2003) : 24–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7379.2003.tb00129.x.
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This article examines the relationship between access to or lack of access to citizenship rights in countries of asylum and the propensity of refugees to return. It hypothesizes that in situations where refugees enjoy civil, social and economic citizenship rights in the context of favorable structural factors — relatively secure employment, self-employment, social services such as housing, schools, health care and social security – the importance of repatriation may diminish as a viable option. In North America, Western Europe, Australia and New Zealand, where refugees are able to enjoy rights of citizenship with definite prospects for becoming citizens (through naturalization) or denizens through acquisition of permanent status, and where favorable structural factors provide for the enjoyment of a decent standard of living, they tend to remain regardless of whether the conditions that prompted displacement are eliminated. The policy environments and the structural factors for refugees sheltering in Less Developed Countries (LDCs) are the antithesis of those refugees in Developed Countries (DCs). As a result, millions of refugees in the South have been ‘voting with their feet’ homewards to recoup citizenship rights which they lost in connection with displacement and which they have been unable to achieve in exile.
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Belea, Simion. « Human Rights without Borders for Refugees and Asylum Seekers. Social and Jurisdictional Aspects ». Journal for Ethics in Social Studies 5, no 1 (2 septembre 2022) : 21–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/jess/5.1/39.
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The refugee crisis generated by internal conflicts and civil wars from various areas consolidated unilateral interventions towards security, rather than developing a collective answer and providing immediate actions based on human rights to support vulnerable groups. A retrospection of the past decade events in the Arabic World, illustrates that during the years 2014 - 2021, the world witnessed the highest wave of refugees migrating from Syria, Yemen, Afghanistan and Iraq to Europe. By analysing this, we can argue that concerns regarding security policies led to a significant increase in the number of difficulties that refugees and asylum seekers encounter in obtaining international protection support. The 24th of February 2022 marks the beginning of the Russian invasion in Ukraine. It similarly marks the day when the twenty seven countries – members of the EU allowed the directive for temporary protection and support to the Ukrainian refugees, for the first time in the European Union history. This current study examines the collective efforts of the Intra – European relocations offering immediate support to those fleeing the war while respecting the fundamental international human rights.
3
Lambert, Hélène. « Protection AgainstRefoulementfrom Europe : Human Rights Law Comes to the Rescue ». International and Comparative Law Quarterly 48, no 3 (juillet 1999) : 515–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589300063429.
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A growing opinion has appeared in refugee and human rights discourse that the 1950 European Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (the European Convention) provides more extensive protection againstrefoulementthan the 1951 UN Convention relating to the Status of Refugees (the Refugee Convention). However, uncertainties remain as to whether the protection offered by the 1984 UN Convention against Torture (the Torture Convention) and the 1966 UN International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (the Political Covenant) may substitute, or, rather, reinforce, that of the European Convention. Which of these four instruments offers the greatest protection against a decision ofrefoulementfrom a European country? The answer to this question is far from being academic. The rule that an international organ may only be competent to consider an individual petition or communication provided “the same matter is not being examined under another procedure of individual investigation or settlement” is embodied in all three instruments providing a procedure for individual complaints. It is therefore crucial for an asylum-seeker to give his or her best shot first, even if, as rightly pointed out by Liz Heffernan, the Strasbourg organs and the Geneva organs are not in competition.1This article will review the scope of protection afforded under the three of these treaties which provide an international enforcement mechanism to persons who have sought refugee status in the domestic jurisdiction.
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Jastisia, Mentari. « PERLINDUNGAN HUKUM HAK ASASI MANUSIA INTERNASIONAL TERHADAP IMIGRAN SURIAH ». Yustitia 7, no 2 (15 octobre 2021) : 148–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.31943/yustitia.v7i2.142.
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Immigrants are people who have fled from their country to other countries where they can be referred to as refugees or asylum seekers. There are legal instruments that regulate and provide protection for them. Arrangements for asylum seekers are contained in the 1967 Declaration of Territorial Asylum, State practice, humanitarian issues, Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR). Meanwhile, the arrangements for refugees are contained in the Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees 1951, Protocol relating to the status of Refugees 1967, International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). This papers uses a normative juridical method. This juridical approach is because this research analyzes existing legal aspects, and is normative because this research focuses more on the analysis of existing laws and regulations and other regulations, using secondary data, namely scientific references or other scientific writings as study material that can support the completeness of this scientific papers. Regarding legal protection for Syrian immigrants, the same applies to immigrants from other state as regulated in the arrangements that have been regulated. Countries in the European Union implement international human rights law protections for Syrian immigrants residing in European Union countries consistently as mandated in the European Convention on Human Rights, Convention applying the Schengen Agreement dated June 14, 1985, Lisbon treaty, Dublin II Regulation (Council Regulation (EC) 343/2003) 2003. The indication is that there are several countries in the European Union such as Greece, Hungary which refuse and do not want to take more responsibility for their obligations as a State related to the provisions of international human rights law to provide protection for Syrian immigrants. in Europe
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Agustín, Óscar García, et Martin Bak Jørgensen. « Solidarity Cities and Cosmopolitanism from Below : Barcelona as a Refugee City ». Social Inclusion 7, no 2 (27 juin 2019) : 198–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v7i2.2063.
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The so-called ‘refugee crisis’ provoked a wave of solidarity movements across Europe. These movements contrasted with attitudes of rejection against refugees from almost all EU member states and a lack of coordinated and satisfactory response from the EU as an institution. The growth of the solidarity movement entails backlash of nationalized identities, while the resistance of the member states to accept refugees represents the failure of the cosmopolitan view attached to the EU. In the article, we argue that the European solidarity movement shapes a new kind of cosmopolitanism: cosmopolitanism from below, which fosters an inclusionary universalism, which is both critical and conflictual. The urban scale thus becomes the place to locally articulate inclusive communities where solidarity bonds and coexistence prevail before national borders and cosmopolitan imaginaries about welcoming, human rights, and the universal political community are enhanced. We use the case of Barcelona to provide a concrete example of intersections between civil society and a municipal government. We relate this discussion to ongoing debates about ‘sanctuary cities’ and solidarity cities and discuss how urban solidarities can have a transformative role at the city level. Furthermore, we discuss how practices on the scale of the city are up-scaled and used to forge trans-local solidarities and city networks.
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Ghosh, Debanjali. « European Union’s Response to Rising Xeno-Racism in Europe ». Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies 15, no 1 (20 septembre 2022) : 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.22215/cjers.v15i1.2815.
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Ever since the start of the Syrian Civil War in 2011, Europe has experienced a huge influx of refugees, which has led to demographic and social changes and created fears about the erosion of the European civilisation and Christian values. The Continent has also experienced several Islamic terrorist attacks- like those in Paris, London, Brussels and Berlin. This, coupled with the rise of the right-wing in Europe, has led to increasing xeno-racism, particularly of an Islamophobic variety that has resulted in the creation of an environment of intolerance and exclusion. At times this has manifested itself as outright hostility towards the Muslim community through hate crimes which take the form of physical and verbal attacks on visibly identifiable and more tangible symbols of Islam like hijabs, headscarves, burkhas and mosques. Yet, most of these hate crimes remain unreported and unaddressed. The European Union (EU) is a one of a kind post-modern entity professing values of equality, democracy and human rights. Given this commitment, this paper attempts to take stock of the EU’s response to rising xeno-racism with particular attention to Islamophobia and the Member States’ attempts to grapple with the same.
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Zahra, Tara. « “The Psychological Marshall Plan” : Displacement, Gender, and Human Rights after World War II ». Central European History 44, no 1 (mars 2011) : 37–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938910001172.
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In 1940, Howard Kershner, director of European relief for the American Friends Service Committee, was stationed in Vichy France, where Quakers were organizing relief for refugees. He had witnessed any number of wartime atrocities in his years of service during the Spanish Civil War, including violence directed at civilians, bombings, starvation, and disease. Now he added a new item to the litany of wartime suffering: “One of the greatest tragedies of all times is the separation of families in Europe today: wives in one country, husbands in another, with no possibility of reunion and often no means of communication; babies who have never seen their fathers; scattered fragments of families not knowing if their loved ones are living or dead, and often without hope of ever seeing them again. There are multitudes of wretched souls for whom it seems the sun of hope has set.”
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Gammeltoft-Hansen, Thomas, et Nikolas F. Tan. « The End of the Deterrence Paradigm ? Future Directions for Global Refugee Policy ». Journal on Migration and Human Security 5, no 1 (mars 2017) : 28–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/233150241700500103.
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Asylum seekers and refugees continue to face serious obstacles in their efforts to access asylum. Some of these obstacles are inherent to irregular migration, including dangerous border crossings and the risk of exploitation. Yet, refugees also face state-made obstacles in the form of sophisticated migration control measures. As a result, refugees are routinely denied access to asylum as developed states close their borders in the hope of shifting the flow of asylum seekers to neighboring countries. Restrictive migration control policies are today the primary, some might say only, response of the developed world to rising numbers of asylum seekers and refugees. This has produced a distorted refugee regime both in Europe and globally — a regime fundamentally based on the principle of deterrence rather than human rights protection. While the vast majority of European states still formally laud the international legal framework to protect refugees, most of these countries simultaneously do everything in their power to exclude those fleeing international protection and offer only a minimalist engagement to assist those countries hosting the largest number of refugees. By deterring or blocking onward movement for refugees, an even larger burden is placed upon these host countries. Today, 86 percent of the world's refugees reside in a low- or middle-income country, against 70 percent 20 years ago (Edwards 2016; UNHCR 2015, 15). The humanitarian consequences of this approach are becoming increasingly clear. Last year more than 5,000 migrants and refugees were registered dead or missing in the Mediterranean (IOM 2016). A record number, this makes the Mediterranean account for more than two-thirds of all registered migrant fatalities worldwide (IOM 2016). Many more asylum seekers are subjected to various forms of violence and abuse during the migratory process as a result of their inherently vulnerable and clandestine position. As the industry facilitating irregular migration grows, unfortunately so too do attempts to exploit migrants and refugees by smugglers, criminal networks, governments, or members of local communities (Gammeltoft-Hansen and Nyberg Sørensen 2013). The “deterrence paradigm” can be understood as a particular instantiation of the global refugee protection regime. It shows how deterrence policies have come to dominate responses to asylum seekers arriving in developed states, and how such policies have continued to develop in response to changes in migration patterns as well as legal impositions. The dominance of the deterrence paradigm also explains the continued reliance on deterrence as a response to the most recent “crisis,” despite continued calls from scholars and civil society for a more protection-oriented and sustainable response. The paper argues that the current “crisis,” more than a crisis in terms of refugee numbers and global protection capacity, should be seen a crisis in terms of the institutionalized responses so far pursued by states. Deterrence policies are being increasingly challenged, both by developments in international law and by less wealthy states left to shoulder the vast majority of the world's refugees. At the same time, recent events suggest that deterrence policies may not remain an effective tool to prevent secondary movement of refugees in the face of rising global protection needs, while deterrence involves increasing direct and indirect costs for the states involved. The present situation may thus be characterized as, or at least approaching, a period of paradigm crisis, and we may be seeing the beginning of the end for deterrence as a dominant policy paradigm in regard to global refugee policy. In its place, a range of more or less developed alternative policy frameworks are currently competing, though so far none of them appear to have gained sufficient traction to initiate an actual paradigm shift in terms of global refugee policy. Nonetheless, recognizing this as a case of possible paradigm change may help guide and structure this process. In particular, any successful new policy approach would have to address the fundamental challenges facing the old paradigm. The paper proceeds in four parts. Firstly, it traces the rise of the deterrence paradigm following the end of the Cold War and the demise of ideologically driven refugee protection on the part of states in the Global North. The past 30 years have seen the introduction and dynamic development of manifold deterrence policies to stymie the irregular arrival of asylum seekers and migrants. This array of measures is explored in the second part of the paper through a typology of five current practices that today make up “normal policymaking” within the deterrence regime. Third, the paper argues that the current paradigm is under threat, facing challenges to its legality from within refugee and human rights law; to its sustainability due to the increasing unhappiness of refugee-hosting states with current levels of “burden-sharing”; and to its effectiveness as direct and indirect costs of maintaining the regime mount. Finally, the paper puts forward three core principles that can lay the groundwork in the event of a paradigm shift: respect for international refugee law; meaningful burden-sharing; and a broader notion of refugee protection that encompasses livelihoods and increased preparedness in anticipation of future refugee flows.
9
Rikhof, Joseph. « Exclusion Law and International Law : Sui Generis or Overlap ? » International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 20, no 2 (2013) : 199–232. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-02002004.
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There exists a strong synergy between the regulation at the international level of minority rights, asylum and criminal prosecutions of violations of human rights. The aspirations of minorities as a human right are recognised in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights while the violation of such a right can confer on a victim the status of refugee in a third country. As well, persons who are responsible for causing very serious disruptions to the rights of minorities and other groups can be brought to justice for the commission of genocide and crimes against humanity, particularly persecution. While in general there has been a clear distinction between the granting of asylum or refugee status to victims of persecution one hand and the prosecution of perpetrators of persecution on the other, these two notions have been brought together into the concept of exclusion in order to address the phenomenon of persons with a criminal background being part of the refugee stream arriving in a third country. Exclusion is an essential part of refugee law to ensure that persons who have committed criminal acts will not benefit from the benefits set out in the Refugee Convention. This article will discuss the parameters of exclusion as determined by the jurisprudence in six countries in North America and Europe where this issue has been at the forefront in the last decade.
10
Ippolitov, Sergei Sergeevich. « Russian Emigration of the First Wave in Germany : Humanitarian and Legal aspects of Adaptation, 1917-1920s ». Исторический журнал : научные исследования, no 1 (janvier 2020) : 115–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2020.1.31909.
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The article discusses the activities of Russian humanitarian, professional and public organizations in determining the legal status of Russian migrants in Europe and providing legal assistance to refugees and Russian legal entities in exile in 1917 - 1920s, as well as the trade unions of Russian lawyers in exile and their activities of legal assistance to their compatriots. The author examines the foreign policy of different states concerning the legal discrimination of Russian refugees and the geopolitical context in which the legal integration of Russian emigration took place in the societies of host countries. The study views the Russian humanitarian and legal activity as a factor in preserving the civic identity of these emigrants. The methodological basis on which this research is based is the principles of historicism and systematicity, which imply the application of the chronological method in the research process, as well as the methods of retrospection, periodization and actualization. The article explores for the first time in historiography the little-studied page in the history of Russian emigration: the creation in Germany in the 1920s of an effective system of humanitarian and legal assistance to Russian refugees aimed at clarifying their legal status and restoring the legal existence of Russian commercial enterprises in exile. For the first time in historiography, the author examines the ability of the emigrant community to self-organize in order to assert its rights in a foreign language and foreign culture society.The factors that significantly complicated the Russian emigrants' humanitarian and legal status, thereby also hindering their integration into European society, included: the long irresolution of their legal status; the significant number of legal obstacles; the ineffectiveness of officials with respect to the refugees' actual lack of rights; the legal conflict in international law that arose with the emergence of the Russian emigration phenomenon; and the unprecedented humanitarian and legal crisis of the post First World War period in Europe. Under these conditions, the Russian emigrant community nonetheless managed to develop effective mechanisms to help its compatriots in the legal sphere.
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Majumdar, Ananda. « Immigrants and Refugees in Globalized World ». Asian Journal of Humanity, Art and Literature 6, no 2 (31 décembre 2019) : 87–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.18034/ajhal.v6i2.354.
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Globalization, Neo-liberalization, Post-modernism are approaches that makes the world one, it has increased cultural exchanges, academic exchanges, trade and business exchanges and is useful for all developing countries on the globe, if those are its advantages, people migration through illegally is its disadvantages, there was no global terms of legal or illegal immigration at the beginning of 19th century, United Nations General Assembly in 1948 states that everyone has the right to leave any country including his own and to that return country, but it has not been honoured by developing countries, due to changes of world order, population growth, regional conflicts, war, civil war, poverty, people start to moving from one to another country, population growth in developing countries is one of the most important reasons that forced people leave their land and to migrate illegally or legally, though legal immigration has processes for their further innovation, development but illegal immigration is a curse for developed countries, countries that are industrially developed like United Arab Emirates, Kuwait, people from developing world are forcing to leave due to war, civil war, community clashes, and to taking shelter as a refugees but at the end most of them are not returning after normalization of their own conflicts, people are moving without documents, in the United Europe, European Union policies are trying to control immigration from non-member countries such as immigrants from Morocco and other North Africans countries are migrating illegally to Spain for a better life and to came out from miserable life from their own countries but the Spain Government declares to deport people from non-members countries who are living illegally in Spanish land, England declares to controlling access of all Romanian and Bulgarian to the UK who are benefitting as EU member country, upon acceptance of all East European countries as the member of EU, approximately 427,000 East Europeans, mostly from Poland have registered for employment in Britain, though Western Europe are more inclined to hire Eastern European than Asian and Africans, but yet Britain decided to came out from EU because of illegal immigration to Britain from Eastern Europe which negatively affected their economy and job security of original British citizens’, so what is the solution for the worst crisis of illegal immigration and refugees accommodation world-wide? Is it forcing them to back their own countries? Is it taking initiatives through both North and South countries for the solution of the problem? Or is it solving really? A continual discussion of alternative solutions world-wide has to be discovered for the reduction of the problem of refugees and immigration world-wide, communication between developing and the developed countries have to be strength for the resolution of faster population growth in developing countries, assistance by the developed countries in war conflicted regions has to be increased, universal birth control education need to be formed, I tried to discussed the problems, reasons, and its solution as one of my focused areas in international development, it is something that I would like pursue my study in the near future as a continuing student, I hope I will be succeed.
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Giménez-Gómez, José-Manuel, Yabibal M. Walle et Yitagesu Zewdu Zergawu. « Trends in African Migration to Europe : Drivers Beyond Economic Motivations ». Journal of Conflict Resolution 63, no 8 (15 janvier 2019) : 1797–831. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002718823907.
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The current migration and refugee crisis in Europe requires an understanding of the different migration drivers beyond the well-known economic determinants. In this article, we view migration from a broader human security perspective and analyze the determinants of regular and asylum seeker migration flows from Africa to Europe for the period 1990 to 2014. Our results show that, in addition to economic determinants, a combination of push and pull factors influences migration decisions of individuals. In particular, rising political persecution, human rights violations, ethnic tensions, political instability, and civil conflicts in African source countries are all significantly associated with increased migration flows into European destination countries. Therefore, our results underscore the need for the European Union and European countries to collaborate with the source countries, not only in terms of supporting economic development in the source countries but also in promoting human security: human rights, democracy, peace, and social stability.
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Krzyżanowski, Michał, et Per Ledin. « Uncivility on the web ». Right-Wing Populism in Europe & ; USA 16, no 4 (7 août 2017) : 566–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.17028.krz.
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Abstract This paper explores the connection between the rise of new types of online uncivil discourses and the recent success of populism. While discussions on the upsurge of populism have centred on institutionalised politics and politicians, only limited attention has been paid to how the success of the former and the latter was propelled by developments outside of the political realm narrowly conceived. Our interest is therefore in the rise of uncivil society, especially on the web, and in its ‘borderline discourse’ at the verge of civil and uncivil ideas, ideologies and norms. Those discourses – showcased here on the example of the language on immigration/refugees in Austria and Sweden – have been using civil-to-uncivil shifts in the discursive representations of society and politics. They have progressively ‘normalised’ the anti-pluralist views across many European public spheres on a par with nativist and exclusionary views now widely propagated by right-wing populist politics in Europe and beyond.
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Angelidou, Aliki, Alexandra Balandina et Konstantinos Kolovos. « Practicing Anthropology in Greece : Knowledge, Skills and Rights in the Labour Market ». Teaching Anthropology 10, no 2 (15 décembre 2021) : 69–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.22582/ta.v10i2.524.
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In this paper we explore which kind of knowledge and skills developed by anthropology students through higher education are applied in the Greek labour market and how they are received by different professional sectors, such as central and local administration, private companies or NGOs. We also examine how professional rights of social anthropologists are being established, creating academic qualifications, lobbies and competitive relations among anthropology and other relevant disciplines. Furthermore, we illustrate the birth and establishment of practicing anthropology in Greece as it is being practiced in civil society institutions, local and international governmental and non-governmental organizations, especially since a proportionally big number of anthropologists are being employed in this field due to the recent European refugee crisis and the state of emergency that it brought to Greece and Europe. Through our analysis we wish to show that during the last three decades anthropology is gradually becoming socially and politically relevant in Greece. This process has started with the integration of the country in the core of European Union institutions and through the coexistence with diverse populations of migrant origins. The popularity of anthropology has been accelerated by the economic and refugee crisis of the last decade that multiplied the numbers of anthropologists working in the humanitarian sector. The discipline seems thus to come of age, with academic teaching and practicing anthropology being increasingly intertwined.
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Yushkevych, Volodymur. « Refugees from the Baltic states in the camps of Central and Western Europe in the context of the American «non-recognition policy» in the second half of the 1940’s ». Науково-теоретичний альманах "Грані" 22, no 2 (22 avril 2019) : 80–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/171925.
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The article covers one of the problematic aspects of US-Soviet relations in the first post-war years - the issue of «the controversial refugees», appeared due to non-recognition by the United States of Soviet annexation of the Baltic States and the conduct of forced repatriation by the USSR. American diplomacy during the presidency of Franklin Delano Roosevelt adhered to the «non-recognition policy», concluded in the Stimson Doctrine (January 7, 1932) and the Welles Declaration (July 23, 1940). However, declared foreign policy acts did not lead to a decrease of the level of official relations with the aggressor state. At the same time, the official Washington did not consider the Balts as citizens of the USSR and retained the diplomatic missions of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia in the United States. Under the administration of President Harry Truman, the course of non-recognition of the «voluntary entry of the three Baltic republics into the USSR» continued.It was researched that after the end of the Second World War, refugees and displaced persons from the Baltic-occupied Soviet Union were located in Austria, Italy, France and Switzerland. The large contingent was within the limits of the American occupation zone in Germany, the vast majority were immigrants from Lithuania. The attention was paid to the factors that led to the mass exodus of Lithuanians, Latvians, Estonians from 1943 to 1944. It is outlined the special place of American diaspora civic organizations in collecting of financial assistance and coordination of their activities with the US State Department. It is also defined the role of representatives of the Catholic and Protestant national churches.The researched paper contains an analysis of correspondence between the leaders of the American diplomatic missions of Lithuania (Povilas Žadeikis), Latvia (Alfrēds Bīlmanis) and Estonia (Johannes Kaiv) with the US Department of State. Baltic diplomats constantly emphasized the need to confront the Soviet propaganda machine with regard to the denial of the «voluntary Sovietization of the Baltic» and the practice of sweeping accusation of refugees in «betrayal» and «cooperation with the Germans». In turn, they pointed to the need to extend the jurisdiction and mandate of international organizations on Baltic refugees, to determine their legal status and to prevent their recognition as the Soviet citizens in some European countries.The article deals with the documental potential of the diplomatic correspondence of the US foreign policy department. Attention is drawn to the analysis of this issue in the research works of foreign historians.During the first post-war years in matter of refugees’ problem and displaced persons, it was found that American diplomacy was in search of consensus between humanitarian reasons for ensuring human rights to asylum and the fulfillment of allied obligations in course of the activities of Soviet repatriation missions. However, «Baltic refugees» were a separate category, which Americans tried not to extradite from their occupied territory to the USSR cause of their non-recognition policy of Soviet annexation of Baltic states.
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YAZGAN HADZIBULIC, Seda. « Child Refugees in Europe ». PRIZREN SOCIAL SCIENCE JOURNAL 4, no 2 (31 août 2020) : 49–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.32936/pssj.v4i2.148.
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This paper provides an overview of the literature on the current refugee crisis in Europe, which primarily focuses on the situation of refugees that are children. Due to its magnitude, the world is currently facing one of the biggest humanitarian crises it has ever witnessed. Millions of people and young children have fled their home countries and became refugees The horror of wars and conflicts has affected all of the refugees while undoubtedly, it has had a more profound and significant impact on the children refugees. The rights of these refugee children are paramount, and one of these rights is that they are provided with safety and resources that will help them cope with the crisis while also ensuring they are provided a chance to a brighter future. The United Nations Declaration of Human Rights. The European Union and the whole world have a direct responsibility to provide basic necessities such as food, shelter, education, health which can help and alleviate the mental and emotional suffering which the refugee children face. My research will focus on three important aspects of the child refugees crisis in Europe The general conditions of the children refugees, the conditions of camps especially in Italy, Greece, and Spain, and how the crisis has affected their daily lives and mental health. In the end, my conclusion will focus on the question of, what are the policies which Europe has to change which are designed to help and lead the refugee children which to a better futureThe aim of this paper to have a better understanding of children refugees in Europe and to raise global awareness about their conditions and the humanitarian crisis at hand. My research will consist of information from academic articles, published books, various websites, data from previous studies, and resources.
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López Aguilar, Juan Fernando. « El caso de Polonia en la UE : retrocesos democráticos y del estado de derecho y «dilema de Copenague» ». Teoría y Realidad Constitucional, no 38 (1 juillet 2016) : 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/trc.38.2016.18604.
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Durante las legislaturas europeas 2009-2014 y 2014-2019 la UE viene asistiendo al desafío planteado por los alarmantes signos de deterioro y retroceso de la democracia en la UE. No por casualidad esta tendencia ha coincidido con la inmersión de la Unión en la peor crisis de su historia, que arrancó en 2008 y ha venido en llamarse la «Gran Recesión» de la UE o la «glaciación» europea. Hungría ha sido durante este período el caso más paradigmático de las derivas antidemocráticas -restricciones del pluralismo político e informativo, de la independencia judicial y de la jurisdicción del TC- experimentadas por países de la UE. Pero, recientemente, Polonia ha dado muestras de un deterioro igualmente preocupante. Con todo no se trata, desgraciadamente, de casos aislados sino una tendencia cada vez más generalizada que ha recibido, según los contextos, el nombre de «putinización» u «orbanización» de Estados miembros de la UE. El presente artículo hace un recuento de los deterioros constitucionales sufridos por esos dos países y de las iniciativas que desde la UE se han puesto en marcha para seguir y dar respuesta a esos procesos. El artículo hace hincapié en los rasgos «antiliberales» o «iliberales» que caracterizan dichas democracias, así como los inherentes al auge del nacionalismo y la intolerancia y los discursos del odio, y los pone en relación con otros procesos históricos de erosión democrática en Europa, incidiendo en la dialéctica democracia vs populismo. El artículo plantea, asimismo, los conflictos que se derivan del denominado «dilema de Copenhague» y del auge de la extrema derecha a lo largo y ancho de la UE y se detiene en algunos casos como el de las restricciones de derechos a los refugiados en Dinamarca o de los retrocesos habidos en los últimos años en derechos y libertades públicas en España. El artículo concluye que los deterioros descritos están vinculados a la «gran ampliación», que supuso la adhesión a la UE de los países del Este, con el telón de fondo de una crisis económica y financiera devenida, en poco tiempo, en crisis social y de valores como consecuencia de las políticas de austeridad impuestas por un manejo insatisfactorio de la propia crisis. Ello ha redundado en una impugnación de la propia idea de construcción europea desde diversos frentes ideológicos. El artículo se detiene, finalmente, en la respuesta europea a las mencionadas derivas a través de una reivindicación de sus valores fundantes y de una protección reforzada de los mismos mediante la implementación de nuevos mecanismos que velen por la calidad democrática y del Estado de derecho en la UE como complemento de los procedimientos judiciales de tutela de los derechos fundamentales comunes a las tradiciones constitucionales comunes de los Estados miembros.During the European legislatures 2009-2014 and 2014-2019 the EU has witnessed the challenge posed by the alarming signs of deterioration and decline of democracy in the EU. Not by chance this trend has coincided with the immersion of the Union in the worst crisis in its history that began in 2008 and has been called the «Great Recession» of the EU or the European «glaciation». Over this period Hungary has been the best example of democratic backsliding in the EU but Poland has shown an equally worrying deterioration lately. Yet these are not, unfortunately, isolated cases but there is rather an increasingly widespread trend in Europe that has received, depending on the context, the name «putinization» or «orbanization». The present article recounts the constitutional deterioration experienced by those two countries and the initiatives that have been launched from the EU to follow-up and contest those processes. The article emphasizes the «anti-liberal » or «iliberal» features that characterize these democracies as well as those marks inherent to the rise of nationalism and intolerance and puts them in relation to other historical processes of democratic erosion in Europe, focusing on the dialectic democracy vs populism. The article also exposes the conflicts stemming from the so-called «Copenhagen dilemma» and the rise of the extreme right across the EU and stops in some concrete cases such as the restrictions on the rights of refugees in Denmark or the limitations which have occurred in recent years in the field of civil liberties in Spain. The article concludes that this deterioration is linked to the «great enlargement», which involved the accession to the EU of the Eastern European countries against the backdrop of a relentless financial and economic crisis that rapidly became in a social crisis and a truly crisis of values as a result of the austerity policies imposed by an unsatisfactory handling of the crisis itself. This has resulted in a challenge to the very idea of European integration coming from different ideological fronts. The article finally stops on the European response to the democratic backsliding described before by reaffirming its fundamental values and by enhancing their protection by implementing new mechanisms to ensure that the quality of democracy and the rule of law in the EU is improved complementing the national systems of judicial protection of fundamental rights legal common to the constitutional traditions of the EU Member States.
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Najslova, Lucia. « Refugees and Fish Fingers ». Anthropological Journal of European Cultures 30, no 1 (1 mars 2021) : 52–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ajec.2021.300104.
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Emancipatory narratives and acts often emerge in struggle against injustice and marginalisation. This article shows the ease with which they can be employed to justify the denial of rights. The space-time is ‘post-socialist’ Eastern Europe, more specifically, the Visegrad platform set up in the 1990s to facilitate entry of three such states into the European Union (EU). The ethnography begins in 2015, when Arab and/or Muslim refugees appeared in Europe in what most EU politicians deemed as unsettling numbers. I read moments from conversations with policymakers and activists, as well as archive material, through lenses of solidarity and sovereignty. This approach allows us to see that delegitimisation of others’ rights can well be a product of relational insecurity, in this case, frustration in the Visegrad’s ‘policy world’ with the region’s recent Westernisation.
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Bochenek, Michael Garcia. « Children's Rights as Human Rights ». Ethics & ; International Affairs 29, no 4 (2015) : 473–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679415000441.
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The image of Aylan Kurdi, a three-year-old Syrian boy who drowned on September 2, 2015, as he tried to cross the Mediterranean with his family to seek safety in Europe, may finally shock Europe and the world into offering greater protection to refugees fleeing from war and persecution in Syria and elsewhere. Aylan's death was a tragedy of a kind that has become all too familiar. In 2015 alone, thousands of people have died trying to reach European shores in unseaworthy, overcrowded boats. Many of those who drowned were children—including in a single instance an estimated one hundred children (out of a total of some eight hundred fatalities) lost in a shipwreck off the coast of Libya in April.
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Harvey, Colin J. « Dissident Voices : Refugees, Human Rights and Asylum in Europe ». Social & ; Legal Studies 9, no 3 (septembre 2000) : 367–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/096466390000900303.
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Matveevskaya, Anna S., Sergei N. Pogodin et Juntao Wang. « Problem of human rights violations during the migrant crisis in Europe ». Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Philosophy and Conflict Studies 37, no 3 (2021) : 508–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu17.2021.311.
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The aim of this study was to identify how Europe’s migrant crisis affected human rights in the European Union. It focuses on the observance of fundamental human rights in the context of migration. Violations directly related to migrants and refugees are considered. Human rights law is the most universal and general branch of law on which all other laws rely. The issue of observance of these rights becomes even more critical in regard to forced migration. While these rights are guaranteed to ‘all members of the human family’, there are conditions under which universally recognized human rights should be protected and justified with particular care. Obviously, inalienable human rights may easily be compromised when it comes to prisoners or refugees. Ensuring human rights in the European Union is based on a variety of international treaties, EU regulations and internal legislation of the member countries which have adopted high standards in the field of human rights protection. With regard to the right to asylum as an essential component of the human rights law, it can be stated that an unprecedented level of integration has enabled the EU to establish a pan-European asylum system based on the standards enshrined in the 1951 Geneva Convention and the 1967 Additional Protocol, as well as to gain considerable experience in dealing with migrants and refugees and ensuring their inalienable rights. In general, legislation in this area is constantly being improved and it reflects modern challenges and threats. The member countries of the European Union are on the way to developing a unified approach to migration policy and international protection issues. However, the asylum system is imperfect and has numerous gaps, which have been repeatedly mentioned by experts and members of the academic community even before the migrant crisis began.
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Vallinoto, Nicola. « Comments. The March of Refugees towards a Europe of Rights ». Federalist Debate 28, no 3 (1 novembre 2015) : 7–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/tfd-2015-0025.
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Sherry, Bennett G. « Cul-de-sac to the West : Human Rights and Hypocrisy between Turkey and Europe in the 1980s ». Asian Review of World Histories 7, no 1-2 (23 janvier 2019) : 177–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22879811-12340052.
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Abstract In the 1980s, over a million Iranian asylum seekers transited through Turkey on their way west, most moving through irregular migration channels. While much has been made of Turkey’s evolving role in more recent refugee crises, this literature neglects the importance of the 1980s Iranian refugee migrations in shaping the global refugee system. By connecting the story of the international human rights movement to the Ankara office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), this paper emphasizes the role of non-state actors. Based on research in the archives of the UNHCR, this paper argues that the UNHCR and Amnesty International used human rights as a tool to pressure Turkey to open its doors to Iranian refugees in the early 1980s, and that this tactic backfired when the West closed its own doors on refugees later in the decade. The result was the increased forcible return of refugees by Turkish authorities to Iran and newly restrictive asylum policies, which would shape refugee migrations through Turkey for decades. For millions of refugees, Turkey has served as transit hub on their journey west; in the 1980s, human rights hypocrisy made it a cul-de-sac.
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Muhtada, Dani, Suhadi Suhadi, In’am Zaidi et Rayyan Alkhair. « The protection of civil rights for the Shi’ite refugees of Sampang, East Java : a systemic governance approach to restore the refugees’ Rights ». Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies 12, no 2 (17 décembre 2022) : 231–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.18326/ijims.v12i2.231-256.
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Hundreds of victims of the 2012 Sunni-Shia conflict in Sampang are still living in refugee camps in Sidoarjo, East Java. They still keep the dream to return back to their home village in Sampang. Even though the majority of them have pledged to return to Sunnis in early November 2020, no one could guarantee that they can definitely return to their home village after the pledge. This article seeks to identify the factors that make it difficult for the Sampang Shia refugees to obtain their civil rights as well as to formulate strategic policies to restore these rights. This article indicates that the Shia refugees, who live in the refugee camp, have already got some of their civil rights back, including the rights to access health facilities, education and administration services. However, there are two fundamental civil rights that have not been fulfilled, namely the freedom of religion and the right to live back in their home village. It argues that two main factors prevent them from returning to their home village: strong resistance from the community and the weak role of the state. The article suggests that the government needs to employ a systemic governance approach to fully restore the civil rights of the Sampang Shia refugees.
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Kadysheva, Olga. « Cities and migration : comprehensive study of cities welcoming migrants and refugees ». Revista Tecnológica - ESPOL 34, no 1 (15 mars 2022) : 170–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.37815/rte.v34n1.919.
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In today’s globalized world of international mobility, migration is a major contributor to urbanization. Cities play a crucial role in welcoming migrants and refugees and in their integration with local societies. Cities are spaces for refugee and immigrant reception, rights protection, and inclusion in local communities. Migration represents significant challenges for city governance, social cohesion, and realisation of human rights for all. This paper is based on, and describes, UNESCO-ECCAR-GMPA-Marianna V. Vardinoyannis Foundation ongoing research project on ‘Cities Welcoming Refugees and Migrants’ launched in May 2016. The 6-year research project analysed contemporary experiences, policies, and practice of cities with a particular focus on Europe. This paper discusses the research project, its methodology, key types of data, documents and literature reviewed, and key findings. This paper discusses the trilogy of research questions: how to obtain knowledge and assessment of place, policy, and practice of cities welcoming migrants and refugees; whether there are common approaches and policies referencing values and rights; and do common approaches, policy, and practice represent a coherent values-based framework across multiple cities in Europe. The study of city experiences shows a largely common welcoming city agenda regarding the reception and integration of refugees and migrants. The research findings highlight that deliberate values and rights-based approach is the foundation of a welcoming city.
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Soriano, Encarnación, et Verónica C. Cala. « What Attitudes Toward Refugees Do Future European Teachers Have ? A Comparative Analysis between France and Spain ». Sustainability 11, no 11 (30 mai 2019) : 3066. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su11113066.
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(1) Background. The increase in international conflicts and humanitarian crises has led to an increase in the movement of people to Europe. The legal and moral commitments of the European Union require the incorporation and integration of such refugees. In this sense, the school and its teaching staff are a key agent in the challenge of integrating newly arrived students. This research analyses attitudes towards inclusive European citizenship, the recognition of rights, and feelings of threat and affective reactions, experienced by future teachers towards refugees in France and Spain. (2) Methods. The investigation was carried out through a cross-sectional survey. There were 851 participants of Spanish and French nationality. (3) Results. The French future teachers showed a lower perception of any threat, and a better predisposition towards the reception of refugees than their Spanish counterparts. Women are those who show a greater recognition of the rights of refugees, and a better predisposition to their integration in Europe. French women feel less of a threat than Spanish women, and are more affective towards refugees. The main predictor of inclusive European citizenship is a low perception of threat related to refugees. (4) Conclusions. Future teachers showed sensitivity towards the accommodation of refugees, but programs that prevent growing xenophobia and discredit towards the European Union are still necessary.
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de Boer, Tom, et Marjoleine Zieck. « The Legal Abyss of Discretion in the Resettlement of Refugees ». International Journal of Refugee Law 32, no 1 (mars 2020) : 54–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ijrl/eeaa005.
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Abstract The world is experiencing its largest refugee crisis since the Second World War, and more than ever before, the lack of an equitable burden-sharing mechanism is making itself felt: the world’s poorest States are hosting most of the refugees. The durable solution of resettlement of refugees is, in theory, the principal means of securing responsibility sharing within the framework of international refugee law. In practice, this cannot be realized since fewer than 1 per cent of the world’s refugees can be resettled annually due to the small number of available resettlement places. However, initiatives are being developed to increase the number of States that offer resettlement places to refugees and hence the number of available resettlement places. Europe, too, traditionally lagging well behind in terms of the number of resettlement places it offers, is endeavouring to contribute more places. It must nonetheless be noted that Europe’s increasing support for resettlement is paired with a policy of extraterritorialization of asylum claims and minimization of ‘spontaneous’ refugee arrivals. If Europe indeed aims to replace the regular asylum system with controlled refugee resettlement, this will raise issues of access to asylum. While the current Common European Asylum System contains a plethora of procedural and substantive rights for asylum seekers, resettlement – due to its essentially discretionary nature – appears to take place in a legal void, that is, it appears to suffer from arbitrariness in the selection of refugees and a lack of procedural rights and legal remedies for the refugees involved in the resettlement process. The question is whether this is also the case with the European Union (EU) resettlement proposals and, if so, whether this can be sustained from a legal point of view. This article reviews these proposals, along with the current practice of refugee selection by EU Member States, and analyses them from a refugee rights perspective. It examines whether EU initiatives affect the discretionary nature of resettlement, and specifically analyses whether the 1950 European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms and the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union apply to the resettlement procedures of EU Member States and, if so, what rights could be invoked by the refugees involved under those instruments.
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Williams, Bhanu, Christine Cassar, Georgie Siggers et Sebastian Taylor. « Medical and social issues of child refugees in Europe ». Archives of Disease in Childhood 101, no 9 (28 juillet 2016) : 839–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/archdischild-2016-310657.
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In mid-2015, there were an estimated 20.2 million refugees in the world; over half of them are children. Globally, this is the highest number of refugees moving across borders in 20 years. The rights of refugee children to access healthcare and be free from arbitrary detention are enshrined in law. Unaccompanied asylum-seeking children have a statutory medical assessment, but refugee children arriving with their families do not. Paediatricians assessing both unaccompanied and accompanied refugee children must be alert to the possibilities of nutritional deficiencies, infectious diseases, dental caries and mental health disorders and be aware of the national and international health guidance available for support.
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Plotnikova, M. V. « The role of The Development Bank of The Council of Europe in the social integration of refugees and persons in need of temporary protection ». Analytical and Comparative Jurisprudence, no 5 (30 décembre 2022) : 429–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2788-6018.2022.05.79.
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The article deals with a common problem for the member states of the Council of Europe related to a large number of displaced persons who find themselves in a new society, which determines the processes of integration of refugees and persons in need of temporary protection. Due to the aggression of the Russian Federation, there is a new wave of displaced persons in European countries who, in accordance with EU law, may be granted the status of a person in need of temporary protection. It is determined that integration is a process that should be influenced through the implementation of appropriate public policies. Integration of migrants and persons in need of temporary protection will make their social exclusion impossible. To accelerate the integration processes, the States need resources, one of the sources of which is the Council of Europe Development Bank. The legal status of the Development Bank of the Council of Europe, which is a financial institution whose main purpose is to perform social tasks, in particular to solve problems related to the presence of refugees, is investigated. The Council of Europe Development Bank was established through the signing of a partial agreement of the Council of Europe, which allows states to choose to participate in this agreement or not. It is advisable for Ukraine to become a member of the Council of Europe Development Bank in order to use the appropriate financial mechanisms to realize the rights of internally displaced persons. The sources of formation of the fund and directions of their use are determined. One of the target funds of the Council of Europe Development Bank is the Migrants and Refugees Fund, which supports the member states of the Council of Europe Development Bank in accommodating migrants and refugees arriving on their territory by providing grants and loans to these states. This provides additional resources for the social integration of refugees and persons in need of temporary protection. These resources are needed for social assistance, accommodation of these persons, medical care, language courses, etc. that will ensure their social integration into the society of the host country. Thus, the Development Bank of the Council of Europe is an element of the system of guarantees of the rights of refugees and persons in need of temporary protection, helping member states to implement policies of integration of these persons.
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Sarmadi, Mehdi Abbasi, et Reza Asadi Khomami. « Future of Human rights in Europe : Opportunity or Threat ». European Journal of Social Science Education and Research 3, no 4 (1 décembre 2016) : 178. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/796tak78s.
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One of the fundamental pillars for the idea of unity in the Europe has been Human rights issues.in the introduction of the text of the European Convention of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms has been Emphasized that The aim of the Council of Europe is to create more unity between its members and protection and further realization of human rights and fundamental freedoms, are ways to reach its fulfillment. The flood of refugees to European countries has created problems for them; Anti-immigrant movement in Europe is emerging which May be undermined the fundamental freedoms and human rights considered by European countries that compiled the convention. On the other hand; whisper of separation from united Europe In some countries is heard. Activity of anti-immigrant groups can lead to reduction of freedom and can help to those countries which have a tendency to separate. Just as maintain and realization of human rights created united Europe; whether human rights is opportunity or threat for the united Europe? The article opens with a discussion of the role of human rights in Formation of European Union; it then offers a critique of policies that reduced the Fundamental Freedoms. The article closes with a discussion of the future of human rights in Europe.
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Koca, Burcu Togral. « Bordering Practices Across Europe : The Rise of “Walls” and “Fences” ». Migration Letters 16, no 2 (5 avril 2019) : 183–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182//ml.v16i2.634.
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This article explores the recent bordering practices across and around Europe, with a specific focus on the construction of walls and fences. Since the outbreak of the Syrian war in 2011, thousands of refugees fleeing persecution have risked their lives crossing dangerous maritime and land borders while attempting to reach Europe. In the face of this intensification of refugee movements and the subsequent mass death around the borders, European countries have decided to erect more walls and fences instead of offering a protection to refugees. Rather than a novel theoretical and conceptual framework, this article seeks to subject these bordering practices and their material and discursive underpinnings to critical–analytical scrutiny, drawing on the frameworks offered by critical border studies. Concomitantly, it reflects on the detrimental impacts these practices are having on the rights of refugees and problematizes the approaches of European countries vis-à-vis present-day refugee movements.
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Mahrdt, Helgard. « Refugees and Europe : a dilemma or a turning point ? » Studier i Pædagogisk Filosofi 4, no 2 (5 avril 2016) : 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/spf.v4i2.22548.
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<p>Europe is facing a wave of refugees and migrants. To solve the many inherent problems is primarily a <span style="text-decoration: underline;">practical political</span> task. However, there are existential experiences, democratic values, human attitudes, and political principles involved, and I am going to look particularly to the following three aspects of the refugee crisis, 1) the existential (I refer to the philosopher Martin Heidegger and to the political thinker Hannah Arendt), 2) the political (I turn to the EU’s steps for a common refugee policy), and 3) the legal (I refer to Immanuel Kant’s notion of hospitality and Seyla Benhabib’s notes on Human Rights). Finally, I will make a concluding remark on education’s task (I refer to Hannah Arendt’s and Aristotle’s notion of <em>philia</em>).</p>
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Rakhmonov, A. Kh. « Refugees as a new emigration channel from Tajikistan to Western and Eastern Europe ». UPRAVLENIE / MANAGEMENT (Russia) 10, no 2 (28 juin 2022) : 88–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.26425/2309-3633-2022-10-2-88-94.
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The article examines the situation with refugees during the civil war in Tajikistan after the collapse of the USSR. The factors and scale of refugees and features of asylum seekers from Tajikistan are considered. The scale and prospects for the development of the flow of refugees and asylum seekers from Tajikistan to Western and Eastern Europe are investigated. Every year, a huge number of people leave their homes due to armed conflicts, wars, poverty, and persecution on various grounds. One of the reasons for the refugees influx from Tajikistan to other countries is the civil war in the republic. After the collapse of the USSR, a power struggle between nationalists and Islamists began in Tajikistan that led to a civil war. The emergence of the refugees flow from Tajikistan to other countries is related with the civil war in the republic. Another reason is the ban by the Tajik authorities of two major opposition organisations – the Group of 24 and the Islamic Renaissance Party of Tajikistan (IRPT). Among the Tajik political refugees who received asylum in European countries, there are also former migrant workers who worked in Russia. Deportations, decline in earnings after the 2015 currency crisis, and tightening of Russia’s migration policy towards migrants from Tajikistan forced some migrants to reorient themselves in other countries, primarily in European countries, the United States and Canada. There are cases of deliberate destruction of their passports by Tajik migrants when moving to Germany, followed by an appeal to the authorities under the guise of refugees from Afghanistan (since both Tajiks and Afghans speak Farsi (Dari)) to obtain refugee status and corresponding benefits in Germany. Among asylum seekers from Tajikistan in European countries, political asylum is the most popular. The purpose of the article is to identify trends and prospects for the development of asylum as a new emigration channel from Tajikistan to the countries of Western and Eastern Europe.
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Buysse, Lieven, et Pascal Rillof. « Civil Rights and Participating in Today's Multilingual Europe ». FITISPos International Journal 6, no 1 (30 avril 2019) : 12–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.37536/fitispos-ij.2019.6.1.232.
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Abstract: Today’s European society is incrementally superdiverse, which raises all sorts of challenges as well as concerns about the degrees to which people from varying backgrounds can be integrated in society. Key to such integration is access to public services, since precisely these facilities cater for people’s basic needs and guarantee that they can exercise their civil rights. All too often language barriers pose an insurmountable obstacle to adequate service provision in many vital areas such as healthcare, social welfare, and education. Legislative frameworks should be developed, both at a supranational and a national level in order to establish the right to high-performing public service interpreting and translation, and more generally, policy frameworks for effective communication with anyone appealing to public services.Resumen: La sociedad europea actual es cada vez más diversa, lo que desencadena toda clase de retos e inquietudes acerca del nivel en el que personas con distintos orígenes pueden integrarse en la sociedad. El acceso a los servicios públicos es un elemento clave en este proceso, ya que precisamente en estas instalaciones se responden ante las necesidades básicas de los ciudadanos y se garantiza que puedan ejercer sus derechos civiles. Las barreras lingüísticas con frecuencia plantean muros insuperables a la hora de proporcionar servicios en áreas básicas, como la sanidad, la asistencia social y la educación. Deben desarrollarse marcos legislativos tanto a nivel supranacional como nacional para establecer el derecho a una traducción e interpretación eficiente en los servicios públicos y, de forma más general, marcos políticos destinados a garantizar una comunicación efectiva para todo aquel que recurra a un servicio público
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Shiblak, Abbas. « Residency Status and Civil Rights of Palestinian Refugees in Arab Countries ». Journal of Palestine Studies 25, no 3 (1996) : 36–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2538257.
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Shiblak, Abbas. « Residency Status and Civil Rights of Palestinian Refugees in Arab Countries ». Journal of Palestine Studies 25, no 3 (avril 1996) : 36–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.1996.25.3.00p01237.
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Riabovolyk, Tetiana, Ilona Androshchuk et Nataliia Pitel. « EMPLOYMENT OF REFUGEES FROM UKRAINE DURING THE WAR : PROBLEMS AND PROSPECTS ». Baltic Journal of Legal and Social Sciences, no 3 (2 décembre 2022) : 70–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2592-8813-2022-3-9.
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This paper describes the pecularities of employment of refugees from Ukraine in the European countries during the war. The main directions of migration of refugees are analyzed. It is established that the most refugees are located in Poland. The main features of the employment of Ukrainian refugees in Poland, the fields of their employment, were studied. The main trends in the development of the labor market are analyzed, taking into account the forced migration of Ukrainians. The peculiarities of the rights of Ukrainians in Poland after their arrival on February 24, 2022 were studied. The results of a survey of Ukrainians regarding the conditions of their stay in Poland, impressions of the key areas of life are presented. It was established that the influx of refugees from Ukraine to Europe is the largest wave of migration since the Second World War. It has been established that the level of education and qualifications of Ukrainian refugees is quite high, and that is why they quickly find work in Europe. As a result, this wave of migration could have a negative effect on the labour potential of Ukraine, given the high probability of non-return of Ukrainain refugees, especially for youth.
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Leuprecht, Peter. « Le Conseil de l'Europe et les droits des minorités ». Les droits des minorités linguistiques 27, no 1 (12 avril 2005) : 203–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/042735ar.
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This survey deals with the problem of linguistic diversity in Europe. In what way does the Council of Europe react to what is commonly called there the « new minorities » composed of immigrants and refugees ? The Director for Human Rights at the Council of Europe first covers guarantees provided to members of minorities under the European Convention on Human Rights (article 14), then describes attempts made by the Council of Europe to protect minorities as such. As for the new minorities, the Council is taking action to favour intercultural education. Its policy aims a both preserving European languages in their diversity and encouraging multilingualism which is of such nature as to facilitate communication and understanding between different peoples
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Bloch, Alice. « The Importance of Convention Status : A Case Study of the UK ». Sociological Research Online 6, no 1 (mai 2001) : 15–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.580.
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Convention status accords refugees social and economic rights and security of residence in European countries of asylum. However, the trend in Europe has been to prevent asylum seekers reaching its borders, to reduce the rights of asylum seekers in countries of asylum and to use temporary protection as a means of circumventing the responsibility of long-term resettlement. This paper will provide a case study of the United Kingdom. It will examine the social and economic rights afforded to different statuses in the areas of social security, housing, employment and family reunion. It will explore the interaction of social and economic rights and security of residence on the experiences of those seeking protection. Drawing on responses to the crisis in Kosovo and on data from a survey of 180 refugees and asylum seekers in London it will show the importance of Convention status and the rights and security the status brings.
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de Araújo Oliveira, Pedro Carlos. « Vulnerabilidade de refugiados venezuelanos durante a pandemia : atuação de organizações da sociedade civil ». Revista Jurídica da UFERSA 6, no 11 (janvier 2022) : 102–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.21708/issn2526-9488.v6.n11.p102-120.2022.
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It deals with the development of actions in favor of Venezuelan refugees by civil society organizations during the coronavirus pandemic in Brazil. It aims to identify how civil society develops actions to ensure a core of minimum survival conditions for Venezuelan refugees.The method of qualitative and exploratory analysis was adopted, in which bibliographic and doc-umentary sources are used. The research was devel-oped with the aim of describing the condition of vul-nerability that the refugee experiences; then, the im-pacts that the pandemic caused on Venezuelan refu-gees and the state action in the development of pub-lic policies are demonstrated; Finally, the role of civil society organizations in the elaboration of strategies so that refugees could have access to food, housing, emotional support and defense of rights was dis-cussed. It is concluded that the participation of civil society in the elaboration of actions was fundamental to support Venezuelan refugees during the corona-virus pandemic. Refugees make up a group of vulner-able people and face great difficulties in accessing health care and in realizing their rights; associated with these conditions, the lockdown directly affected the lives of these people who saw their income re-duce and had difficulties accessing public services and benefits.
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RUBIN, GIL S. « VLADIMIR JABOTINSKY AND POPULATION TRANSFERS BETWEEN EASTERN EUROPE AND PALESTINE ». Historical Journal 62, no 2 (16 novembre 2018) : 495–517. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x18000419.
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AbstractDrawing on new archival findings, this article argues that shortly after the outbreak of the Second World War, Vladimir Jabotinsky, founder and leader of the right-wing Revisionist Zionist movement, had begun to advocate for the transfer of the Arab population from Palestine – an aspect of his thought previously unknown. Jabotinsky's support for population transfers runs counter to his lifelong political thought. Prior to the war, Jabotinsky was a staunch advocate of minority rights for Jews in Europe and for extensive autonomy for the Arab population in Palestine. This article argues that Jabotinsky's shift was a product of the war. Jabotinsky believed that millions of Jewish refugees would be prevented from returning to their pre-war homes in eastern Europe and would immigrateen masseto Palestine; to resettle these refugees, the Arab population, he argued, ‘would have to make room’. Attentively following debates on population transfers in Europe, Jabotinsky concluded that the era of minority rights had come to an end and envisioned an increasingly ethno-national Jewish state. By highlighting the eastern Europe context in Jabotinsky's thought, this article emphasizes the importance of studying the history of Zionism alongside the transformation of the nation-state in eastern Europe in the 1940s.
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Galenkamp, Marlies. « Do we need special, collective rights for immigrants and refugees in Western Europe ? » Citizenship Studies 2, no 3 (novembre 1998) : 501–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13621029808420695.
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John-Langba, Vivian Nasaka. « Implications and opportunities of the international refugee protection regime for national human rights institutions in Africa ». African Human Rights Law Journal 22, no 1 (11 août 2022) : 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1996-2096/2022/v22n1a3.
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The upsurge in the global numbers of refugees and asylum seekers since 2015 and the resultant protection failures witnessed particularly in Europe led to renewed debates on the need to reform the refugee protection regime to identify pathways that would enhance protection. Key in these debates was the need to identify actors that could enhance the refugee protection regime, including accountability for failures to protect. Among such actors identified are national human rights institutions. This article situates NHRIs within the nexus between international human rights law and international refugee law to frame an understanding of their role in the refugee protection regime. It then considers the evolution of the international refugee protection regime in light of the emergence of NHRIs and critically reviews their positioning with reference to the mandate of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and the Global Compacts on Refugees and Migration. Specific opportunities at the African regional level are subsequently discussed to support the assertion that NHRIs can perform a specific role in promoting the effective implementation of refugee rights, including as avenues for state accountability.
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WEINSTEIN, HARVEY M., et ERIC STOVER. « Asylum Evaluations—The Physician's Dilemma ». Cambridge Quarterly of Healthcare Ethics 11, no 3 (17 mai 2002) : 303–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963180102210129.
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In the following paper, Annemiek Richters of the University of Leiden in the Netherlands addresses the dilemmas faced by health professionals who are asked to evaluate and provide supporting documentation for those refugees who seek political asylum in the countries of Europe. It is in the politically charged arena of asylum applications, government regulations, and public policy where bioethics, human rights, and health converge. Despite the 1951 Convention on Refugees, a treaty signed by nations around the world to safeguard the rights of those who are displaced, and other treaties that protect the rights of vulnerable populations, refugee and asylum policies have become increasingly strict in an effort to deter those who would seek safety. This tightening of borders in the countries of the West challenges physicians who find themselves caught between obligations to treat, to advocate, and to challenge policies that make treatment a potentially dangerous proposition. Unfortunately, the World Trade Center attacks have exacerbated the problem by labeling asylees and refugees as potential terrorists and subject to deportation.
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Wilmer, S. E. « The Danger of the Foreign ». Athena : filosofijos studijos 17 (30 décembre 2022) : 188–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.53631/athena.2022.17.13.
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According to Roberto Esposito, refugees have been represented as a pathological danger to Europe. Thus, we can consider the nation-state as a biopolitical power immunizing itself from certain refugees, especially those from the global south, denying their human rights, preventing them from becoming citizens or even from entering their country. This article explores not only the mechanisms by which the nation-state immunizes itself against the refugee, but it also considers countervailing strategies proposed by philosophers and creative artists for new forms of community.
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Blockmans, Wim. « Civil Rights and Political Participation in Ancien Régime Europe ». Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 65, no 3 (2020) : 842–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2020.309.
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After the Second World War, a wave of euphoria fostered an international consensus that led to the creation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the European Treaty for Human Rights, and institutions safeguarding their application. In the early 21st century, however, these great ideals and even parliamentary democracy appear to be open to various forms of manipulation tending to the restriction of its own constitutional rights and functions. This paper retraces the long-term genesis of these concepts which emerged in the course of a centuries-long development that is uniquely European. A constant tension can be observed between the difficult formulation of fundamental rights of subjects, originally on a local and regional basis, and the effectiveness of the institutions created to control governments. The growth of cities, which acquired various levels of autonomy and autarchy, was fundamental to make it possible that immunities and particular privileges similar to those of clerics and aristocrats were extended to the new communities. The periods of urban growth, and the density of cities within particular territories, determined which balance of powers was stabilised. The earliest and most intense wave of urbanisation, in North and Central Italy from the 10th to the 13th century, brought civil rights and privileges for local communes, but also domination of the largest cities as they absorbed or eliminated all potentially countervailing powers. In other regions, various balances were attained between the prevailing seigneurial interests and those of urban communities.
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Fontanari, Elena, et Maurizio Ambrosini. « Into the Interstices : Everyday Practices of Refugees and Their Supporters in Europe’s Migration ‘Crisis’ ». Sociology 52, no 3 (juin 2018) : 587–603. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038038518759458.
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This article investigates the interconnections between migration to Europe for asylum and the multiple ‘crises’ of the border regime that have occurred in recent decades. Drawing on 22 months of ethnographic research with refugees in Italy and Germany, the article highlights the tensions between migration policy and legislation at the structural level and the agency of refugees. The case study focuses on a protest staged by refugees in Berlin and the active involvement of its civil-society supporters. The everyday practices of refugees, including building relationships with local residents, cross-border mobility within Europe and ‘inhabiting’ the grey zones where different national jurisdictions intersect, generate frictions that open up spaces of autonomy: the ‘interstices’. Territorial, social and judicial interstices develop out of the power relations in Europe’s migration ‘battleground’.
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Bulley, Dan. « Shame on EU ? Europe, RtoP, and the Politics of Refugee Protection ». Ethics & ; International Affairs 31, no 1 (2017) : 51–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679416000666.
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The EU's politics of protecting refugees through deals such as that struck with Turkey in 2016 have been vilified by human rights campaigners. This article asks whether a full engagement with the Responsibility to Protect (RtoP) could offer the EU a way out of its current ethical and political malaise. It argues against such a proposition for two reasons. First, the EU already proclaims a long list of values that it asserts both contributed to its founding and continues to guide its actions; the addition of RtoP, which contains no obligations to protect refugees in other territories, would add little. Second, when the logic underlying the EU and RtoP's politics of protection are examined, a similarity emerges which would make such supplementation redundant. Both primarily entail a solidarity with, and a bolstering of, the sovereign capacity of the modern state. All that is offered to refugees, and other suffering populations, is a minimalist humanitarian solidarity through the “outsourcing” of protection. Neither the EU's ethos nor RtoP can therefore provide the firm ethical grounds from which to build protection for the figure most clearly failed by modern states—the refugee.
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Magalhães, Manuela, et Ana Campina. « Migrants and Refugees in European Union : “Warm Peace”, Human Rights Education and Political Sustainability ». Journal of Education and Training Studies 6, no 11a (29 novembre 2018) : 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/jets.v6i11a.3798.
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Considering the EU position and their state member facing serious Human Rights violation as well as a political complex diplomatic development (inside and outside) the European context. Holocaust has obliged millions of European citizens to “escape” from their own countries to be able to survive. The political consequences of this movement were controlled based on the diplomacy considering the war context and each state “position”. Due the most different reasons, along the 20th century the migration in, from and to Europe was an important and strong social movement but without a negative global political impact but economical. However, the last decade, especially after 2010 with the “Spring Arab” revolutions in Middle East and North Africa, Europe has been the destination of millions - illegal migrants and Refugees.
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Vandevoordt, Robin. « Eroding Rights, Crafting Solidarity ? Shifting Dynamics in the State–Civil Society Nexus in Flanders and Brussels ». Social Inclusion 7, no 2 (27 juin 2019) : 106–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v7i2.2010.
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In 2015, hundreds of new civil initiatives emerged to provide stopgap help to refugees arriving in Belgium. This article zooms out from this moment of solidarity and explores the broader socio-political conditions that allowed these initiatives to emerge and, in some cases, solidify into professional service-providers or powerful political actors. The article focuses on two case studies, one in Flanders and one in Brussels. In Flanders, the Hospitable Network brings together local civil initiatives which have drawn upon the networks and skills of senior citizens with considerable experience in civic associations, NGOs and social movements. While these initiatives have partly filled the gaps that were created by a series of neoliberal reforms in Flanders’ citizenship regime, the same neoliberal outlook has prevented these initiatives from being institutionalised. In Brussels, the Citizen Platform for the Support of Refugees has mobilised largely among the city’s super-diverse population. The Platform’s development has been shaped by Brussels’ continuing attractiveness to immigrants, as well as by the city’s complex governance structure, which has provided it with both material support and increasing opposition. As a result, the Platform has become a highly visible political actor offering partly professionalised support to refugees.